to himself Now those who were of Titus Flaminius's Cabal vacated in open Council all the Bargains and Contracts made by him for the repairing and carrying on of the sacred and publick Buildings as bringing no profit to the Commonwealth They did incite also the boldest of the Tribunes of the people to accuse him to the Rabble and to fine him two Talents They did likewise very much oppose him in building the Palace which he caus'd to be erected at the common charge just by the Senate-house in the Market-place and call'd it by his own name Porcia House However the people it seems did like his Censourship wondrous well for setting up a Statue for him in the Temple of the Goddess of Health they put an Inscription under it not of his War-like Feats and Triumphs but such a one as signify'd That this was Cato the Censour who by his good Discipline and Ordinances reclaim'd the Roman Common-wealth when it was declining and supinely tumbling into Vice. Now before this Statue-honour was done to himself he us'd to laugh at those who lov'd such kind of things saying They were not sensible that they glory'd chiefly in the Workmanship of Engravers and Painters but that the Citizens bore about his fairest Image in their Breasts When any seem'd to wonder at him that he should have never a Statue when many ordinary persons had one I wou'd said he much rather be ask'd why I have not one than why I have one In short He would not have any honest Citizen endure to be prais'd except it might prove advantageous to the Common-wealth yet still he most of all commended himself for he would often intimate that they who were of an ill life and found fault with us'd to say It was not sure so great a feat to blame them for they pretended not all to be Cato ' s. He wou'd also add That they who did awkardly mimick some of his Actions were called left-handed Cato's and that the Senate in most perillous times wou'd cast their eyes on him as upon a Pilot in a Ship and that often when he was not present wou'd they put off Affairs of greatest consequence These things are indeed too testify'd of him by others for he had a great Authority in the City both for his Life Eloquence and Age. He was also a good Father an excellent Husband to his Wife and an extraordinary Oeconomist nor did he manage all these his Affairs carelesly and as things of little moment Wherefore I think I ought to run over a little farther whatever was commendable in him He marry'd a Wife more noble than rich being of opinion nevertheless that both of them so qualify'd are usually haughty and proud but yet that those of noble blood wou'd be more asham'd of base things and consequently more obedient to their Husbands in all that was fit and handsome for them Him that beat his Wife or Child he esteem'd as one that laid violent hands on what was most sacred and a good Husband he reckon'd worthy of more Praise than a great Senatour wherefore he did in nothing more admire old Socrates than that with a scolding Wife and block-headed Children he liv'd contented and quiet As soon as ever his Son was born though he had never such urgent business upon his hands if it related not to the Publick he wou'd be by when his Wife did unswaddle and wash it for she her self suckled it nay did often too give her Breast to her Servants Children to beget by sucking the same Milk a kind of natural Love in them to her Son. Now when he began to come to years of Discretion Cato himself would teach him his Book although he had a Servant a very honest fellow and a good Grammarian called Chilo who also taught a good many others but he thought not fit as he himself said to have his Son reprimanded by a Servant or pull'd it may be by the Ears when found tardy in his Lesson Nor wou'd he have him owe to a Servant the obligation of so great a thing as his Learning vvherefore he himself as we vvere saying taught him Grammar Law and Fencing Nor did he onely shew him too how to throw a Dart to fight with other Arms and to Ride but even to play at Fisty-cuffs to endure both heat and cold and to swim over the most rapid and rough Rivers He says likewise that he wrote Histories in great Characters with his own hand that so his Son without stirring out of the House might learn the Experience and vertuous Exploits of his Forefathers Nor did he less abstain from speaking any thing obscene before his Son than if it had been in the presence of those sacred Virgins which we call Vestals Nor would he ever go into the Bagno with him which seems to be according to the common custome of the Romans for Sons-in-Law avoided still bathing with Fathers-in-Law being asham'd to see one another naked But having in time learn'd of the Greeks to strip with the Men they have since taught the Greeks to doe it even with the Women themselves Thus Cato form'd and fashion'd his Son to Vertuous Inclinations who was not to be found fault with as to his spritefulness but being of too weak a constitution for hardships he requir'd not of him any austere or hard way of living However though he was thus tender and delicate he prov'd a stout man in the Field and valiantly behav'd himself when Paulus Aemilius fought against Perseus where when his Sword was struck from him by a blow or rather slipt out of his hand by reason of the moistness thereof He so far resented it that he turned to some of his friends about him and taking them along with him again fell upon the Enemy and having by along Fight and much force clear'd the place at length found it among great heaps of Arms and the dead Bodies of his Friends as well as Enemies pil'd one upon another Whereupon Paulus the Governour very much recommended the youth and there is even a Letter of Cato's to his Son which does very highly praise this his honourable Exploit and Prowess for the Recovery onely of his Sword. Afterwards he married Tertia Paulus Aemilius's Daughter and Sister to Scipio nor did he match into this Family less for his own Worth than his Father's so that Cato's care in his Sons Education had an effect suitable He purchas'd still a great many Slaves out of the Captives taken in War but chiefly he bought up the young ones who were capable to be as it were broken and taught like little Whelps and Colts but none of these ever went into another man's house except sent either by Cato himself or his Wife If any one of them were ask'd what Cato did they answer'd Nothing that they knew of When a Servant was at home he was oblig'd either to doâ— some work or sleep for indeed Cato lov'd those most who us'd to lye down often to
