matters page 119. THE FIRST INCOVNTER ABOVT THE BLESSINGES AND BENEDICTIONS vvhich Sir Francis affirmeth to haue come to England by the change of Catholique Religion WITTIE was the answer of him who being demaunded what enimy was to be holden for most perilous and pernitious sayd that of domestical enemies the flatterer for that his wound is receiued commonlie with delectation and by couering the truth and praysing the vices and imperfections of the party flattered he doth lead him pleasantly and without resistance to perdition And as this is true in particuler men as all the world doth experieÌ„ce daily so much more hath it his effect in great communities and common wealthes where the greater part being lightly of the simpler and more imperfect sort they are easily caried away with the poysoned melody of these Sirens songes of adulatioÌ„ so he that will read ouer the stories of the beginninges proceedinges fall and ouerthrow of realmes and countries shal find the principall root of their ruine or changes to haue bin the eare and credit giuen to flatterers before the sincere couÌ„cell of them that spake more plainlie though les pleasantlie Let the onlâ—e example of the people of Israell serue for this tyme who being often told by holie men and prophets of God of their dangerous estate would neuer beleeue them but harkened rather vnto flatterers that smoothed all and told them of blessinges in so much as God himself resolued one daie to saie plainlie vnto them though it profited little Pâ—pule meus qui te beatum dicunt ipsi te decipiunt viam gressuum tuoruâ— dissipant My people they who say thou art happie they are those that deceiue thee and doe mar the way where thou art to passe therby to ouerthrow thee He that will consider with iudgemeÌ„t and indifferencie the present estate of matters in England and round about it this especially by reason of change made in religion shal read together the flearing tale which Sir Francis Hastinges telleth vs in the first lynes of his booke of the iâ—finit and innumerable blessinges receiued as he saith by the sayd change he will either say that the man lacked witte and discourse to see the deformitie and contradiction of his owne talke or els modestie and shame fastnesse in vttering it For notwithstanding the rare partes and good intentions of her Maiestie in this her gouernement which no man denieth nor yet conioyneth with the euil successe of this alteration of religion as well knowen not to haue proceeded of her owne inclination at the beginning who is there so simple that discouereth not or so euil affected that rueth not from his harte the difficulties alredy growen and growing daily by this most vnfortunate and fatall alteration of religion which this man calleth The fountaine and wellspring whence all the rest of this our little Ilandes benefites and blessinges doe issue and flow Nay doth not the seely fellow himself in all this furious and scornefull libell of his indeuour to lay before vs a thowsand feares and frightes of imminent perilles which he saieth hang ouer vs by the diuision of hartes of handes of iudgementes of affections of partes and partialâ—ties and factions within the realme Or is his whole argument any thing els in effect but a timerous abodement of infinite ruines that doe beset the realme at this day And are not his owne wordes these after a long discourse of perilles I doubt not deare countriemen but that you are men of wisdome and can easilye conceyue what dangers we stand in by that which hath bin set downe before And a little after The life of Religion of Queen Countrie is at the stake c. And how then doth he pype vnto vs this feigned note of melancholie musike amiddest so many dreadfull cares and sorrowes hath he not redde that Musica in luctu importuna narratio it is importun chaunting when other men are weeping but let vs heare his manner of speache If I should take vpon me sayth he to enter into the enumeration of all the benefites and blessinges that from the almighâ—i haue bin powred vpon this little Island of England c. Here Sir Knight seing you mention our little Island you must take in Scotland also or els you erre in Cosmographie and then your meaning must be that Scotland in like manner as well as we hath tasted of the same benedictioÌ„s by change of religion as no doubt but it hath with all other regions and countryes neere about vs who being quiet before and setled in one vniuersall and generall religion did by Englandes alteration receyue the like impression and motion in themselues yet more then the rest by their neerenesse Scotland Ireland Flanders and Fraunce Into the enumeration of all which countryes miseries tumultes calamities and desolations happened by that chaunge if I should enter with Sir FrauÌ„cis