make a Law somewhat short of a full freedom and yet outreaching that of Bondage which we since have commended to posterity under the Forest-Charter And yet for all that it proved a hard matter for Kings to hunt by Law and the Law it self is a Yoke somewhat too heavy for a Commonwealth to bear in old age if self-denying Majesty shall please to take it away CHAP. XXXV Concerning Judges in Courts of Justice THus far of the several Tribes and numbers of this Commonwealth which like so many Conduit-heads derived the influence of Government through the whole body of this Island and in every of which Judiciary power acted it self in all Causes arising within the verge of that Precinct some of which had more extraordinary trial before the King and his Council of Lords according as the parties concerned were of greater degree or the Cause of more publick concernment Examples hereof are the Cases between the Bishop of Winchester and Leoftin in Aetheldred's time and between the two Bishops of Winchester and Durham in Edward's time But custom made this Court stoop to smaller game in latter times and to reach at the practice of the County-Court by sending the Kings Writs to remove certain Causes from the cognizance of those rural Judicatories to their sublime determination And thus became the Council of Lords as an Oracle to the whole Nation and the King amongst the rest as the Priest that many times rendred the Answer or Sentence of that Oracle in his own sense and had it confirmed to him by an Oath se judicium rectum in Regno facturum justitiam per concilium procerum regni sui tenturum so as though he was the first in view yet the Council of Lords was the first in nature and the Cynosure to direct his tongue and actions From this Fountain issued also streams of Judicature into all parts by Judges itinerant under the Kings Commission to reform errors punish defaults in the ordinary rural Judicatories and to dissolve hard and knotty Cases and these were occasioned at the instance of the party and Alfred whose birth this was sent them forth in way of Association with the Sheriff Lord of the Fee or other ordinary Magistrate CHAP. XXXVI Of the Proceedings in Judicature by Indictment Appeal Presentment and Action FOr the proceedings in course the Saxons were wont to begin with matters belonging to the Church and afterward to Secular causes in which if the matters were criminal the most ancient way of proceeding was by Appeal of the party complaining But afterward in cases that concerned Damage Injury or Violence done to the Body of a man or his Estate the King was found to be therein prejudiced besides the prejudice immediately done to the Subject for a man disabled in Body or Estate is disabled to serve the King and the Publick and upon this ground a way was found out to punish the offender by Indictment besides the satisfaction done to the party wronged The proceedings against such Delinquents were by attachment of the party who thereupon gave Pledges for his appearance If the party could not be found a fugam fecit was returned and that was a conviction in Law and pursuit was made after the party by Huy and Cry. If he was thereby taken the ancient way was that of Hallifax-Law but in latter times he was imprisoned or admitted to Bail if the offences were bailable and if the party bailed made default or did not abide the Trial his Bail suffered as Principal If no Bail could be procured the Delinquent was imprisoned till he was legally acquitted but this imprisonment was only in nature of restraint If the Delinquent was found upon the Huy and Cry and would not yield himself he was in repute a common Enemy and as a Wolf any man might kill him as the Law was also the same in case of Vtlary At the time of tryal if at the Kings suit the Delinquent was indicted in this manner by any party present I D. C. do say for the King that I. S. is defamed by good men that he upon day of c. into the House and Goods of did cast fire and the same did burn or if it were for Bloodshed with a Sword did strike and wound him in the left arm and that this was done Feloniously or if the case required Traiterously and if I. S. deny the same I will for the King prove the matter against him as the King ought to do that is to say by Witnesses and Twelve men But if the complaint was at the suit of the party then the Prosecutor sued him upon Appeal in manner following I. C. appealeth D. H. here present for that E. Father Brother Son or Vncle according as the case was to I. C. being in the peace of God and of our Soveraign Lord the King at the dwelling house of E. at c. the said D. H. upon the day of in the year of with a Sword made a Wound of two inches long and six inches deep in the left pap of the body of the said E. whereof he died and this was done Feloniously and of Malice forethought And if the said D. H. shall deny the same the said I. C. is ready to prove the same against him in his body or as a Monk Woman or Clerk behoveth to prove the same that is by Champion for neither Monk Woman nor Clerk was by Law to justifie by Battle in their own person The several causes of Appeal and Indictment may be found in the Law-books to whom I refer the Reader it not being within the compass of this Discourse to fall upon the particulars I shall onely observe the difference between Indictments former and latter and between them and Appeals viz. that Appeals are positive Accusations in the name of the Prosecutor of the fact done by