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A96507 Truths triumph, or Treachery anatomized, being an impartiall discovery of the false, and treacherous information of M. Masterson, pretended minister of Christ at Shoreditch, against L.C.J. Lilburne, and I. Wildman, at the Lords Barre, January 18. 1647. concerning a meeting of severall honest men, in East Smithfield, Ian. 17. &c. In relation to which information, the said L.C. Lilburne stands committed to the Tower, and J. Wildman to the Fleet. With a true narrative of all the passages and discourses that passed at the said meeting, / as it was delivered at the Bar of the House of Commons, by J. Wildman, Ian. 19. 1647. Iohn VVildman. Wildman, John, Sir, 1621?-1693. 1648 (1648) Wing W2173; Thomason E520_33; ESTC R206186 24,304 20

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the Lords Sons shall have either so much wisedom or honesty as to be fi● Subjects of any power much lesse of that supream trust of the Lawgiving power And as to the evills that have ensued upon the Lords exercise of that Law giving power I spake my opinion as freely I told them that in reason their claim to that power was the occasion of all the innocent blood that hath been split in England Jf the Ordinance in Feb. 1642. for setling the Militia of the kingdome had been put in execution when it was first sent up to the Lords for their concurrence the King could never have raised an Army but their assuming to themselves a power co-ordinate with this Honourable House and then refusing when this Honourable House sent againe and againe and againe to passe that Ordinance thes etheir delayes and preventions of setling the Militia gave both time and opportunity to the King to raise an Army and then this Honourable House was compelled for the peoples defence to raise an Armie also and ingage in war I might have added that the Lords did never then consent to that Ordinance untill See 1 part book Decl. pag. 364 548. Mr. Hollis demanded in a manner the names of those Lords at the barre which would not concurre and desired that those Lords which would joyne with the Commons to save the Kingdome would take some course to discover themselves and also shewed them a Petition to the Commons desiring that such Lords would sit and vote with them as one intire c Body But this I did adde that we had most sad experience now of late of the dangerous consequence of their claime to that Power they exposed the Kingdome againe to Bloud and Confusion by delaying so long to passe those gallant Votes of this Honourable house against the King by that meanes the people which are discontented at those Votes have time to ruminate and chew upon their discontents and the fire of their displeasure hath time to kindle and no man knowes into what flames it may breake forth and therefore I conceive there is no possible meanes to preserve the Nation from ruine unlesse there be speedy acting and proceedings according to the good beginnings of this Honourable House Some other discourse happened accidentally about the reasons of that suddaine Change which appeared in Lieut. Generall Cromwell and Commissary Generall Ireton that they now declare against any addresses to be made to the King or received from him whereas they have pleaded That they were engaged to preserve the Kings person and establish him in his just Power Hereupon a story was related by a Gentleman at the Meeting to which I was an auditor he said he had credible information that a gallant honest Gentleman of the House of Commons whose father was a Knight had certaine intelligence That the King had promised Lieutenant Generall Cromwell to give a blue Ribband and a George and make him Earle of Essex And that Commissary Ireton should be either Field-Marshall or some such great Officer in Ireland and that his owne Son should be Bod-chamber man to the Prince And hereupon his Spirit was so moved that hee resolved he would rather become another Felton to Cromwell then suffer his Country to be betrayed and all honest men destroyed And that he had prepared himselfe with Pistoll and Dagger for that purpose onely hee revealed his mind to another Member of the Commons House which disswaded him from attempting the execution of his purpose and that Lieutenant Generall Cromwell had intelligence of this and presently a Fast or day of Humiliation was called and so the great change ensued After this I spake my thoughts to this effect That I knew not what influence any such Circumstances might have upon the spirit of Lieutenant Generall Cromwell but I rather conceived that the change was upon this occasion viz. That the Presbyterian Scots considering that Lieutenant Generall Cromwell was no friend to them and that the King was possessed with deadly hatred against them and having intelligence that the King relyed upon the Lieutenant Generall to make his termes for him with this Honourable house and well weighing the danger to which they were exposed by two such potent Enemies or rather one such impla●able opposer backed with a potent Army were inforced in respect to their owne preservation to attempt the breaking of that designe and prevent the Kings comming in upon the Armies or Lieutenant Generall his interest thereupon though they were no reall Friends to the Kings negative voyce or to his pretended right to the Militia and would not allow the King in their owne Kingdome a negative voyce to their Lawes in the least Punctilio nor the least shadow of Power in disposing of their Militia yet a necessity was upon them to out-bid Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell and to offer both a Negative voyce and a Militia to the King in this Kingdome That so the King might be induced to cast himselfe upon them and presume to come in upon their interest hereupon the King as hee said at Ouburne accepted his best bargaine and tooke their proffer who bad most for him and then the tenders of the Lieutenant Generall being rejected hee was necessitated to ingage with this Honourable house in those Votes that there should neither any addresses be made further to him nor any received from him And when I consider how zealously Commissary Generall Ireton hath formerly endeavoured the renewing addresses unto the King and that there should be another manner of addresse made to him then was by the Proposions sent to Newcastle and when hee was reflected upon by some of the Generall Councell at Putney as having occasioned the sence of the Army to be misrepresented to this Honourable house viz. That it desired a new addresse to be made to the King hee professed that if he did not thinke it to be the sence of the Army hee would loath and abhorre the Army and detest to continue with them for a day When I consider these things and mind that the same Gentleman should be the first or second man in this Honourable house which should move that no more addresses should be made to or received from the King I cannot imagine that this so great a turne should be upon any other then a private interest After this one at the meeting moved a Question viz. Whether it be not needfull to frame something speedily to present to the Parliament to incourage them to proceed according to those good Votes against the King late passed the rather because the large Petition will be a long time before it be presented Unto this I answered That I conceived the large Petition contained those Principles upon which this Honourable house must proceed in case those late Votes be prosecuted and doubtlesse that Petition is knowne to be abroad by every active Member of this Honourable house and in case the people shall freely joyne in that Petition it will more