to recount them I should finde a far more ample subiect to inlarge my self vpon then he in recyting his blessinges though he descended vnto verie poore ones For to begin with Scotland and to say nothing of the Battailes Murders destruction of Countries Prouinces Townes Citties Howses and particuler Men which we haue seen in that Realme within thes fourtie yeares that the change of religion hath bin attempted no man can deny but that three Princes two Queenes and one King the Mother Daughter and Husband haue bin all brought to their bane by this occasion besides the ouerthrow and change of so many Noble Howses and Linages as Scotish-men can recount mong their Hamiltons Dougleses Stewardes and others as also the Irish will tell of their Noble Desmondes and other Peeres destroied But Flaunders Fraunce haue no end at all in these coumptes when they begin they are so many And all this as they say and is euident by the Lamentable consequence of our change of Religion in EnglaÌ„d which drew them after vs or at least-wyse gaue example hart and help to their change and euersion also But not to steppe froÌ„ England it self wher principally this blessing bringer doth vaunt that his blessings are powred out in abundance let vs examine the matter indifferentlie among our selues we are English-men and we talke to men of the same language and nation that know the countrie and condition therof and many haue seen the change and knew the stare of thinges therein before the alteration or at least-wyse haue heard thereof since by their fatheres and grandfathers This is not a contention about Terra Virginea where only we must beleeue Sir VValter Rawleighes Relations or Sir Humfrey Gilbertes about Terra Florida Let euery man then looke about him and say what he findeth or feeleth of these blessings or maledictions in himself or others I for my part shal onely for better direction of mens iudgments geue this aduertisement that all blessings of a common-wealth may seeme to be reduced to two heades or braunches the one
spirituall belonging to the soule and conscience the other temporall that concerneth the body and weale-publique Let the consideration of the spirituall goe before for that they are the worthier and most important for true Christians to be considered and esteemed There was in England before the alteration one God worshipped and adored after one and the self same manner not onely thoroughout this little Iland of England and Scotland but also of the whole body of Christendome one fayth one beleefe one forme of seruice one number of sacramentes one tonge in celebration one sacryfice one head of the Church one obedience one iudgement in all with other lyke poyntes and circumstances of vnion and vnitie which made a generall vniformitie also in the peace of mens myndes and is a benedictioÌ„ so highlie esteemed commended by the Apostles and Christ himself as nothing more in Christian doctrine This was in England before the change but now in these poyntes we English of the new profession are not onelie different deuided from the generall body of Catholiques in Christendom with whome we were vnited before but also among our selues and with other new sectaries sprong vp with vs or after vs we haue implacable warres and are deuided in opinions as from Lutherans in Germanie and Denmarke from Zwinglians in Swizer-land from Caluinistes in Geneua Fraunce Holland and Scotland and at whome what combates our Bishoppes Counsellors and moderate sorte of Protestantes haue to defend their Parlament Religion and Q. proceedings as they call it against Puritanes Brownistes and other lyke good fellowes that by shew of Scriptures doe impugne it All Englishmen knowe and see by their bookes daylie so as this first and greatest spirituall blessing of vnity and vniformitie we haue lost and not gained by out change of Religion But here our Knight perhappes will say that the blessing consisteth in that by this change they who follow the Parlament Religion allowed by the state of EnglaÌ„d I doe say Perhappes for that I know not but rather doe doubt much whether Sir FraÌ„cis doth followe it or no haue the onlie true Religion among all others that doe erre or at least-wyse his puritan Religion and thereby that they only haue this blessing by the change And no doubt but he saied much if he could proue it of the one or of the other but this seemeth impossible I meane that he should either proue it to me or knowe it himself but onlie by his owne particuler ghesse which maketh not faith but opinion and fansie for I would aske Sir Francis or any such man as he is that determineth so resolutely that his onlie Religion among so many others as are extant at this day is true and all others false whereon doth he grouÌ„d his certaintie Two