the party appealed whereas Indictments were onely a publication or affirmation of the same of a fact done by the party indicted and wherein Not guilty pleaded served onely as in nature of a Quere to usher in the votes of the Freemen concerning the fact Secondly the difference between former Indictments from these in these days consists in this that the ancient Indictments were in the name of one man those of the later sort are in the name of the Jury and the former were onely of a same the later of the fact A third way of bringing Controversies unto judgement concerned onely such matters as were of less consequence and these were introduced by way of Presentment in the name or behalf of the King in nature of a positive Accusation of one for a Crime first laid down generally and then asserted by a particular fact in this manner I say for our Soveraign Lord the King That H. here is perjured and hath broken saith against the King because whereas H. is or was Chancellour of the King and was
more the conceit of Fame than there was cause These concurring with unnatural troubles from most unthankful Sons made that spirit of his to fail that formerly knew no peer as it is often seen that the most generous spirits are sooner quelled with shame and grief than with fear of any danger whatsoever Towards his Lay-Subjects he was more regardant for the setling of Laws and executing of Justice so as some have thought him the first source of our English Laws others more truly the first Mecaenas since the Conquest that brought on the spring-time of a setled Common-wealth and therefore left this fair testimony by his putting forth that Primrose of English Laws under the name of Glanvil letting all men know that thenceforth England would no more veil itself in an unknown Law but explain itself unto the World to be a regular Government Such was the King's Idea yet was he touched with so much of the common infirmity of Kings as shewed him to be a man especially in his old age being loaden with Military Affairs wherein he had been long exercised he had contracted some shifting courses of a Souldier in gathering Money and Souldiers somewhat out of the road-way of an English King and led an ill example to future Ages nor had he other salve for this wound but that it was for the honour of Christian faith and for the sake of Jerusalem Next comes in Richard the first Henry the Second's Son both in birth and courage yet was his behaviour to his Father such that his meritorious Holy War could never wipe it out of the Calendar of story His entrance was upon an Election made in his Fathers life-time and the same confirmed by receiving of Homage from the Peers The sad troubles that this Election amongst other things occasioned to his Father in his old age shew plainly that Richard trusted not to the Title of Inheritance nor the French King that took his part unto the English custom for the possession of the Crown but all must be done in the Life of the Father that must secure the Government to the Son when the Father is dead And thus is he entred upon the Throne not as Heir but as Successor to his Father yea rather as Survivor taking possession of what was by special compact conveyed to him by the means of his Father in his life-time though sore against his will if Writers speak true As his entrance was it promised a better Government than followed for though it was for the most part hidden in the Womb as himself did subsist in another World yet by a secret providence he was given over to the election of ill Deputies and therefore he was not well beloved however dear he was to this Nation A third part of his Government was spent in a calm with Pope Clergy Commons and all Nations that were not Infidels upon conscience it seems that he ought not to be troubled who adventured his person so bravely in the Holy War. But above all he was the Clergies darling not only for his adventure in the Holy Land but now much more in his return by his imprisonment in Germany and therefore they sluck close to him in his absence not only in maintenance of his right to the Câ—own whereto some made claim and his own Brother John did more but emptied themselves to the utmost for his delivery which they effected to the envy of the French and such as longed for his downfal here in England The King comes like the Sun-rising scattering his Brothers designs by his very view then returns his thoughts for France where he spent the rest of a restless life and as his entry upon the Throne was unnatural for he made his way upon his Fathers Herse so was his Reign full of troubles and his end not unlike for it was violent and by the hand of his own subject and so ended his Reign that scarce had any begining Next comes in King John to act his part according to his entry hand over head whether called by a people scared with the noise of Succession by inheritance or such as thought it not convenient nor safe in a stirring time to have a Child to be their King or lastly led by an interest that John the youngest Son of Henry the second had by woful experience obtained amongst the Lords or some or all concurring it is clear they crossed the way of inheritance waved Arthur's Title who was Heir to Richard the first and by him also appointed to succeed being then but a Child and they chose John a man of War trained up in the Government of Ireland which made way for his active spirit and well seen in the Government of England which might have made him