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A54612 A discourse of taxes and contributions shewing the nature and measures of crown-lands, assessments, customs, poll-moneys, lotteries, benevolence, penalties, monopolies, offices, tythes, hearth, excise, &c. : with several intersperst discourses and digressions concerning wars, the church, universities, rents and purchases ... : the same being frequently applied to the state and affairs of Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present affairs of England : humbly recommended to the present Parliament. Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1689 (1689) Wing P1920; ESTC R20953 59,806 88

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A DISCOURSE OF TAXES and CONTRIBUTIONS Shewing the Nature and Measures of Crown-Lands Assesments Customs Poll-Moneys Lotteries Benevolence Penalties Monopolies Offices Tythes Hearth Excise c. With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning Wars The Church Universities Rents and Purchases Usury and Exchange Banks and Lombards Registries for Conveyances Beggars Ensurance Exportation of Money Exportation of VVooll Free Ports Coins Housing Liberty of Conscience c. The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of IRELAND and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs of ENGLAND humbly recommended to the present PARLIAMENT LONDON Printed for Edward Poole at the Ship over against the Royal Exchange in Cornhill 1689. The PREFACE YOung and vain persons though perhaps they marry not primarily and only on purpose to get Children much less to get such as may be fit for some one particular vocation yet having Children they dispose of them as well as they can according to their respective inclinations Even so although I wrote these sheets but to rid my head of so many troublesome conceits and not to apply them to the use of any one particular People or Concernment yet now they are born and that their Birth happened to be about the time of the Duke of Ormond's going Lord Lieutenant into Ireland I thought they might be as proper for the consideration of that place as of any other though perhaps of effect little enough in any Ireland is a place which must have so great an Army kept up in it as may make the Irish desist from doing themselves or the English harm by their future Rebellions And this great Army most occasion great and heavy Leavies upon a poor people and wasted Countrey it is therefore not amiss that Ireland should understand the nature and measure of Taxes and Contributions 2. The Parishes of Ireland do much want Regulation by uniting and dividing them so as to make them fit Enclosures wherein to plant the Gospel wherefore what I have said as to the danger of supernumerary Ministers may also be seasonable there when the new Geography we expect of that Island shall have afforded means for the Regulation abovementioned 3. The great plenty of Ireland will but undo it unless a way be found for advantageous Exportations the which will depend upon the due measure of Custom and Excise here treated on 4. Since Ireland is under-peopled in the whole and since the Government there can never be safe without chargeable Armies until the major part of the Inhabitants be English whether by carrying over these or withdrawing the other I think there can be no better encouragement to draw English men thither than to let them know that the Kings Revenue being about a tenth part of the whole Wealth Rent and proceed of the Nation that the Publick Charge in the next Age will be no more felt there than that of Tythes is here and that as the Kings Revenue encrease so the causes of his Expence will decrease proportionably which is a double advantage 6. The employing the Beggars in England about mending the High-wayes and making Rivers Navigable will make the Wooll and Cattle of Ireland vend the better 7. The full understanding of the nature of Money the effects of the various species of Coins and of their uncertain values as also of raising or embasing them is a learning most proper for Ireland which hath been lately much and often abused for the want of it 8. Since Lands are worth but six or seven years purchase and yet twenty years just cross the Channel 't were good the people of Ireland knew the reasons of it at a time when there is means of help Lastly If any man hath any Notions which probably may be good for Ireland he may with most advantage expose them to publick examination now when the Duke of Ormond is Chief Governour For 1. His Grace knows that Countrey perfectly well as well in times and matters of Peace as War and understands the Interests as well of particular persons as of all and every factions and parties struggling with each other in that Kingdom understanding withall the state of England and also of several Forreign Nations with reference to Ireland 2. His Grace hath given fresh demonstration of his care of an English Interest in Ireland and of his wisdom in reconciling the several cross concernments there so far as the same is possible 3. His Graces Estate in Lands there is the greatest that ever was in Ireland and consequently he is out of the danger incident to those Proreges against whom Cambden sayes Hibernia est semper