only meanes can Sir Francis haue to guide himself in this case first that he hath receyued his doctryne of such or such persons preachers Ministers or Doctors whose learning and knowledge in this â—ehalf he trusteth absolutely then is his whole fayth builded vpon the credit of man as is euident and consequently is nothing worth nor no fayth at all The other waie is that he beleeueth it for that it â—s founded in scripture but this waie to Sir Francis must needes be as vncertayne as the other if not more for that to be sure that it is â—oundly grounded vpon scripture he must first reade himself his whole beleef expresly in scriptures which is much for a man of Sir Francis occupation to do then he must be able to iudge of manie other poyntes belonging to the same as namely that the booke is surely scripture that he readeth And then that the translation which he vseth is trulie made out of the learned tongues of Hebrue Greek and Latin And lastelie he must be sure of the true sense and exposition which also are hard matters for a man of Sir Francis learning and much more for others that knowe lesse then he Yea and when all is done if he had all these helpes needfull for such a matter as he hath not yet were it but a priuate mans opinion and consequentlie his faith should be grounded but vpon his owne particuler iudgement which maketh no faith at all but opinion only as ofteÌ„ hath byn saied for that faith must haue Gods expresse authoritie for her foundation So that to conclude the first blessing which Sir Francis in particuler thinketh to haue recâ—yued by this change of his religion is in effect that wheras before when he beleeued the Catholique and vniuersal fayth of Christendome deliuered vnto him by the vniuersal churche as founded on scripture which churche Christe and his Apostles gaue him expresse comission to credit his beleef was properly fayth and founded vpon a rocke that could not fayl now hauing left that fortresse and cast himself into the waues of new opinions he hath nothing certayne at all but so much as he list to chuse of himself or of other mens opinions which choise is properly called heresy for that the woord heresie in Greek as all learned men know signifyeth nothing els but a certayne election and choise in matters of religion to witt when a man leauing the common consent of the generall Churche chuseth only to follow that which his owne priuate iudgement induceth him vnto And to make this more playne how all these people haue no other rule of beleef but only what their owne faâ—sie leadeth them vnto I aske Sir Francis not of any Catholyque Doctor nor of anie auncient father as S. Augustin S. Ierom or the rest whome easely he would contemne but rather of his owne Doctors Martin Luther Iohn Caluyn Theodore Beza and such others whome he supposeth to haue bin seruantes of God and indued with his holie spirit and all the world knoweth that they were more learned then Sir Francis yet why should he beleeue his owne iudgmeÌ„t more then theirs in poyntes of faith wherin they differ from him as Luther about the real presence and the number and forme of Sacraments and many other pointes Caluyn in matter of the Q Supremacie which he denieth Beza in the whole gouernement of their churche Or why should I beleeue Sir Francis or his new maisters of England rather then these that were more learned then hee or his or what reason rule or foundation haue any of these men to beleeue their owne opinion more then others but only self will and fansie This then is the first and greatest spiritual benediction or malediction rather that I fynd to haue happened to our realme and nation by this wofull alteration of religion that whereas before we had â— direct rule squyre and pole-starre to follow which was the vniuersal churche now euery man being set at libertie holdeth beleeueth and teacheth what he listeth Nor is there any waie or meane lefte to restrayne him for streight way he appealeth boldly and confidently to the scriptures and there he wilbe both
maister and pilot and boteswayne himself to gouerne the barke at his pleasure for he admitteâ—â— no iudge no interpreter no authoritie no antiquitie nor anie other manner of triall which is the greatest madnes and malediction that euer could happen amonge men of reason And I haue byn the longer in this first blessing for that it is the head and welspring of all other spirituall miseries insued by this alteration vpon vs which now in haste I will runne ouer as men are wont to drinck a medicine with as litle stay or reflexion as may for the euil sauour After assurance stabilitie and vnion in beleef the next greatest spiritual benedictions that can be expected of any doctryn are the good effects of vertue which it woorketh in mens myndes and manners