wise and under these conceits they were willing to forget his oppression in Ireland his Treachery against his Lord and King in England set the Crown upon his head and in conclusion acted the Tragedy of Abimelech in English wherein the Cedar was rooted up and the Bramble trodden down The general temper of his Government sheweth that though the King must be thought sober yet the man was mad for he hawked at all manner of game France Scotland England Laity Clergy spared not the Pope himself scorned to stoop to occasion all which he did by the strength of the name of a King till at length being well cuft and plumed he was fain to yoke his lawless will under the grand Charter depose his Crown at the Popes foot and instead of a King became little better than a chief Lord in England Thus although Richard the First forgot this mans disloyalty yet God remembred it for the King having gotten the Pope upon the hip and put him to his last shift to stir up the French to set his curse on work was by a hidden providence conquered in the middest of a Royal Army without view of Enemy or other weapon than a meer noise his Nobility either suspecting all would be gone to Rome or expecting that the King would not deny them their own seeing he had been so profuse in giving away that which was not his demand that their Liberties might be confirmed but he being loath to be mated by his Nobles though he was overmatched by the Pope arms himself with the Popes curse and the Lords themselves with the Frenchmens power thus the Tables are turned and the French playing an after-game to gain to themselves the Crown of England after they saw the death of a Warlike King discovered their design before it was ripe and in the conclusion were beaten out of the Kingdom by a Child It is not worth inquiry what the King allowed or disallowed for it was his course to repent of any thing done contrary to his present sense and made it his chief principle in policy to have no principle but desire wherein he triumphed too long by reason of the contentions between the Clergie and the Laity which
faithfully carried on by him that Justice it self could not touch his person unjustice did and he received this reward from his Nephew Henry the Sixth that he died in the dark because the Cause durst not endure the light Now is Henry the Sixth perswaded that he is of full Age he had laid aside his Guardian the Duke of Gloucester but forgetting to sue out his Livery he betakes himself from the Grace of God into the warm Sun as the Proverb is changing the Advice of a faithful experienced wise Counsellour for the Government of an Imperious Woman his Queen who allowed him no more of a King than the very Name and that also she abused to out-face the World. And after she had removed the Duke of Gloucester out of the way undertook the sway of the Kingdom in her own person being a Foreigner neither knowing nor caring for other Law than the Will of a Woman Thus the Glory of the House of Lancaster goes down and now a Star of the House of York appears in the rising and the people look to it The Queen hereat becomes a Souldier and begins the Civil Wars between the two Houses wherein her English party growing wise and weary she prays Aid of Ireland a Nation that like unto Crows ever wants to prey upon the Infirmities of England The Wars continue about sixteen years by â—its wherein the first loss fell to the English party the pretensions being yet onely for good Government Then the Field is quiet for about four years after which the clamour of ill Government revives and together therewith a claim to the Crown by the House of York is avouched Thereupon the Wars grew hot for about four years more and then an ebb of as long Quiet ensues The Tide at last returns and in two years War ends the Quarrel with the death of Fourscore Princes of the Bloud-Royal and of this good man but unhappy King. Unhappy King I say that to purchase his Kingdoms Freedom from a Foreign War sold himself to a Woman and yet lost his Bargain and left it to Observation That a Conscientious man that marries for by-regards never thrives For France espied their advantage they had maintained War with England from the death of Henry the Fifth with various success The Duke of Bedford being Regent for the English for the space of fourteen years mightily sustained the fainting condition of the English Affairs in those parts and having crowned his Master Henry the Sixth in Paris in the ninth year died leaving behind him an honourable Witness even from his Enemies That he was a brave Commander a true Patriot and a faithful Servant to his Lord and Brother Henry the Fifth and to his Son Henry the Sixth But now the Duke of Bedford is dead and though France had concluded a Peace with the English yet they could not forget the smart of their Rod but concluded their Peace upon a Marriage to be had with a Woman of their own bloud and interest And what they could not effect by Arms in thâ—â—r own Field they did upon English ground by a Feminine Spirit which they sent over into England to be their Queen and in one Civil War shedding more English bloud by the English Sword than they could formerly do by all the men of France were revenged upon England to the full at the English-mens own charge For what the English gain by the Sword is commonly lost by Discourse A Kingdom is never more befooled than in the Marriage of their King if the Lady be great she is good enough though as Jezabel she will neither