Plutarch Lives vol 2 d THE Second Volume OF PLUTARCH'S LIVES Translated from the Greek BY SEVERAL HANDS The Second Edition LONDON Printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judges-Head in Chancery-Lane near Fleet-Street 1688 A Chronological Table to the Second Volume of Plutarch 's Lives  The Julian Period Before the Coming of Christ After the Worlds Creation After the building of Rome The Year of the Olympiad The Olympiad Alcibiades 90 3 335 3532 416 4296 C. M. Coriolanus his Banishment 73 2 266 3463 485 4227 Timoleon 108 4 408 3605 343 4369 Paulus Aemil. overcame K. Perseus 152 3 583 3780 168 4544 Pelopidas the Battel at Leuctrum 102 3 383 3580 368 4344 Marcellus took Syracuse 142 2 542 3739 209 4503 Aristides 72 1 261 3458 490 4222 Marcus Cato 144 2 550 3747 201 4511 Philopoemen 147 3 563 3760 1884 524 T. Quintius Flaminius Consul 145 3 555 3752 196 4516 The LIVES contained in the Second Volume ALcibiades page 1 Coriolanus translated by Dr. Blomer p. 81 Paulus Emilius Mr. Arrowsmith 171 Timoleon Dr. Blomer 241 Pelopidas Mr. Creech 317 Marcellus Dr. Charlton 369 Aristides Mr. Cooper 433 Marcus Cato Mr. Lydcot 485 Philopoemen Dr. Short 549 Titus Flaminius Mr. Whitaker 583 ALCIBIADES M. Burgers sculp See with what joy the Exile is restor'd So Hated once and now so much ador'd His fortune various noe less his mind Where every vice with every vertue joyn'd Nothing seem'd hard to his courage will or pride Success still following as he chang'd his side THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES Translated from the Greek Volume II. ALcibiades as it is suppos'd was anciently descended from Eurysaces the Son of Ajax by his Fathers side and by his Mothers side from Alcmeon for Dinonache his Mother was the Daughter of Meâ—acles His Father Clinias having fitted out a Gally at his own expence gained great Honour in a Sea-fight near Artimisium and was afterwards slain in the Battel of Coronea fighting against the Baeotians Pericles and Ariphron the Sons of Xantippus being nearly related to Alcibiades were his Guardians 'T is said and not untruely that the Kindness and Friendship which Socrates shewed to him did very much contribute to his Fame Hence it is that tho' we have not an account from any Writer who was the Mother of Nicias or Demosthenes of Lamachus or Phormio of Thrasybulus or Theramenes notwithstanding they were all of them Illustrious Persons and of the same Age yet we know even the Nurse of Alcibiades that her Countrey was Lacedaemon and her Name Amyclas and that Zopyrus was his Schoolmaster the one being recorded by Antisthenes and the other by Plato It is not perhaps material to say any thing of the Beauty of Alcibiades only that it lasted with him in all the Ages of his Life in his Infancy in his Youth and in his Manhood and thereby rendred him lovely and agreeable to every one For it is not universal what Euripides saith that Of all Fair things the Autumn is most Fair. But this happened to Alcibiades amongst few others by reason of his happy Composition and the natural Vigor of his Body It is said that his Lisping when he spoke became him well and gave a Grace to his Pronunciation Aristophanes takes notice that he lisped in those Verses wherein he jeers Theorus because Alcibiades speaking of him instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pronounced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so called him Flatterer unawares to himself From whence the Poet takes occasion to observe How very luckily he lisp'd the Truth Archippus also makes mention of it thus reflecting upon the Son of Alcibiades His Father he will imitate in all Like one dissolv'd in Ease and Luxury His long loose Robe he seems to draw with pain Carelesly leans his Head and in his Talk Affects to lisp His Manners were very different nor is it strange that they varied according to the many and wonderful Vicissitudes of his Fortune He was naturally subject to great Passions but the most prevailing of all was his Ambition and Desire to be esteem'd the first which appear'd by several memorable Things spoken by him whilst he was a Child Once being hard press'd in Wrastling and fearing to be thrown he got the Hand of the Person who strove with him to his Mouth and bit it with all his sorce his Adversary loos'd his hold presently and said Thou bitest Alcibiades like a Woman No replied he I bite like a Lion. Another time as he played at Cockal in the Street being then but a Boy a loaded Cart came that way when it was his Turn to throw at first he requir'd the Driver to stay because he was to cast in the way over which the Cart was to pass but the rude Fellow did not hearken to him and driving on still when the rest of the Boys divided and gave way Alcibiades threw himself on his Face before the Cart and stretching himself out bid the Carter drive on if he would This so startled the Man that he put back his Horses while all that saw it were terrified and crying out ran to assist Alcibiades When he began to study he obeyed all his other Masters with great Respect but refused to learn upon the Flute as a sordid thing and not becoming a Gentle man for he would say To play on the Lute or the Harp does not disorder the Posture of a man's Body or the Air of his Face but one is hardly to be known by his most intimate Friends when he play on the Flute Besides he who plays on thâ— Harp may discourse or sing at the samâ— time but the use of the Flute does so contract the Mouth that the Voice is intercepted and all Speech taken away Therefore said he let the Theban Youths pipe because they know not how to discourse but we Athenians as our Ancestors have told us have Minerva for our Patroness and Apollo for our Protector one of which threw away the Flute and the other stripped off his Skin who play'd upon it Thus between Raillery and good Earnest Alcibiades not only kept himself but others from learning upon that Instrument for it presently became the Talk of the young Gentlemen that Alcibiades with good Reason despis'd the Art of playing on the Flute and ridicul'd those who studied it Whereupon it quickly ceas'd to be reckon'd amongst the Liberal Arts and became universally exploded It is reported in the Invective which Antiphon wrote against Alcibiades That once when he was a Boy he fled to the House of Democrates one of his Lovers and that Ariphron had determin'd to cause Proclamation to be made for him had not Pericles diverted him from it by saying That if he were dead the Proclaiming of him could only cause it to be discover'd one day sooner and if he were safe it would be a Reproach to him whilst he liv'd Antiphon does also say That in the publick Place of Exercises in Syburtius he slew one
the only terms of Peace When there was no better effect of such a solemn Application the Priests too returning unsuccessful they determin'd to sit still within the City and keep Watch about their Walls intending only to repulse the Enemy should he offer to attack them and placing their hopes chiefly in the strange and extraordinary Accidents of Time and Fortune for as to themselves they had neither the Wit to contrive nor the Courage to undertake ought for their own deliverance but confusion and terror and ill-boding Reports run through the whole City till a certain thing did arrive not unlike those we so often read of in Homer which however most people will hardly believe for when he upon great occasions and some rare and unusual events does affirm and exclaim in this manner But him the Goddess Pallas did inspire And elsewhere But some Immortal being turn'd their mind Who left another tale and bruit behind And then Whether 't were his own thought or God's Command Men are ready here to despise or censure the Poet as if he went about to destroy the Credit and the use of Reason and indeed the very freedom of their Choice by submitting all to such impossible things and absurd Fictions whereas Homer can no way be suppos'd to attempt or design this for what is probable and usual and brought about by the ordinary way of Reason he ascribes that to humane performance and leaves it wholly to our own power and management frequently discoursing to this effect But I consulted with my own great Soul. And in another passage This said Achilles was with grief possest And various thoughts did bustle in his breast And then again Yet brave Bellerophon her charms withstood On Vertue fixt and ever true to good But in such things and