as it was foretold by Esay the prophet that Christes doctrine should so alter mens conditions and natures that such as were most fearce sauadge and wicked before should by this doctryn become most humble kinde and gentle The wolfe sayth he shall dwell with â—he lambe and the parde shall lye with the goat the calfe lyon and sheep shall abyde together and a litle childe shalbe able to gouerne them all VVell then hath the protestantes doctryn wrought these effects of peace meekenesse mansuetude and agreement I haue touched before the bloody tragedies raysed in Fraunce Flaunders Scotland and other places vpon the first rysing therof I might adde Swizerland and Germanie where their owne stories do testifie that aboue a hundreth thowsand people were slayne within one yeare by the rebellion and warres of the countrie-men agaynst their Lordes for the controuersie of religion such humilitie obedience and meeknes of hart imâ—rinted presently this new doctryn when it came But let vs see other effects Christes doctrine exhorteth to Peâ—ance to Mortification of the flesh to Continencie Virginitie Faâ—ting Praying Almes voluntarie Pouertie renouncing of the world the lyke Are there more of these effects now adayes in England or before Or are there more in Sir Francis and his men then in ours doth he and his ghospellers pay their debtes better then Catholiques doe or keepe better Howses or more Hospitalitie or â—rayse their Rentes lesse or take lesse Fines or vse their Tenantes â—etter or lend their Neighboures more money without vsurie Or doe they helpe to Marrye more Poore mens daughters and other such like good VVoorkes of Charitie Is Pryde in apparayle Glutâ—onie Dronkennesse Lecherie Swearing and For swearing Coueâ—ousnesse Crueltie Falsehood Deceipte Theeuerie Lack of Conâ—cience Oppressing of poore men more of lesse noweadayes in vre or before when yet this change was not made Let Sir Francis anâ—were me to this and not he only but the whole countrie rouÌ„d about him and then let him tell me with wittnesses whether they be Spirituall blessinges or curses that haue insued vpon this change of Religion so much commended by him and so I shâ—l passe to weigh his temporall benedictions which perhappes he esteemeth farre more then these spirituall For better vnderstanding whereof men are wont to bring into consideration two poyntes First what was likely to haue bin or â—allen out if the the change of ReligioÌ„ had not bin made in her Maâ—esties tyme and then what hath insued vpon the change made To the first they saie that if as her Maiestie entered most happily and ioy fullie into the Crowne of England by generall consent of all and promoted especiallie by the peculier forces of Catholiques that were at that day moste potent without comparison and that as her Maiestie entered Catholiquely that is to say shewing herâ—self in all poyntes of religion and behaueour à Catholique according as she had done also before in her sister Q. Maries râ—â—gne and was now crowned and anoynted Catholiquely by a Catholique bishop at a Catholique masse and other like circumstances iâ— she had continued that course still not yeelded to the persuasionâ— of some new counsellors agaynst the iudgement of all her olde aâ— in deed she was hardly brought to yeelde therunto at the beginning for that she foresawe by her wisdome diuers of the inconueniences that sythence haue insued then say these men if this had bynâ— so both her Maiestie and the realme had byn moste happie at this day And in particuler they alleadge these benefytes following which of all probabilitie would haue fallen vpon vs. First her Maiestie at this day had had a moste florishing kingdome vnited both to her and among themselues in Religion iudgment affection fidelitie and frendshippe as other realmes Catholique of the worlde are seen to be and as ours for aboue a thowsand yeares together with much honour and felicitie is knowne to haue remayned Here of had insued that none of these feares and terrors of Conquestes Inuasions Assaultes Treasons Conspiracies and the like which this Wach-man indeuoreth to lay before vs had euer come in consideration For that England vnited in it self hath euer since iâ— was a Monarchie made other Kingdomes and Prouinces rownâ— about it to feare her forces as by matters happened in FraÌ„ce Ireland and Scotland for many ages is euident and she neuer greatlie feared any Thirdly England had had her Maiestie at this day by all likelihood a ioyfull mother of many fayre and princely children for thaâ— the principall cause of her graces not marying is to be presumed to haue proceeded of the different Religion of forrayne Princes who desired the same on the on side and on the other the inequalitiâ— of blood in her owne subiectes for such