reverence her Husband obey her Lord and King nor regard his people And thus was this Kingdom scourged by a Marriage for the sin of the wise men that building upon a false Foundation advised the King in the breach of Contract with the Earl of Arminiack's Daughter And thus the King also for that hearkning to such Counsel murthered the Duke of Gloucester that had been to him a Father yielded up his Power to his Queen a masterless and proud woman that made him like a broken Idol without use suffered a Recovery of his Crown and Scepter in the Parliament from his own Issue to the Line of York then renewing the War at his Queens beck lost what he had left of his Kingdom Country and Liberty and like the King that forgot the kindness of Jehojada lost his Life by the hand of his Servant CHAP. XIV Of the Parliament during the Reigns of these Kings THe Interest of the Parliament of England is never more predominant than when Kings want Title or Age. The first of these was the Case of Henry the Fourth immediately but of them all in relation to the pretended Law of the Crown but Henry the Sixth had the disadvantage of both whereof in its due place The pretended Law of the Crown of England is to hold by Inheritance with power to dispose of the same in such manner by such means and unto such persons as the King shall please To this it cannot be denied divers Kings had put in their claims by devising their Crown in their last Will but the success must be attributed to some power under God that must be the Executor when all is done and which must in cases of Debate concerning Succession determine the matter by a Law best known to the Judge himself Not much unlike hereunto is the Case of Henry the Fourth who like a Bud putting up in the place of a fading Leaf dismounts his Predecessor First from the peoples regard and after from his Throne which being empty sometimes he pretended the resignation of his Predecessor to him other whiles an obscure Title by descent his Conscience telling him all the while that it was the Sword that wrought the work But when he comes to plead his Title to Foreign Princes by protestation laying aside the mention of them all he justifies upon the unanimous consent of the Parliament and the people in his own onely person And so before all the World confessed the Authority and Power of the Parliament of England in disposing of the Crown in special Cases as a sufficient Bar unto any pretended Right that might arise from the House of Mortimar And yet because he never walks safely that hath an Enemy pursuing him still within reach he bethinks himself not sure enough unless his next Successours follow the dance upon the same foot To this end an Act of Parliament leads the Tune whereby the Crown is granted or confirmed to Henry the Fourth for life and entailed upon his Sons Thomas John and Humphrey by a Petition presented 5 Hen. 4. Thus Henry the Fourth to save his own stake brought his Posterity into the like capacity with himself that they must be Kings or not subsist in the World if the House of York prevails And so he becomes secured against the House of York treading on his heels unless the Parliament of England shall
of Edward the Sixth Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth WE are at length come within sight of the shore where finding the Currents various and swift and the Waves rough I shall first make my course through them severally and then shall bring up the general Account of the Reigns of One King and Three Governours The King was a Youth of about Ten years old yet was older than he seemed by Eleven years for he had all the Ammunition of a wise King and in one respect beyond all his Predecessors that made him King indeed By the Grace of God. He was the onely Son of Henry the Eighth yet that was not all his Title he being the first President in the point of a young Son and two elder Daughters by several venters the eldest of whom was now thirty years old able enough to settle the Government of a distracted Nation and the Son so young as by an Act of Parliament he was disabled to settle any Government at all till he should pass the Fifteenth year of his Reign But the thing was setled in the life-time of his Father whose last Will though it speak the choce yet the Parliament made the Election and declared it The condition of this King's Person was every way tender born and sustained by extraordinary means which could never make his days many or Reign long His spirit was soft and tractable a dangerous temper in an ill air but being fixed by a higher principle than nature yielded him and the same beautified with excellent endowments of Nature and Arts and Tongues he out-went all the Kings in his time of the Christian world His Predecessors provided Apparel and Victual to this Nation but he Education and thereby fitted it to overcome a fiery Trial which soon followed his departure The Model of his Government was as tender as himself scarce induring to see his Funeral ready for every change subject to tumults and Rebellions an old trick that ever attends the beginning of Reformation like the Wind the Sun-rising The diversity of Interests in the Great men especially in point of Religion for the most part first set these into motion for some of them had been so long maintained by the Romish Law that they could never endure the Gospel and yet the different Interests in matters of State made the greater noise All was under a protector fitly composed to