querula there being no reason for ones getting more Land who hath already the most of any 4. Whereas some Chief Governours who have gone into Ireland chiefly to repair or raise fortunes have withdrawn themselves again when their work hath been done not abiding the clamors and complaints of the people afterwards But his Grace hath given Hostages to that Nation for his good Government and yet hath taken away aforeh and all fears of the contrary 5. His Grace dares do whatever he understands to be fitting even to the doing of a single subject Justice to a Confederate mulcitude being above the sinister interpretations of the jealous and querulous for his known Liberality and Magnificence shall ever keep him free from the clamour of the people and his through-tried fidelity shall frustrate the force of any subdolous whisperings in the Ears of His Majesty 6. His good acceptance of all ingenious endeavours shall make the Wise men of this Eastern England be led by his Star into Ireland and there present him with their choicest advices who can most judiciously select and apply them Lastly This great Person takes the great Settlement in hand when Ireland is as a white Paper when there sits a Parliament most affectionate to his person and capable of his Counsel under a King curious as well as careful of Reformation and when there is opportunity to pass into positive Laws whatsoever is right Reason and the Law of Nature Wherefore by applying those Notions unto Ireland I think I have harped upon the right string and have struck whilst the Iron is hot by publishing them now when if ever at all they be useful I would now advertise the world that I do not think I can mend it and that I hold it best for every mans particular quiet to let it Vadere sicut vult I know well that res nolunt male administrari and that say I what I will or can things will have their course nor will nature be couzened wherefore what I have writ as I said before was done but to ease and deliver my self my head having been impregnated with these things by the daily talk I hear about advancing and regulating Trade and by the murmurs about Taxes c. Now whether what I have said be contemned or cavilled at I care not being of the same mind about this as some
thriving men are concerning the profuseness of their Children for as they take pleasure to get even what they believe will be afterwards pissed against the wall so do I to write what I suspect will signifie nothing Wherefore the race being not to the swift c. but time and chance happening to all men I leave the Judgment of the whole to the Candid of whose correction I shall never be impatient THE INDEX AN Enumeration and Description of the several Branches of the Publick Charge Page 1 The maintenance of Governours ought to be in greater splendour than private Callings can reach to Ibidem The honour of being trusted and the pleasure of being feared is reward enough for some Offices p. 2. The Pastorage of Souls ought to be a Publick Charge even upon a Civil Account Ibid. The use of Schools and Vniversities as they are a Publick Charge p. 3 The common and general causes which encrease and aggravate the burthen of paying Taxes Ibid. The causes that excite Forreign and Offensive Wars p. 4 The causes of Defensive and Civil Wars p. 5 A cause of unnecessary Ecclesiastical Charge is the not sizing of Parishes according to the alterations which have been in Religion and Trade p. 6 That five thousand Parishes are enough for England and Wales so as to give unto each but a thousand Parishioners and so as that none need go two miles to Church Ibid. Antiquated Offices and overgrown Fees a cause of unnecessary Charge in the Government and administration of Justice p. 8 Registers for Conveyances of Land and Depositories for moveable Pawns as also Banks of Money will lessen the charge of Law-suits and Writings p. 9 How the number of such as relate to the Faculty of Medicine may be adjusted Ibid. How the number of Students in the Vniversities intending to make Learning the way of their livelihood may be adjusted p. 10 An Vse propounded for the choice Parish-Children and Foundlings to force on an useful Work which hath hitherto been but perfunctorily pursued Ibid. That the number of unnecessary Merchants and Retailers be retrenched Ibid. The careful Maintenance and Education of exposed Children and concealing their Names and Families is a matter of great consequence p. 11 A Proposal of several Imployments for Beggars and such as have now no Work. Ibid. Great works of labour though in themselves unnecessary are nevertheless of advantage to the Publick p. 12 The mending of High-ways building Bridges and Causeys and the making of Rivers Navigable in England would make English Horses an exportable Commodity and help to vend the Commodities of Ireland p. 13 The Causes of unquiet bearing of Taxes viz. Ibid. First that the Soveraign exacts too much p. 14 Secondly that Assessments are unequally laid Ibid. Thirdly that the Moneys levied are vainly expended Ibid. Fourthly or given to Favourites p. 15 Fifthly Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the people Ibid. Sixthly Obsourity about the right of imposing p. 16 Seventhly Fewness of people Ibid Eighthly Scarcity of Money