aduauncemeÌ„t For to attribute this great resolution of her Maiestie to the onlie loue of sole lyfe and Mayden head I doubt how it can be iusâ—ifiable seing that among Catholiques where such professioÌ„ is more praised and practised they vse sometymes to draw out euen vowed Nunnes from their Cloisters to mariadge for so weightie a cause as is the sauing of succession in so great a crown as England is known to be And among protestants virginitie is not of that necessitie or merit as for it to incurr so great inconueniences notwithstanding the base and seruile flatterie of this crowching Knight who casteth in now and then the memorie of a Mayden Queen without respecting the deadly wound which his countrie receiueth thereby Fourthly of this had followed the sure establishment of the succession of this Imperiall crown in the blood and race of the vnited Royall Howses of York and Lancaster and of the lyne of the Noble King Henry the seuenth which lyne being now to end with her Maiestie in the direct discent is lyke to bring great dangers to the realme For albeit there want not of collateral branches yet their causes are otherwise so implicated for diuerse respects but espetiallie by difference of religion which had neuer happened if the change had not byn made as no man can tell what wilbe the end and most men do â—eare extreme calamities therby Fifthly if
religion in England had not byn changed we had had no breach with Rome nor consequently had the excommunication followed whereof so great noise hath byn made in the world abroad and so great trouble at home And what the vnion and frendshipp of the Bishop of Rome may importe euen as a temporall Prince the effects shewed of late in Fraunce where espetiallie by his indeuour and authoritie matters haue byn compounded that seemed verie hard and desperate before not only between that King and his owne subiectes but also between that crown and Spayn and the states of Flaunders which without such an arbiter and vmpyre would verie hardly haue euer byn accommodated Sixthly England had continued in her old ancient amitie and leagues moste honorable with Spayn and Burgâ—ndie and with their dependents and consequently had auoyded all these long and costly warres which by that breach we haue byn inforced to manteyne with losse of so many worthie men and expence of so great treasure as easelie maie be imagined and the quarell not yet ended Seuenthly so great and bloody warres and tumultes in Christian kingdomes round about vs had neuer happened as before in part hath byn declared and all the world doth impute the principal causes and motions therof vnto the diuersitie of religion in England And lastly most dolefull alterations in our own countrie had byn auoyded as the depriuation in one day of all the sacred order of Bishops in England with their perpetual imprisonment for that they would not subscribe to this infortunate change of religion wroong out in ParlameÌ„t as all men know by the oddes only of one or two voices of lay men The disgrace and abasing of so many noble houses with ouerthrow of others wherof let Norfolk Arundel Northumberland Oxford VVestmerland and Dacres giue testimonie For of the rest I will not make mention seing perhaps themselues would be loth I should all which had passed otherwise by probabilitie if religion had not byn altered The continual and intollerable affliction also of so many honorable and worshipfull Gentlemen had neuer happened for perseuering in their fathers fayth wherto our country was first conuerted from infidelitie without any other offence obiected or to be proued agaynste them but only refusing to accommodate themselues to this change The torturing hanging and quartering of aboue a hundreth Preestes for the same cause the moste of them good Gentlemen and youthes of rare witt learning and other partes which other Common wealthes would highly haue esteemed and so would ours too in tymes past and will agayne in tyme to come when these blastes shall once be ouerblown All these inconueniences and calamities had bin auoyded or the moste of them if change of Religion in England had not byn made so that the innumerable benedictions which this poore man would needs threap vpon vs by the change do come to be in effect these that follow First in Spiritual affayrs to haue no certaynty of Religion at all as hath bin proued no stay no foundation no rule but only euery mans own priuate iudgment and fansie wrangling and iangling without end and without iudge or meanes to make an end Nouelties without number and liberty of lyf without feare or force of Ecclesiasticall disciplyne to restrayn it And theÌ„ in temporall matters the blessings are such as haue bin discouered our Realme deuided and shiuered in a thowsand peeces our