actions as are unaccountably daring and of a prodigious and transcendent kind and therefore need some touches of Enthusiasm and divine hardiness that may instigate and carry us thereto Here I say he does introduce God not as taking away the liberty of our Will but as moving it to act freely neither as working in us the Inclinations and Pursuits themselves but as offering those Phantasms and Objects to our Minds from whence the Impulse is conceiv'd and the Resolution taken by which Representments however he makes not the Deed involuntary but only gives a beginning to spontaneous Operations and superadds confidence and good hope to what is thus willingly undertaken for we must either totally discharge and remove God from all manner of causality as to what we do and a prime Original Influence on our Affairs or be forced to confess that there is no other way of Insinuation beside this whereby he does secretly assist men and co-operate with them for sure the help which he affords us cannot be imagin'd to consist in fashioning the postures of our body or directing the motions of our hands and feet so as they may be serviceable to us for the use of life but in exciting the practical part and the elective powers of our Soul by initial overtures and certain Images and Instincts from above or else on the contrary in a sudden aversion or seasonable restraint of them from other things and that also by hints and apprehensions of his sending Now in this perplexity of Affairs which I before mention'd the Roman Women went some of them to other Temples but the greater part and the Ladies of best quality were at high Devotion about the Altar of Jupiter Capitolinus Among these Supplicants was also Valeria Sister to the great Publicola a person who had done the Romans that eminent service both in Peace and War Publicola himself was now deceas'd as I have written in the History of his Life but Valeria liv'd still with a mighty Reputation and Esteem at Rome as one whose Conduct was thought not to disparage her Kindred or any way shame the Relation she had to him She therefore being suddenly seiz'd with an instinct or emotion of mind not unlike those I but now spoke of and happily lighting not without Divine Guidance on the right Expedient both arose her self and caus'd the rest of the Votaries to get up and made directly with them toward the House of Volumnia the Mother of Marcius when she came in and found her sitting with her Daughter-in-law and having her little Grand-children on her Lap Valeria then surrounded by her Female-companions spoke in the name of them all to this purpose We that now make our appearance O Volumnia and you Madam Vergilia approach as women unto women being come hither not by direction of the Senate or an Order from the Consuls or the appointment of any other Magistrate but God himself as I conceive mov'd first to compassion by our Prayers has consequently mov'd us to visit you in a body and request a thing wherein our own and the common safety is concern'd and which if you consent to it will raise your Glory above that of the Daughters of the Sabines who by hazarding themselves did reduce their Fathers and their Husbands from mortal enmity to peace and friendship Come along then my good Ladies and joyn with us in our Supplication to Marcius and do your Country the right of giving him this true and just testimony on her behalf that notwithstanding the many mischiefs and calamities she has suffer'd yet she did never outrage your Persons nor could so much as think of treating you ill in the midst of all her Resentments but does now restore and present you safe into his hands though there is small likelihood she should obtain from him any better terms for her self or the least favourable and gentle usage on that account This Discourse of Valeria was seconded by loud Approbations and Incentives of the other women to which Volumnia made answer Both I my self Ladies and my Daughter Vergilia have an equal share with you all in the common miseries beside this particular affliction which is wholly ours that we have lost the merit and the fame of Marcius and may perceive his person to be secur'd rather then protected by the Arms of the Enemy but I reckon this the greatest of all Misfortunes if indeed the Affairs of Rome be sunk to that desperate and feeble state as to have its last dependance upon two simple insignificant women for it is hardly imaginable he should have any consideration left for us when he has no regard for his Country a man who was wont to prefer that before his Mother and Wife and Children put together Yet notwithstanding this if it be your opinion that we may do any good here vouchsafe to make use of our service and lead us to him who if we fail of every thing else at least can die for though not redeem our Countrey and spend the last breath we have in making suit to him for its deliverance Having spoken thus she took Vergilia by the Hand and the young Children and so accompani'd
and that in the mean time he did not refuse to give the Antiates satisfaction as to all Particulars of his Conduct if they were desirous of it An Assembly then being call'd there arose certain Orators appointed for that Design who by their popular Harangues did exasperate and incense the Multitude but when Marcius stood up to answer those Objections and Impeachments they had brought against him the more unruly and tumultuous part of the People waxed calm and quiet on the sudden and out of Reverence to his Person gave him liberty to speak without the least disturbance beside that all the better sort of Antium and such as were most delighted with a Peace made it evident by their whole Composure that they would give him a favourable Hearing and then judge and pronounce according to Equity Tullus therefore began to dread his Apology and suspect the issue of that Defence he was going to make for himself for he was an excellent Spokes-man and one of singular Eloquence and the former Services he had done the Volscians did procure and still preserve for him a much greater Kindness than could possibly be out-weigh'd by that new Displeasure and the Blame of his late Conduct yea the very Crime and Accusation it self was a proof and testimony of the greatness of his Merits for that People could never have complain'd or thought that he had been injurious to them because Rome was not then brought into their Power without a plain Confession that by his means only they were so near taking it For these Reasons the Confederates judg'd it prudent not to make any further Delays or Attempts upon the Vulgar and so the boldest of their Faction crying out that they ought not to listen to a Traytor nor allow him still to bear Rule and play the Tyrant among them fell upon Marcius in a Body and slew him there none of those that were present so much as offering to defend him But it quickly appear'd that this base and unworthy Action was in no wise approv'd by the Majority of the Volscians for they came running out of their several Cities to shew Respect unto his Corps which they did by an honourable Interment of it adorning his Sepulchre with Arms and Trophies as the Monument of a noble Hero and a famous General When the Romans heard tidings of his death they gave no other signification either of Honour or of Anger towards him but only granted this Request of the Women that they might put themselves into Mourning and bewail him for ten Months as their Custom was upon the loss of a Father or a Son or a Brother