the Kings mind but ill matched with rugged humorous aspiring minds whereof one that should have been the Protectors great Friend became his fatal Enemy and though he were his Brother to prejudice his Interest pawned his own blood The other which was the Duke of Northumberland had his will but missed his end for having removed the Protector out of the way and gotten the chief power about the King yet could he not hold long what he had gotten for the King himself after Sixteen months decaying went into another world and left the Duke to stand or fall before some other Power which came to pass upon the entry of the next Successor The greatest trouble of his Government arose from the prosecution of a design of his Grandfather Henry the Seventh for the uniting of the two Crowns of England and Scotland by marriage and setling an enduring Peace within this Isle and unto this Work all were Aiders in both Nations but the Enemies of both But God's ways are not as Man 's it is a rare Example to find out one Marriage that did ever thrive to this end England meaned well in proffering Love but the Wooing was ill-favouredly carried on by so much Bloud Lastly As the Government was now tender so was it carried with much compliance with the People which ever gives occasion to such of them that are irregular to be more and such as are well governed to be less because though pleasing it be yet it is with less awe and spirit which renders their obedience at the best but careless and idle unless such as are very consciencious be the more careful over their own ways by how much their Superiours are the less NOT thus was Queen Mary but like a Spaniard she over-ruled all Relations and Engagements by Design she was about Forty years old and yet unmarried when she came to the Throne it may seem she wanted a mind to that course of life from natural abstinency or was loath to adventure her Feature which was not excellent to the Censure of any Prince of as high degree as she held her self to be or her value was not known so as to persons of meaner Interests she might seem too much above and to those of greater too much beneath Or possibly her Father was loath to let the world know her Title to the Crown till needs must or to raise up a Title for another man so long as he had hope of a Son of his own to succeed him and yet had formerly designed her for a Wife to Charles the Fifth and afterwards to the Dauphine of France Or it may be her self had set a command of her self not to change her Estate till she saw the course of the Crown either to or fro However the time is now come that she must marry or adventure her Womanhood upon an uncertain and troublesome state of Affairs She liked the Lord Courtnee above the Prince of Spain but feared he would not design with her She held him not unmeet for her degree for she feared he was good enough for her Sister that then also had the Title of a Kingdom waiting so nigh her person as she was an Object of Hope to her Friends and Fear to her Enemies And yet Queen Mary married the Prince of Spain It may be it ran in the Bloud to marry into their own Bloud or rather she was thereto led by reason of State partly to enable her with greater security in the resetling of her Kingdom in the Popish Religion wherein she knew she had to do with a People not easie to be reduced where Conscience pretended Reluctancy and partly to assure her Dominion against the Out-works of the French and Scotish designs And so she yielded up the Supremacy of her Person to the Prince of Spain but thanks to the Nobility the Supremacy of the Kingdom was reserved to her own use for it was once in her purpose to have given up all to the man rather than to miss of the man. And yet their condition was not much comfortable to either The Peoples dislike of the Match sounded so loud abroad that when the Prince was to come over the Emperour his Father demanded fifty Pledges for his Sons safety during his abode in this Land which was also denied When he was come over the English fear the Spanish Tyranny and the Spanish the old Saxon entertainment of the Danes So both lie at their close guards as after some time the King and Queen did no less for the Queen was either never earnest in her
concerning Calvin's Case fol. 45 IX Of Courts for Causes criminal with their Laws fol. 54 X. Of the course of Civil Justice during these times fol. 56 XI Of the Militia in these times fol. 58 XII Of the Peace fol. 62 XIII A view of the summary courses of Henry the Fourth Henry the Fifth and Henry the Sixth in their several Reigns fol. 68 XIV Of the Parliament during the Reigns of these several Kings fol. 75 XV. Of the Custos or Protector Regni fol. 79 XVI Concerning the Privy Council fol. 83 XVII Of the Clergie and Church-government during these times fol. 86 XVIII Of the Court of Chancery fol. 95 XIX Of the Courts of Common-pleas and Common Law. fol. 97 XX. Concerning Sheriffs fol. 98 XXI Of Justices and Laws concerning the Peace fol. 99 XXII Of the Militia during these times fol. 102 XXIII A short Survey of the Reigns of Edward the Fourth Edward the Fifth and Richard the Third fol. 106 XXIV Of the Government in relation to the Parliament f. 109 XXV Of the condition of the Clergie fol. 112 XXVI A short sum of the Reigns of Henry the Seventh and Henry the Eighth fol. 113 XXVII Of the condition of the Crown fol. 118 XXVIII Of the condition of the Parliament in these times fol. 130 XXIX Of the power of the Clergie in the Convocation