Princess olde without children or hope of any our Crown without Succession our olde frends and allyes made our enemies our new frends vncertayn our own flesh and countrymen most pitifully deuided within their own bowels and most miserably tossed and turmoyled both abroad and at home abroad and in other countries with Prisons Yrons Chaynes Gallyes and other Afflictions euen to Death it self for being Protestants Pirats Spies Practisers or other such imputations incident to enemyes At home afflicted with no less persecutions of our own Magistrates for being Catholiques or deemed to be such So as I would fayn know who are they in our litle Iland that feel these innumerable benifits and blessings by change of Religion which this gentleman talketh of seeing there are very few either of one Religion or other that taste not of the miseries wherof I haue spoken either in themselues their frends children seruants kinsefolks goodes honours or otherwise and most of all the Realm and Commonwealth it self It may be Sir Francis sitteth easier then other men hauing gotten som fat morsel to feed on by this change yet ought he to haue some sens and feeling also of other mens greefs or at least-wise so much wit as not to put himself to sing in publique when so many thowsands of other men do weep and complayn And so much of his blessings THE SECOND INCOVNTER ABOVT CERTAIN ABSVRD GROWNDS and principles forged by this Knight to be in Catholique Religion WE haue taken a scantling in the former incounter of this our knightes folly and flatterie now followeth a fuller view of his cogging and lying for these two vertues coÌ„monly go together qui adulator idem mendax sayth one the flatterer is a lyar in lyke manner For neither truth can stretch herself to flatter nor flattery can be manteyned without lying This man then after he hath flattered the state of England so grosly and fondly as you haue heard by telling them of the innumerable benedictions powred out vpon the whol Iland by the change of religion now he will needes take vpon him to set before our eyes the spiritual miseries and maledictions that Catholiques were in before this change to witt in Queen Maries dayes and in former raignes of ancient Catholique Princes by reason of certayne absurd and false principles which as he sayth were then receyued for truthes in matters of Religion But before he come to set down those principles he maketh for his preface acertain poetical description of the dark clowdy and mistie state of thinges in Queen Maries tyme in these woords It is not vnknown sayth he to many yet liuing nether can it be altogether â—idden from the yonger sorte that liued with them what a dark mistie clowd of ignorance which brought in popish idolatrie and all manner of superstition did ouershadow the whole Land c. and againe after In these dark and clowdy daies least the sun-shine of knowledge should dispearce the mists of ignorance and giue light to the dimm of sight c. Doth it not seeme that this graue gentleman describeth the lake of Auernus in Italy or some foggy marsh in England or some smoaky kitchin or wood-howse of his own without a window when he speaketh of our famous Country in former tymes Aboue a thowsand years the state of England and the Princes People Nobility and Learned men thereof had continued in that Egiptian or rather Cimmerian darknes which he describeth vnder clowds mists and shadows vntil his new Sun-shyne doctors came in to
A TEMPERATE VVARD-VVORD TO THE TVRBVLENT AND SEDITIOVS VVach-word of Sir Francis Hastinges knight vvho indeuoreth to slaunder the vvhole Catholique cause all professors therof both at home and abrode Reduced into eight seueral encounters vvith a particuler speeche directed to the Lordes of her Maiesties most honorable Councel To vvhome the arbitriment of the vvhole is remitted By N. D. Psalm 71. vers 4. Iudicabit Dominus pauperes populi humiliabit calumniatorem God vvil iudge his poore and afflicted people and vvil make the stâ—nderer to stoop Imprinted vvith Licence ANNO M. D. XCIX THE PREFACE TO THE READER I Could much haue vvished that Sir Francis Hastinges vvho geueth himself for author of a certayne iniurious pamphlet published some monethes past agaynst Catholiques and intituled Avvache-vvord or vvhosoeuer made that byting libel for him vvith intention to dishonor him vvith the title as on the one syde he nameth himself knight and all men knovv the Hastinges to be of a verie honorable familie and one also to be knight of that name so on the other had he obserued some terme and stile of nobilitie or gentrie in his vvryting in vvhich case I had either vvholy spared this labour of ansvvering him at all leauing him only to the censure and rebuke of his equals for medling in so base an excercise as