that being a period set for the longest Lamentation in such Cases by the ancient Laws of Numa Pompilius as it is more amply related in what I have written of his Life and Actions Now Marcius was no sooner deceased but the Volscians came to need his Assistance and wish for him again for they fell to swabble first with the Sicani their Confederates and their Friends about the nomination of a â—â—neral that should be Commander in Chief of their joynt Forces which Dispute for Preheminence was carried on with so much fierceness that it came at length to Bloodshed and Slaughter on both sides After this they were defeated by the Romans in a pitch'd Battle where not only Tullus lost his Life but the principal Flower of their whole Army was cut in pieces so that they were forc'd to submit and accept of Peace upon very dishonourable terms promising to observe the Roman Orders and obey their Enemy in whatever he should impose See where Emilius does a couqueror stand While at his feet y e once great Perseus lyes A generous valour may y e world command And Kings may fall thus low by Avarice THE LIFE OF PAULUS EMILIUS English'd from the Greek By Mr. Joseph Arrowsmith late Fellow of Trin. Coll. Camb. Volume II. I First undertook this History that I might be serviceable unto others but go on and persevere in my Design that I may advantage my self whilst the Vertues of these great Men are as a Looking-glass by which I learn how I ought to order and adorn my own Life For by this means I enjoy the greatest Familiarity and am no less conversant with them all by Turns than if the same Table and Bed were common to us both When I read their Story each particular Vertue and Excellence makes a deep Impression in my Mind and hence I gather how great and valuable the Owner of these Accomplishments must needs have been and with Care collect the most beautiful and remarkable Passages of their Lives as Patterns for Imitation A greater Pleasure than which the Gods can scarce grant us or a more ready way to teach us Vertue Democritus laid it down as a Principle in his Philosophy though utterly false and tending to endless Superstitions That there were Phantasms appearing in the Air and tells us that we ought to pray that such may present themselves as are propitious and that we may see those that are agreeable to our Natures and would instruct us in that which is good rather than such as are unfortunate and would lead us into Vice. But my Method is by daily conversing with History and a diligent Collection of what I read to fix in my Mind things worthy Memory of the best and most vertuous of Men. For thus am I enabled to free my self from that Contagion of Idleness Vice which I may have contracted from the ill company I am sometimes forc'd to converse with it being a powerful Remedy with a sedate and quiet Mind seriously to consider such noble Examples Of this kind are those of Timoleon the Corinthian and Paulus Emilius to write whose Lives is my present Business Men not only equally famous for their Virtues but Success insomuch that they have left it doubtful whether they owe their greatest Atchievments to good Fortune or their own Prudence and Conduct Almost all Historians agree That the Family of the Emilii was one of the most ancient of the Roman Nobility and those Authors who affirm that King Numa was Pupil to Pythagoras tell us that the first who gave the Name to his Posterity was Marcus the Son of that wise Man who for his particular Eloquence and grace in Speech was call'd Emilius The greatest part of this Race that have been celebrated for their Virtue which they with Zeal pursued have been crown'd with Success and even the Misfortune of Lucius Emilius at the Battel of Canna gave ample Testimony of his Wisdome and Valour For not being able to perswade his Colleague from hazarding the Battel he though against his Judgement engaged with him but was no Companion in his flight on the contrary when he that was so resolute to engage deserted him in the midst of danger 〈◊〉 kept the Field and died fighting This Emilius had a Daughter nam'd Emilia that 〈◊〉 married to Scipio the Great and
War. For they posâ—ess'd the utmost Bounds of Italy which borâ—ers upon the Alpes and that part of the â—ame Mountain which is wash'd by the Tuscan â—ea and were mingled with the Gauls and Spaniards who inhabited the Coasts Besides â—t that time they were busie at Sea and â—ayling as far as the Streights mouth in light Vessels fitted for that purpose robb'd and â—estroy'd all that traffick'd in those Parts These waited the coming of Emilius with â—n Army of 40000 who brought with him not above 8 so that the Enemy was 〈◊〉 to one when they engaged yet did he vanquish and put them to flight forcing them 〈◊〉 retire into their wall'd Towns and in 〈◊〉 condition gave them hopes of an Accoâ—modation it being the Policy of the Râ—mans not utterly to destroy the Liguriâ—â— whilst they were as a Guard and Bulwark â—gainst the Gauls who made such frequent Aâ—tempts to over-run Italy Trusting whoâ—â— therefore to Emilius they delivered up thâ— Towns and Shipping into his hands â—â—ras'd only the Fortifications and deliver'â— their Towns to them again but all thâ— Shipping he took away with him leaâ—ing them no Vessels bigger than those 〈◊〉 three Oars and set at liberty great nuâ—bers of Prisoners they had taken both by 〈◊〉 and Land Strangers as well as Romans Thâ—â— were the things most worthy of Remark the first year of his Consulship Afterwards he frequently declared 〈◊〉 Desire of being a second time Consul aâ— was once Candidate but meeting with Repulse and being pass'd by mov'd no 〈◊〉 in it but was wholly intent upon his 〈◊〉 of Augur and the Education of his Childreâ— whom he not only brought up as he himsâ—â—â— was in the Roman and ancient Discipliâ—â— but also in that of Greece which was steemed more genteel and honourable 〈◊〉 this purpose he not only entertained Masters to teach them Grammar Logick and Rhetorick but the Arts of making Statues and Painting and also such as were skilful in breeding Horses and Dogs and could instruct them in Hunting and Riding And if he was not hindred by publick Affairs he himself would be with them at their Studies and see them perform their Exercises being the most indulgent of Fathers amongst the Romans As to Matters relating to the Common-wealth at that time the Romans were engaged in a War with Perseus King of the Macedonians and highly blamed their Commanders that either through their want of Skill or Courage they so ill and shamefully manag'd the Concerns of the Common-wealth that they did less hurt to the Enemy than they received from him For they that not long beâ—ore had forc'd Antiochus the Great to quit the â—est of Asia and driving him beyond Mount â—aurus confin'd him to Syria glad to buy his â—eace with 15000 Talents They that not â—ong since had vanquish'd King Philip in Thesâ—aly and freed the Greeks from the Maâ—edonian Yoke nay had overcome Hanâ—ibal himself who far surpass'd all Kings 〈◊〉 Bravery and Courage thought it scorn â—hat Perseus should think himself an Eneâ—y fit to match the Romans and to be â—ble to wage War with them on equal terms with the remainder only of his Father 's routed Forces but they little weigh'd that the Macedonian Army was become much more powerful and expert after the Overthrow of Philip. To make which appear I shall briefly recount the Story from the beginning Antigonus who was the most potent aâ—ongst the Captains and Successors of Alexander having