in them and the removall of such a particular grievance is not worth blood or the hazzarding of a warre by continuing our divisions Unto this J added present necessitie did now call upon every man to stirre up all his strength in endeavouring such an union of the people in the principles of common right and freedom I told them that they felt by sad experience that trading was decayed and the price of food so excessive that it would even rend any pittifull heart to heare and see the cryes and teares of the poore who professe they are almost readie to famish and while our divisions continue and there be no settlement of the principles of freedome and iustice trading will but more decay every day Rumours and feares of Warre and the Army comming now into the City makes M●rchants unwilling to trust their goods in the City and exchange beyond sea falles and there will be no importing of goods and then there will be no exporting and so the staple commodities of the Kingdome which maintaines the constant trade will not tend to the advantage of the labourers and then most of the poore in the Kingdom which live by spinning carding c. will be ready to perish by famine Upon this occasion I told them what I heard at my Inn at the Sarrazens head in Friday street viz. that some Clothiers of Wiltshire came in who professed that trading was so dead that some of them who set at work formerly a 100. did not now set at work above a dozen or the like and that the poor did gather together in troops of 10. 20. 30. in the Roades and seized upon Corne as it was carrying to market and devided it among themselves before the owners faces telling them they could not starve and hereupon J inserted that in probabilitie a suddain confusion would follow if a speedie settlement were not procured But J further told them that J conceived no other probable way of preventing a new warre with the Scots and other forraigners but by uniting the people in the principles of common right and freedome wherein all are equally concerned and J said I believed it was intended that the large Petition should be sent into all parts of the Kingdome that if it be possible all might joyn in those desires And if God should be so propitious to this Nation then the Scots would dispaire of any Partizens or assistants amongst us and so would be more catious in adventuring to ingage in warre against us Now having thus convinced them of the necessity and their duty to put forth their utmost vigor in endeavouring the settlement of their freedomes I also attempted to demonstrate to them that there was no legall iustifiable way wherein they could seek for their freedomes or redresse of their common grievances but by petitioning this honourable House I told them there was no other visible Authority to whom they could seek or which is intrusted by the people with power to redresse their grievances or to make or repeale Lawes for the vindication clearing and securing their native rights and liberties and therefore their interest was involved and bound up in the interest of this house and though some Members of this House did not as we feared so intend pnblique good as we could wish yet if this visible authority was not supported and preserved from contempt a generall confusion would follow and the nation be laid wast desolate and by these or words to this effect the scruples were cleared After this there was occasion offered accidentally to discourse of the Lords Legislative or lawgiving power both of the rights and of the mischieses which have ensued upon their exercise of it and there I spake my opinion I told them I conceived they had no legall right to such a co-ordinate power in making Lawes with this Honourable House and I induced for a proof the Declaration of this House wherein you have given us a transcription of the Kings Oath out of the Records and averre that the King is sworn to passe and confirme by his authority such lawes as the people shall chuse * See their Rem of May 26. 1642. book decl pag. 712. 713. It was but a formality that lawes have bin carried to the King for his assent for it was wont usually to be done the last day of the Parl. and so his passing the Bills or lawes dissolved the Parl. and therfore observe when the King passed any Bill since this Parl. there is a proviso in the Act that the passing that Bill shall not dissolve the present session of Parl. See a little book of the manner of holding parl pag. 54 55. See the Arm. decl of Iune 14. 1647 book decl pag. 43. or as in the old translation the folkes or Commons shall chuse whereby the Lords are totally excluded from any interest in or right to the Legislative power seeing they neither professe themselves to be Commoners personally or to represent the Commons And thence J inferred that it was further evident from that Oath that the King himself had no right to the Law-making power for this Honourable House hath asserted and proved that he hath no legall power to dissent from the laws that you make then its irrational to imagine that there need be any assent or that it should be of any validity and hence J concluded that there was no colour of the Lords right to that power They are created Lords solely by the Kings will and sit by vertue of his pattent and the King himself being not intrusted with any share in that supream lawgiving power his pattents cannot invest the Lords with that power or trust And I yet further added that the law giving power is arbitrary in its own nature and to estate an arbitrary power in any whatsoever during life is inconsistent with freedome and with a iust government of a people by written lawes and renders any * State wheresoever it is no other then a Tyranny and the people no better then Vassalls but much more is it incompatible with a shadow of freedome to have such an arbitrary power discend in any Line from Generation to Generation forever Yea I told them that I conceived this was contrary to the common light of nature the very end of Government and the expresse words of the Scripture It s said Rom. 13. 4. That the Magistrate is the Minister of God for good now that implyes that persons which are intrusted with such power ought to be so qualified and accomplished that they may be sutable to exercise and improve their power for good otherwise the very end of Government is subverted Now how is it possible that there should be any assurance that a father furnished and compleated with all excellencys shall have an heire indowed with the least abilitie or capacitie of governing what 's more common then that the wisest Salomon may have an unworthy Rehoboam for his successour no man can promise that