calumniation and rayling is in this his old yeares or at leastvvise should he haue receyued his check and refutation vvith that regard of vvorship and honor as othervvise had byn due to his rank place and person But fynding him so far forgetful of all knightly temperance in his tongue and of all ciuil cariage in the drift and current of his book as he holdeth no rule or limit of modestie at all but inraged rather as it seemeth vvith a furious veyne of inuectiue spirit spareth neither God nor man so far forth as they concerne the catholique cause or the cause them he must beare vvith me and lay it to his ovvne demerits if I be driuen to encounter vvith him in some more egar and sharp manner at certayne meetinges then either I allovv of by myne ovvne lyking or then the reuerend respect I carie to his house and familie and the particuler affection I feele tovvardes some of his ovvne name and linage vvould othervvise haue induced me VVho vvill not confesse but that lying forging and falâ—ifying ignorant vaunting odious scoffyng malitious calumniations seditious interpretations bloodie exaggerations Barbarous in sultations ouer them that already are in affliction and calamitie ought to be far from the nature pen and tongue of a knight or gentleman and yet these are the flovvers or rather furies of this skolding discourse as aftervvard you shall see by that vvhich is to be treated VVherin if the lyues honors states and liuinges of home-borne subiectes vvere only touched and brought in question as they be it vvere more tolerable though no vvay tolerable being don vniustly but the heat of this hastie knight resteth not here but rusheth further to the open assault of forayne monarches also their honors fame and reputation vvhich is lesse tolerable and consequently hath need of some more sharpe and forcible reiection The violence of the Puritan spirit is not vnknovven to the vvise of England vvherunto also France and Scotland vvil beare sufficient vvitnesse It hath byn kept dovvne many yeares by the valour and prudenee of the Protestant and the knovven professors therof haue byn held leane and hungrie by her Maiestie to no smale benefyt of publique peace and so may be stil vvhyle the Catholique partie hath also some poyse and svvay in the balance agaynst them If Sir Francis be one of them it may seeme perhaps expedient in his vvisdome that her Maiestie grovving novv fast in yeares thinges be brought to some trial by garboile in her dayes for that aftervvard more then one parte may chance to ioyne agaynst them vvherfore if they might novv oppresse the catholique partie by the hand of her Maiestie their ovvne vvould serue aftervvardes more easely to do the lyke agaynst her and hers and the vvay and meanes to effectuate them both may seeme perhappes no vvise to be more potent or speedie then to dryue many at home to desperation by feares and terrors of oppressions and by opprobrious iniuries and personnal slaunders to inforce forayne princes of the same religion to implacable yre and indignation And this is the proper course that Sir Francis taketh throughout his vvhole sedious vvach-vvord VVhich to couer the better he falleth to extreme flaterie of the other syde espetially of the state and of her Maiesties person in particuler vvhich are the fittest baytes to couer such hookes as angle after popular fauor for a further fetche To this man then I am to ansvver as the substance and tenour of his accusations fictions or calumniations shall leade me reducing all that I am to saie for better order and memorie to eight or nyne principal heades branches and argumentes vnder the name of encounters vvherin I dout not but the apparent truth of diuers poyntes vvil come to light vvhich hitherto haue layen hidden and obscure in the vnderstanding of many hoping that the discret reader vvill passe ouer these fevv lynes vvith a beneuolent or at least an indifferent eye reseruing the final iudgment of all to the Lordes of her Maiesties Councell vvhome I my self haue chosen for vmpires and arbitres of the vvhole controuersie and so I end this entrance and vvil passe to my first combat and incounter vvith Sir Francis Hastinges Your harty freend that vvisheth your best and greatest good N. D. THE PRINCIPAL PARTES OF THIS VVARD-VVORD THe preface to the reader about Sir Francis Hastinges manner of proceeding The first encounter about blessings or cursings receyued by change of catholique religion in England page 1. The second encounter concerning certayn absurd grovvndes of catholique religion faigned by the knight and the defence of Saynt Thomas of Canterbury page 11. The third encounter touching forged perils to haue byn procured to her Maiestie by Catholiques both before and since her raigne page 27. The fourth encounter