obtained for himself and his Posterity the Title of King had a Son nam'd Demetrius Father to Antigonus call'd Gonatuâ— and he to Demetrius who reigning some short time died and left a young Son call'd Philip. The Nobility of Macedon fearing great Confusions might arise in the Minority of their Prince trusted the Government in the hands of Antigonus Cousin german to the late King and married him to his Widow the Mother of Philip. At first they only styled him Regent and General but when they found by experience that he govern'd the Kingdom with Moderation and to their Advantage they gave him the Title of King This was he that was sirnam'd Doson as if he was only a promiser not a performer of his words To him succeeded Philip who in his Youth gave great hopes of equalling the best of Kings and that he one day would restore Macedon to its former State and Dignity and be alone able to give a stop to the Power of the Romans which was now a general Oppression to the World. But being vanquish'd in a pitch'd Battel by Titus Flaminius near to Scotusa his Resolution was dash'd and he yielded himself and all that he had to the Mercy of the Romans well contented that he could escape with paying a small Tribute Yet afterwards recollecting himself he bore it with great Regret and thought he liv'd rather like a Slave that was pleas'd with ease than a Man of Sense and Courage whilst he held his Kingdom at the pleasure of his Conquerors which made him resolve upon a War and prepare himself with as much Cunning and Privacy as possible To this end he left his Cities on the high-Roads and Sea-Cost ungarrison'd and almost desolate that they might seem inconsiderable in the mean time furnishing his mid-land Castles strong-holds and Towns with Arms Money and Men fit for Service he provided himself for War and yet kept his Preparations close He had in his Armory Arms for 30000 Men in Granaries in Places of Strength 8 millions of Bushels of Corn and as much ready Money as would defray the Charge of maintaining 10000 mercenary Souldiers to defend his Country for 10 years But before he could put these things into motion and bring his Designs to effect he died for grief and anguish of Mind being sensible he had put his innocent Son Demetrius to death upon the Calumnies of one that was far more guilty Perseus his Son that surviv'd inherited his Hatred to the Romans as well as his Kingdom but was very unfit to carry on his Designs through his want of Courage and the viciousness of his Manners especially when amongst the Vices and Diseases of his Mind of all sorts Covetousness bore the chief sway There is a Report also of his not being legitimate but that the Wife of King Philip took him from his Mother Grathania a Woman of Argos that earn'd her living by Botching as soon as he was born and brought him up privately as her own And this might be the chief Cause of his contriving the Death of Demetrius for the might well fear that whilst there was a lawful Successor in the Family his being illegitimate would not lye conceal'd Notwithstanding all this and tho' his Spirit was so mean and temper so sordid yet trusting to the strength of his Preparations he engaged in a War with the Romans and for a long time maintain'd it Some of their Captains and those of Consular Dignity and great Armies and Fleets he repulsed and
some of them he vanquish'd For he overcame Publius Licinius who was the first that invaded Macedonia in a Battel of Horsemen in which he slew 2500 stout Souldiers and took 600 Prisoners and surprizing their Fleet as they rode at Anchor before Orcum he took 20 Ships of Burden with all their Lading and sunk the rest that were fraighted with Corn. Besides this he made himself Master of 4 Galleys with 5 Oars in a Seat and fought another Battel with Hostilius the Consul who making an Inroad into his Countrey by the way of Emilia he forc'd to retreat and when he afterwards by stealth design'd an Invasion through Thessaly he urg'd him to fight which the other fear'd to hazard Nay more to shew his Contempt of the Romans and that he wanted Employment as a War by the By he made an Expedition against the Dardanians in which he slew 10000 of those barbarous People and brought a very great Spoyl away with him He privately also solicited the Gauls they are also call'd Basternae a warlike Nation and famous for Horsemen dwelling near the Danube and practised with the Illyrians by the means of Genthius their King to joyn with him in this War. It was also reported that the Barbarians being allured by him through the promise of Rewards were to make an Irruption into Italy through the lower parts of Gallia Cisalpina near the Adriatick Sea. The Romans being advertis'd of these things thought it necessary no longer to choose their Commanders for Favour or Solicitation but to pitch upon one for their General that was a Man of Wisdom and vers'd in the management of great Affairs And such was Paulus Emilius one well stricken in years as being near threescore yet vigorous in his own Person and surrounded with his valiant Sons and Sons-in-law besides a great number of very considerable Relations and Friends who all of them perswaded him to yield to the Desires of the People who call'd him to the Consulship But he at first carried it nicely to the Vulgar and as one averse to govern refus'd both the Honour and Care that attended it yet when they daily came to him to his Gate urging him to come forth to the place of Election and prosecuting him with noise and clamour he granted their Request When he appear'd amongst such as were Candidates he did not look as if he were about to receive the Consulship but to bring Victory and Success to the War and as soon as he yielded to come down into the Field they all received him with so great hopes and chearfulness of mind that they unanimously chose him a second time Consul nor would they suffer the Lots to be cast as was usual to determine which Province should fall to his share but immediately decreed him the Command of the Macedonian War. It is reported that when he was design'd General against Perseus and was honourably accompanied home by great numbers of People he found his Daughter Tertia a very little Girl weeping and making much of her demanded why she cryed She catching him about the Neck and kissing him said O Father know you not that our Perseus is dead meaning a little Dog of that Name that was brought up in the House with her to which Emilius replied Good Fortune my Daughter I embrace the Omen This Cicero the Orator relates in his Book of Divination It was the Custom for such as were chosen Consuls from a Pulpit design'd for such purposes kindly to bespeak the People and return them thanks for their Favour Emilius therefore having gather'd an Assembly spake as follows That he sued for the first Consulship because he himself stood in need of such Honour but for the second because they wanted a General upon which account he thought there was no thanks due if they judg'd they could manage the War by any other to more Advantage he would willingly yield up his Charge but if they confided in him they were not to make themselves his Colleagues in his Office or raise Reports and censure his Actions but without Reply and to their utmost to obey such Commands as were necessary to the carrying on the War for if they endeavour'd to goverâ— him who was to command they would render this Expedition more ridiculous than the former By this Speech he imprinted a Reverence for him amongst