and confusion of Coyns Ibid. Ninthly That scarce an hundredth part of the Riches of this Nation is Coyned Bullion Ibid. Tenthly The non-acceptance of some Commodities in specie in discharge of Taxes Ibid. The Consequences of a Tax too heavy if there be too much Money in a Nation which may be or if there be too little and that either in a State well or ill governed p. 17 p. 18 p. 19 The first way of providing for the Publick Charge is the excinding or setting apart of a proportion of the Territory in the nature of Crown-Lands p. 19 The second is taking away the same proportion of the Rents of all Lands p. 20 The Nation is happy where either of the said two ways is practised ab antiquo and upon original agreement and not exacted as a sudden contingent Surcharge upon the people Ibid. The Owners of settled Rents bear the burthen of a Land-Tax or Assessment others probably gaining thereby Ibid. A Land-Tax upon free Estates resolves into an Excize upon Consumptions p. 21 Assessment upon Housing more uncertain than that of Land Housing being of a double nature viz. either an instrument of gain or way of expence Ibid. The heavy Taxing of Housing no discouragement to new Buildings nor is the discouragement of new Buildings any means to prevent the populousness of a City p. 22 Prohibition to build upon new Foundations serves only to six the Ground-plot of a City Ibid. The reason why the City of London removes its Ground-plot Westward Ibid. That 't is probable the King of Englands Palace will in process of time be towards Chelsey p. 23 That the present Seat of London will be the greatest Conhabitation of people ever whilst this Island is inhabited Ibid. The nature and natural Measures of the Rent of Land computed in Commodities of the growth of the said Land. Ibid. The Par between Food or other proceed of Land and Bullion or Coyn. p. 24 The Par between Gold and Silver Ibid. Gold and Silver are not natural Standards of the Values of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 25 The prime Denomination of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are but two viz. Land and Labour as the Denominations of Money in England are Pounds Shillings Pence Ibid. Of the Par between Land and Labour Ibid. The reason of the number of years Purchase that Land is worth in several Countries p. 26 Why Land in Ireland is worth fewer years Purchase than in England Ibid. 27 The Description and Ratio formalis of Vsury p. 28 The same of Exchange Ibid. The Measures of both Ibid. Why Vsury hath been limited more than Exchange p. 29 A parallel between the Charges of the price of Money and that of Land. Ibid. How to compute and compare the Rents of Lands in order to a just Land-Tax or Assessment p. 30 The intrinsick value of Land is found by Surveys of the Quantity Figure and Scituation Ibid. And by the Survey of the Quality viz. its aptitude to bear first precious Commodities secondly the best of the kind thirdly most in quantity Ibid. The extrinsick or accidental value depends upon the plenty of Money luxurious or frugal living the Opinions Civil Natural and Religious of the People It is necessary to these Enquiries to know how to tell the Gold and Silver Coyns of this present Age and compare the same with that of former times Ibid. How to compare not only the Money of this present Age with that of the former but the entire riches of the present with the former People Ibid. By the numbers of People and the proportion of Money amongst them the accidental values of Lands are to be computed p. 32 How to proportion the Rates of a Commodity in one place unto the Rates of the same in another place Ibid. That the Day-wages of Labourers and several other of the most vulgar Trades-men ought to be ascertained and well adapted to the changes of time Ibid. That
glory of a Prince lyeth rather in the extent of his Territory than in the number art and industry of his people well united and governed And moreover that it is more glorious to take from others by fraud or rapine than to gain ones self out of the bowels of the Earth and Sea. 9. Now those States are free from Forreign Offensive Wars arising as abovesaid out of personal and private Causes where the chief Governours Revenue is but small and not sufficient to carry on such Wars the which if they happen to be begun and so far carried on as to Want general Contributions then those who have the power to impose them do commonly enquire what private persons and Ends occasioned the War and so fall upon the Authors rather than contribute to the Effect otherwise than to quench it 10. Defensive Wars are caused from unpreparedness of the offended State for war as when defective Stores are served into the Magazines by corrupt Officers at the rate of good when Armies are falsely Mustred when Souldiers are either Tenants or Servants to their Commanders or else persons who for their Crimes or Debts want protection from Justice when the Officers are ignorant of their business and absent from their Commands and withal afraid to punish because unwilling to pay Wherefore to be alwaies in a posture of War at home is the cheapest way to keep off War from abroad 11. The causes of Civil Wars here in Europe proceed very much from Religion viz. the punishing of