f. 134 XXX Of the power of the Clergie in their ordinary Jurisdiction fol. 136 XXXI Of Judicature fol. 141 XXXII Of the Militia fol. 143 XXXIII Of the Peace fol. 148 XXXIV Of the general Government of Edward the Sixth Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth fol. 152 XXXV Of the Supream power during these times fol. 157 XXXVI Of the power of the Parliament during these times fol. 162 XXXVII Of the Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical during these last times fol. 166 XXXVIII Of the Militia in these later times fol. 168 XXXIX Of the Peace fol. 173 XL. A summary Conclusion of the whole matter fol. 174. THE CONTINUATION OF AN Historical and Political Discourse OF THE Laws Government OF ENGLAND THE former times since the Norman entry like a rugged Sea by cross Winds of Arbitrary Vapours in and about the Crown and by Forrein Engagements from the holy Chair made the true face of affairs cloudy and troublesome both for the Writer and the Reader Henceforward for the space of Three hundred years next ensuing Kings by experience and observation finding themselves unequal to the double chace of absolute Supremacy over the sturdy Laity and encroaching Clergie you will observe to lay aside their pretensions against the Peoples Liberties and more intentively to trench upon the Spiritualty now grown to defie all Government but that of Covetousness Nor would these times allow further advantage to Kings in this work they being either fainted by the ticklish Title of the Crown hovering between the two Houses of York and Lancaster or drawn off to forrein employments as matters of greater concernment for the present well-being of the Kingdom or for the spreading of the fame of such as desired to be renowned for valiant men It will be superfluous to recount the particular atchievements formerly attained by these Ecclesiastical men the former Treatise hath already said what was thought needful concerning that For the future I shall even premise this that the ensuing times being thus blessed with a Truce or stricter League between the Kings and Commons the errours in Government more readily do appear the corruptions in natures of men more frequently discover themselves and thereby the body of the Statute-Laws begins to swell so big that I must be enforced to contract my account of them into a narrower compass and render the same unto the Reader so far forth only as they shall concern the general stream of Government leaving those of privater regard unto every mans particular consideration as occasion shall lead him For whatever other men please to insist upon this I take for a Maxime That though the Government of a King is declared by his Actions yet the Government of a Kingdom is onely manifested by ancient Customs and publick Acts of Parliament And because I have undertaken a general Survey of the Reigns of thirteen several Kings and Queens of this Nation for I shall not exceed the issue of Henry the Eighth and to handle each of them apart will leave the Reader in a Wilderness of particulars hard to comprehend in the general sum I shall therefore reduce them all into three heads viz. Interest of Title Interest of Prerogative and Interest of Religion the last of which swayed much the three Children of Henry the Eighth the second as much in their two Ancestors viz. Henry the Eighth and Henry the Seventh and the first in the three Henries of Lancaster and three succeeding Kings of the House of York And because Edward the Third and his Grand-child Richard the Second do come under none of these Interests I shall consider them joyntly as in way of Exordium to the rest although the course of the latter was as different from the former as Lust falls short of a generous Spirit CHAP. I. A sum of the several Reigns of Edward the Third and Richard the Second SEveral I may well call them because they are the most different in their ways and ends of any two of that race that ever swayed their Scepter and yet the entrance of the first gave countenance to the conclusion of the last For the Scepter being cast away or lost by Edward the Second it was the lot of his Son Edward the Third a youth of Fifteen years of age to take it up he knowing whose it was and feeling it too heavy for him was willing enough it should return but being overswayed by Counsels drawn from reason of State and pressed thereto by those that resolved not to trust his Father any more he wisely chose to manage it himself rather than to adventure it in another hand But that is not all for as it is never seen that the Crown doth thrive after divorce from the Scepter but like a blasted Blossom falls off at the next gale of adversity such was the issue to Edward the Second his power once gone his Honour followeth soon after he had ceased to be King and within a small time did cease to be Edward His Son thus made compleat by his Fathers spoil had the honour to be the Repairer of the ruines that his Father had made and was a Prince which you might think by his story to be seldom at home and by his Laws seldom abroad Nor can it be reconciled without wonder that Providence should at once bestow upon England a courageous People brave Captains wise Council and a King that had the endowments of them all Otherwise it had out-reached conceit it self that this small Island wasted by the Barons Wars the people beaten out of heart by all Enemies in the time of the Father should nevertheless in the time of the Son with honour