the Citizens and great expectations of future Success being all of them well pleased that they had pass'd by such as sought to be preferr'd by Flattery and pitch'd upon a Commander endu'd with Wisdom and Courage to tell them the truth Thus the People of Rome were Servants and obedient to Reason and Vertue that they might Rule and make themselves Masters of the World. Now that Emilius setting forward to the War by a prosperous Voyage and successful Journey arrived with speed and safety at his Camp I attribute to good Fortune but when I consider the Concerns of the War and his Government manag'd partly by his own daring Boldness partly by his good Counsel partly by the ready administration of his Friends partly by his presentness of Mind and skill to embrace the most proper Advice in the extremity of danger I cannot ascribe any of his remarkable and famous Actions as I can those of other Commanders to his so much celebrated good Fortune unless you will say that the Covetousness of Perseus was the good Fortune of Emilius The truth is the fear of spending his Money was the destruction and utter ruine of all those splendid and great Preparations by whose Help the Macedonians were in hopes to carry on the War with Success For there came at his Request 10000 Horse-men of the Basternae and as many Foot who were to keep Peace with them and supply their Places in case of failure all of them mercenary Souldiers a People neither skill'd in tilling of Land or Merchandize or able to get their Livings by Grasing but whose only business and perpetual study it was to fight and conquer those that resisted them When these came near Medica and were encamp'd and mix'd with the King's Souldiers being Men oâ— great Stature admirable at their Exercises great Boasters and loud in their Threats against their Enemies they added Courage to the Macedonians who were ready to think the Romans would not be able to abide their coming struck with terror at their Looks and Motions they were so strange and terrible to behold When Perseus had thus encouraged his Men and puff'd them up with so great Hopes as soon as a 1000 Crowns were demanded for each Captain he was so astonished and besides himself at the vastness of the Sum that his Covetousness made him send them back and refuse their Assistance as if he had been the Steward not the Enemy of the Romans and was to give an exact account of the Expences of the War to those with whom he waged it Nay when he had
after the Fight took a view of the slain and came to that Place where the three hundred that fought his Phalanx lay dead together he wondred and understanding that 't was the Band of Lovers he wept and said Let them be damn'd who suspect that these Men either did or suffer'd any thing that was base Indeed it was not the Disaster of Laius as the Poets imagine that first rais'd these Lovers amongst the Thebans but their Law-givers who designing to soften whilst they were young their natural Fierceness brought the Pipe into great Esteem both in serious and ludicrous Concerns and encourag'd an excellent Love in their Palestra's to temper the Manners of the Youth and therefore they did very well to make Harmony the Daughter of Mars and Venus their Tutelar because where Force and Courage is joyn'd with Gracefulness and winning Behaviour the most admirable and best contriv'd Government is fram'd All things being then Harmoniously dispos'd Gorgias dividing this sacred Band into the Front Ranks of his Infantry their Courage seem'd not so conspicuous for not being order'd in one Body they were weakned by being mingled with others of lesser Resolution But Pelopidas having sufficiently tryed their Bravery at Tegura and that they kept their Ground and fought well he never afterwards divided them but keeping them entire as one Body he gave the first Charge in the greatest Battels for as Horses run brisker in a Chariot than single not that their joynt Force divides the Air with greater ease but because they run together and their Emulation raiseth their Courage thus he thought stout Men provoking one another to commendable Actions would prove more useful and more resolv'd in an Enterprize where they were all concern'd Now when the Lacedaemonians had made Peace with the other Greeks and warr'd upon the Thebans only and their King Cleombrotus march'd with 10000 Foot and 1000 Horse and not only Slavery as heretofore but total Destruction threatned and Beotia was in a greater fear than ever Pelopidas going out of his own House and his Wife bringing him on his way and with tears begging him to be careful of his Life he reply'd Wife Private Men should be advis'd to look to themselves Generals to save others And when he came to the Camp and found the Generals disagreeing he first joyn'd with Epaminondas who advis'd to fight the Enemy he was not then Archon but Captain of the sacred Band and a Man in Trust as 't was fit he should be who had given his Countrey so great proof of his sincere Endeavours for their Freedom Well then when a Battel was agree'd on and they fac'd the Spartans at Leuctra Pelopidas saw a Vision which very much discompos'd him for in that Plain lye the Bodies of the Daughters of one Scedasus call'd from the Place Leuctridae for there they were bury'd having been ravish'd by some Spartan Strangers When this base and impious Deed was done and their Father could get no Satisfaction at Lacedaemon with bitter imprecations on the Spartans he kill'd himself at his Daughter's Tombs and from that time the Prophesies and Oracles still warn'd them to have a great Care of the Gods Revenge at Leuctra but many did not understand the meaning being uncertain of the Place because there was a little maritime Town of Laconia call'd Leuctron and near Megalopolis in Arcadia a Place of the same Name and the Villany was committed long before this Battel Now Pelopidas being asleep in the Camp thought he saw the Maidens weeping about their Tombs and cursing the Spartans and Scedasus commanding if they desir'd the Victory to sacrifice a red Virgin to his Daughters Pelopidas looking on this as an harsh and impious Injunction rose and told it to the Prophet and Commanders of the Army some of which contended that 't was fit to obey and brought for Examples from the Ancients Meneceus the Son of Creon Macaria the Daughter of Hercules and from latter Times Pherecydes the Philosopher slain by the Lacedaemonians and his Skin as the Oracles advis'd still kept by their Kings that Leonidas warn'd by the Oracle did as it were sacrifice himself for the Good of Greece that Themistocles offer'd some to Bacchus Omestes before the Engagement at Salamis and that the Success shew'd their Actions to be good On the contrary Agesilaus going from the same Place and against the same Enemies that Agamemnon did and being commanded in a Dream at Aulis to sacrifice his Daughter he being too fond deny'd it and therefore his Expedition was unsuccessful and inglorious But some on the other side urg'd that such a barbarous and impious Oblation could not be pleasing to any of those above that Typhons and Giants did not preside over the World but the Father of the Gods and Men that 't was absurd to imagine any Daemons delighted in Slaughter and Sacrifices of Men or if there were any such they were to be neglected as weak and unable to assist for unreasonable and impious Desires could only proceed from and live in weak and deprav'd Minds The Commanders thus disputing and Pelopidas being in a great Perplexity a