Believers heterodox from the Authorized way in publick and open places before great multitudes of ignorant people with loss of life liberty and limbs rather than by well proportioned tolerable pecuniary mulcts such as every conscientions Non-Conformist would gladly pay and Hypocrites by refusing discover themselves to be such 12. Civil Wars are likewise caused by peoples fansying that their own uneasie condition may be best remedied by an universal confusion although indeed upon the upshot of such discorders they shall probably be in a worse even although they survive and succeed but more probably perish in the contest 13. Morover the peoples believing that forms of Government shall in a few years produce any considerable alteration as to the wealth of the subject that the form which is most ancient and present is not the best for the place that any established family or person is not better than any new pretender or even than the best Election that can be made that Soveraignty is invisible and that it is not certainly annexed unto some certain person or persons 14. Causes of Civil War are also that the Wealth of the Nation is in too few mens hands and that no certain means are provided to keep all men from a necessity either to beg or steal or be Souldiers Moreover the allowing Luxury in some whilst others needlesly starve The dispensing of benefits upon casual and uncertain Motives the giving vast Emoluments to persons and parties of no certain visible merit These are the things which cause animosities among the totter-headed multitude who are the tinder that the sparks of a few Designers may easily inflame 15. One Cause of Publick Charge in matters of Religion is the not having changed the limits of Parishes and Cures with the Change of Religion from Popery and with the Changes in Plantation and Trade For now when the Ministers of the Gospel preach unto multitudes assembled in one place may not Parishes be bigger that is may not Flocks be more numerous than when every particular sheep was as heretofore drest and shorn three or four times per annum by Shrift If there be in England and Wales but about five millions of people what needs be more than 5000 Parishes that is 1000 Sheep under every Shepherd Whereas in the midling Parishes of London there are about 5000 souls in each Upon which account there needs be in England and Wales but 1000 Parishes whereas there are near 10000. 16. Now the saving of half the Parishes would reckoning the Benefices one with another but at 100 l. per Annum a piece save 500000 l. Besides when the number of Parochial Parsons were halved then there would need but half the present number of Bishops Deans and Chapters Colledges and Cathedrals which perhaps would amount to two or three hundred thousand pounds more And yet the Church of God would be more regularly served than now and that without prejudice to that sacred antient Order of Episcopacy and the way of their Maintenance by Tythes and all this in a method of greater Reformation and suitableness thereunto 17. But suppose it be said that in some wild Countreys a thousand people do not live in a less scope of ground than of eight miles square To which I answer that there are few or no such places the largest Parishes I know being not more capacious than of three or four miles square in which is no difficulty for the people to meet once a week at some central place within that scope 18. Moreover I say that a Curate of small Learning if of good life and duly Ordained may officiate in four Chappels of Ease every Sunday and the Preacher who indeed should be a person of Learning and Eloquence may preach every other Sunday in every of the said Chappels by preaching in two of them one day and in the other two the other day And this with Catechizing and Extra-Lectures upon the Week-days would perform as much as now is performed and as much as by the blessing of God is necessary to salvation for the yoak of Christ is easie and his burthen light 19. But to put an end to this doubt I affirm that if England and Wales were cut out in parcels of three miles square there would be found few above four thousand such of which to make Parishes 20. Now if it be said that the Alienation of these Tythes is Sacriledge I answer that if the same be employed to defend the Church of God against the Turk and Pope and the Nations who adhere to them it is not at all or less than to give three fourths of the same to the Wives and Children of the Priests which were not in being when those allowances were set forth 21. If I had not an abhorrence from Propounding the lessening of the Church-Means I could say that the retrenching part of each ramaining Parsons Tythes and Emoluments and leaving them for Part to the free Contributions of their Flocks were a way to promote the Gospel and to give less offence to such as think that their whole maintenance should be made in that manner 22. I might also say that forasmuch as there be more Males than Females in England the said disproportion pro tanto hindering procreation that it were good for the Ministers to return to their Caelibat or that none should be Ministers whilst they were married it being easie among five millions of people to finde out 5000 that could and would live