Mare Colt breaking from the Herd ran through the Camp and when she came to the place where they were stood still and whilst some admir'd the sparkling Redness of her Colour others her Mettle or the strength and fury of her Neighing Theocritus the Augur having consider'd the Matter cry'd out to Pelopidas Happy Man look the Sacrifice is come expect no other Virgin but use that which the Gods have sent thee with that they took the Colt and leading her to the Maidens Sepulchers with the usual Solemnity and Prayers offer'd her with joy and then told the whole Army Pelopidas his Dream and how they had given the requir'd Sacrifice Now in the Battel Epaminondas bending his Phalanx to the left that as much as possible he might divide the right Wing compos'd of Spartans from the other Greeks and distress Cleombrotus by a brisk Charge on that Wing the Enemies perceiv'd the Design and began to change their Order to open their right Wing and far exceeding him in Number incompass Epaminondas But Petopidas came briskly up before Cleombrotus could open and close his Divisions and so fell upon the disorder'd Spartans tho' the Lacedaemonians are the most expert and cunning in the Art of War and are train'd up and accustom'd to nothing more than to keep themselves from Confusion when their Order is disturb'd but to follow any Leader or Right hand Man and order themselves and fight on what part soever Dangers press in this Battel Epaminondas his Phalanx neglecting the other Greeks and charging them alone and Pelopidas coming up with such incredible speed and fury so brake their Courage and baffled their Art that there began such a Flight and Slaughter amongst the Spartans as was never before known and so Pelopidas being neither Archon nor General but only a Captain of a small Band
Wife and his Son though he himself being of a strong robust constitution held out longer so that he would often even in his old days make use of Women nay when he was past a Lover's Age he married a young Woman and that upon this pretence You must know that having lost his own Wife he married his Son to the Daughter of Paulus Aemilius who was Sister to Scipio so that being now a Widower himself he made use of a small Girl who came privately to him but the House being very little and a Daughter-in-law also in it the Intrigue was quickly discover'd for the young wench seeming once to pass by a little too boldly to Cato's Bed-chamber the youth his Son though he said nothing seem'd to look a little grim upon her the old man perceiving it a little offensive without finding any fault or saying a word away he goes as his custome was vvith his usual company to the Market Among the rest he call'd aloud to one Salonius a Clerk of his and ask'd him whether he had marry'd his Daughter He answer'd no nor wou'd not till he had consulted him Quoth Cato then by Jove I have found out a fit Son-in-law for thee if he may not displease by reason of his Age for in all other things there is no fault to be found in him but he is indeed as I said a little Old. However Salonius streight desir'd him to undertake the business and to give the Virgin to whom he pleas'd she being an humble Servant of his and one who stood in need of his Care and Patronage Upon this Cato without any more ado told him he desir'd to have the Damosel himself These words did as you may well imagine at first astonish the fellow conceiving that Cato was as far off from marrying as he from a likelyhood of being ally'd to the Family of one who had been Consul and triumph'd but perceiving him in earnest he took hold of it vvillingly and going onwards to Market they quickly struck up the match Now whilst this same Marriage was in hand Cato's Son taking some of his friends along with him vvent and askt his Father for what offence he brought in a Mother-in-law upon him but Cato presently cry'd out Soft and fair good Son what thou doest is a greeable enough to me nor do I find any fault with it onely I desire to have many Children and to leave the Commonvvealth more such Citizens as thou art Pisistratus the Tyrant of Athens made they say such a kind of Ansvver to his Sons vvhen they vvere grovvn men and vvhen he marry'd his second Wife Timonassa of Argos by vvhom he had as is reported also Jophon and Thessalus Now Cato had a Son by this same second Venter to vvhom from his Mother he gave the Sir-name of Salonius in the mean time his eldest dy'd in his Pretorship of vvhom Cato makes often mention in his Books as having been a very good man Hovvever he is said to have born the Loss moderately and like a Philosopher and that he vvas never the more remiss in minding Affairs of State so that he did not as Lucius Lucullus and Metellus did aftervvards grovv languid in his old Age under the burthen of Publick business looking still upon that as a sacred Duty incumbent upon him Nor did he as Scipio Africanus had done before vvho because Envy had struck at his Glory turn'd from the Publick and so chang'd and pass'd avvay the rest of his Life vvithout doing any thing But as one persuaded Dionysius that the most honourable Tomb he could have wou'd be to dye in the exercise of his Dominion so he thought that Age to be the most honourable vvhich vvas busied in publick Affairs though he wou'd now and then when he had leisure recrâ—rate himself with Husbandry and Writing and indeed he compos'd several Books and Histories nay in his youth addicted kimself to Agriculture and that for Profit 's sake for he us'd to say he had but two ways of getting by Agriculture and Parsimony the first of which gave him in his old Age both Pleasure and Contemplation One Book he wrote of Countrey-affairs in which he treated particularly of making Cakes and preserving Fruit being emulous to be excellent and singular in all things His Suppers at his Countrey-house us'd also to be plentiful for he daily invited his Friends and Neighbours about him and pass'd away the time merrily with them so that his company was not onely agreeable to those of the same Age but even to the younger Fry for he had experience in a great many things and had been concern'd in much Business and Conversation worth ones hearing He lookt upon a good Table for the most part to be fittest to make Friends with where the Commendations of brave and good Commonwealths-men was usually introduc'd but not a word of base and ill ones for Cato wou'd not give leave in his company to have either good or ill spoken of such kind of men Some will have the Overthrow of Carthage to have been one of his last Feats of State when indeed Scipio the younger did by his Valour give it the Necking-blow though indeed chiefly by the Counsel and Advice of Cato The War happen'd upon this occasion Cato was sent to the Carthaginians and Massanissa King of Numidia who were at War with one another to know the cause of their difference He it seems was a Friend of the Romans from the beginning and they too since they were conquer'd by Scipio were their Confederates and kept in awe by taking away their Dominion and laying a heavy Tax upon them Now he finding Carthage not as the Romans thought low and in an ill condition but well mann'd full of Riches all sorts of Arms and Ammunition and perceiving the Carthaginians thereupon carry it high he conceiv'd that the Romans had not time to adjust Affairs betwen them and Massanissa but rather that they themselves wou'd fall into danger except they kept under that same City which had of old been an Enemy and still bore a grudge to Rome and grew incredibly stronger and stronger Wherefore returning quickly to Rome he acquainted the Senate That the former Defeats and Blows given to the Carthaginians had not so much diminish'd their Strength as it had abated their Imprudence and Folly that they were not become weaker but more experienc'd in War and did onely skirmish with the Numidians to exercise themselves the better to cope with the Romans That the Peace and League they had made was but a kind of Suspension of Arms till they expected a fairer opportunity to break again Moreover they say That shaking his Gown he took occasion to let drop some Africk Figs before the Senate Now they admiring the bigness and fairness of them he presently added That the Place that bore them was but three days sail from Rome Nay he never after this gave his Opinion but at the end he wou'd be sure to come
Justice and a care of our own private concerns and inveighs against idleness as the Origine of injustice and Homer excellently sung 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I lov'd not Work Nor house affairs or breeding up fine boys But well rig'd Ships were always my delight And Wars keen Darts and Arrows As if those were alike that carelesly imbezled their own Estates and who liv'd by Rapine for it is not as the Physicians say of Oil that outwardly apply'd it's very wholesome but taken inwardly very destructive so a just man provides carefully for others and is heedless of himself and his own affairs but in this Aristides's Politicks seem'd to be defective for as most say he took no care to leave his Daughters a Portion or himself enough to defray his Funeral-charges whereas Cato's family produc'd Senatours and Generals to the fourth generation for his grand-children and their Children came to the highest preferments But Aristides who was the principal man of Greece through extream poverty reduced some of his to get their living by shewing Juglars-tricks others for want to hold out their hands for publick Alms leaving none means to perform any noble Action or worthy his Dignity But why must this needs follow for poverty is dishonourable not in it self but when it is a sign of laziness intemperance luxury and carelesness yet in a person that is temperate industrious just and valiant employ'd in publick affairs furnish'd with all manner of Vertues it shews a great and lofty mind for he is unfit for great matters who concerns himself with petty ones nor can he relieve many needy who himself needs many But the main inablement to serve the Publick is not wealth but a self-sufficiency which vertue requiring no superfluity at home distracts not the mind from the Commonwealth For God is entirely exempt from all want of humane Vertues that which needs least is the most absolute and most divine For as a Body bred to a good habit requires no exquisite either cloaths or food so a man and a sound house keep themselves up with a small matter Now Riches ought to be proportion'd to the use we have of them for he that scrapes together a great deal making use of but little is not content but vvhether he vvants them not he is vain in preparing those things he relishes not or if he doth relish them and restrains his enjoyment out of sordidness he is miserable I would fain know of Cato himself if we therefore seek riches that we may enjoy them why doth he boast in that having a great deal he is contented with little But if it be noble as it is to feed on course Bread and drink the same Wine with our Hinds and not to covet Purple and Plaister'd Houses neither Aristides nor Epaminondas nor Manius Curius nor Caius Fabricius wanted necessaries who took no pains to get those things whose use they approv'd not for it was not worth his while who esteem'd Turnips a most delicate food and who boil'd them himself whilst his Wife bak'd the Bread to brag so often of a half-peny and write how a man may soonest grow rich for its a vast good to be contented with very little because at once it cuts off the desire and care of superfluities Therefore they say Aristides thus deliver'd himself in Callias's case It is for them to blush at poverty who are poor against their wills they who like him are willingly so may glory in it for it is ridiculous to think Aristides's neediness imputable to his sloth who might handsomly enough by the spoil of one Barbarian or seizing one Tent have become wealthy But enough of this Moreover Cato's Expeditions added no great matter to the Roman Empire which already was so great as in a manner it could receive no addition but those of Aristides are the noblest most splendid and prime actions the Grecians ever did viz. the Battels at Maratha Salamis and Plateae Nor indeed is Antiochus nor the Walls of the Spanish Towns demolish'd at the cost of innumerable Legions both by Land and Sea to be compar'd with Xerxes in all which noble exploits Aristides yielded to none but he left the Glory the Laurels the Wealth and Money to those who needed and thirsted more greedily after them for that he was above all those things I don't blame Cato for perpetually boasting and preferring himself before all others though in one of his Orations h◠says It 's equally absurd to praise and dispraise ones self yet he seems to me more perfectly vertuous who doth not so much as desire others praises than he who is always extolling himself for a mind free from Ambition is a main help to Meekness Ambition on the contrary is rough and the greatest fomenter of Envy from which Aristides was wholly exempt Cato very subject to it for Aristides assisted Themistocles in matters of highest importance and as his Officer in a manner rais'd Athens Cato by opposing Scipio almost broke and defeated his expedition against the Carthaginians in which he overthrew Hannibal who till then was even invincible and at last by raising always some suspicions and calumnies or other of him he chac'd him from the City and basely condemn'd his Brother for robbing the State Finally that temperance which Cato always highly cry'd up Aristides preserv'd truly pure and untainted But Cato's Marriage unbecoming his Dignity and Age drew upon him no slight or improbable aspersion for it was not at all decent for him at that age to bring home to his Son and his Wife a young woman the Daughter of an Apparitour and one that work'd publickly for wages But whether he did this out of Lust or Anger to be reveng'd of his Son for his Harlots sake both the fact and the pretence were unhandsome for the reason he pretended to his Son was false for if he desir'd to get more as worthy Children he ought to have married some Person of Quality and one well look'd on from the beginning not to forbear as long as he could conceal his keeping her a Miss and when it was discover'd to chuse such a Father-in-law as was easiest to be got instead of one whose affinity might be a credit to him The End of the Comparison of Aristides with Marcus Cato the Censor PHILOPAEMEN THE LIFE OF PHILOPOEMEN Translated out of the Greek By Thomas Short M. D. Volume II. CAssander was a Man of great quality and power in the City of Mantinea but by the revolution of Fortune hapned to be driven from thence There being an intimate friendship betwixt him and Crausis the Father of Philopoemen who was a Person of extraordinary Worth he setled at Megalopolis where while his friend lived he had all he could desire When Crausis dyed he repay'd the Father's hospitable kindness in the care of the orphan-Orphan-Sons by which means Philopoemen