about certain principal Englishmen iniured by name as Bishop Gardener Cardinal Allen c. also about father Persons and other Iesuites page 41. The fifth encouÌ„ter about Iesuites and father Persons in Particuler vvhether they seek the Queenes blood as S. Fra. affirmeth page 55. The sixth encounter of Catholique recusants novv in England and the fault of disloyalty falsly layd against them page 72. The seuenth encounter of for ayn princes slandered and first about the Bishop of Rome vvhether he be Antichriste or no. page 90. The eight encounter about the present king of Spayn and the Spanish nation iniured by Sir Francis page 102. A speech to the Lords of her Maiesties priuie Councell remitting the iudgement and arbitrement of the vvhole controuersie to their censures as also the iudgment and petition of the ansvverer for ending or composing of
to accuse them of cruelty in this behalf their affections being so notoriously known to the coÌ„trary in those times and this was one cause and perhaps not the least of her graces safety Secondly was the generall hope that moste men had of her graces being a Catholique as then she bore herself both in woorde deed hearing two Masses among other things euery day one for the quick and the other for the dead and receiuing no seruant lightly into her hows or seruice nor retaining any towards her but with this expresâ— condition and many other signes and arguments that way Thirdly was there a great reason of state that stood mightely also for her graces safety at that tyme in that if she had fayled the next poteÌ„t preteÌ„der seemed the Queen of Scots theÌ„ maried to the Dolphin and heir of France who by this means might haue come to be king of France England and Scotland together which thing many English-men but more Spanish could not abyde to hear of Now then let our miracle-maker tel me whether these be no reasons and whether no reach of man can yeeld him any reason of her graces deliuerance If his reach and insight in matters of state be no greater then this it is no merueil though he be not of her Maiesties counsell though he flatter neuer so deeply for it and thus much may be said of her graces dangers in Queen Maries tyme. Let vs see now what hath happened since This notable calumniator beginneth thus But when this our Soueraigne Lady Q. Elizabeth was fully possessed of this her princelie place and had the roiall diadem and crown with the applause and liking of all true harted English-men both nobles clergie and comons as a due by right belonging vnto her then began Satan to rage and his ministers to fret and chafe I would aske of this Sir knight by whome was Queen Elizabeth put in possessioÌ„ of this her princely place by whose hands helps receiued she this royal diadeÌ„ was it by haÌ„ds of protestaÌ„ts onely or principally or of Catholiques he cannot say of protestants for he nameth also heer the clergie whereof none of the principall that is of the Bishops that had hand in this worke was then a protestant and very few of the nobility far the less parte of the coÌ„monalty now then could these men that were Catholiques fret and chafe so soone to see her Maiesty placed in the crown wherin themselues had willingly and freely placed her aduaunced her crowned her and aâ—ointed her taken her othe of preseruing the lawes and priuileges of â—he realm and sworne fidelity to her agayn These calumniations of this carping knight are but tales of a tub to intertain fools igoraÌ„t â—eople that know not how matters passed at that day But let vs exâ—mine notwithstanding some particulers of the hostilities which he â—lleageth aduising first the reader by the way that if it be honorable â—o her Maiesty now as it is to be named sacred and anoynted as the â—anderer himself seemeth also to take it for that often he vseth the â—ermes this also she hath only and wholy from the Catholiques for â—hat protestants do not vse but rather do iest at the ceremony calling â—t greazing espetially in Priests to whome yet first of al and principalâ—y this sacring and anointing by Gods ordenance was vsed and afterwards to kings and princes by imitation only of Priestly dignity in â—his behalf and these are the benifits her Maiestie hath receiued of Caâ—holiques now to the hurts and perils obiected by this calumniator In the first place he bringeth in D. Story whome he titleth by the â—ame of a blood-sucker as he called before Bâ— Gardener bloody monster for â—ou must note as he is light witted so is he foule mouthed also he â—lleageth against D. Story that he should say in the first parlament when he saw how matters were like to go in religion that if his counsell â—ad bin followed in Queen Maries tyme they had stricken at the roote meaning â—ereby sayth this man the bereauing of our deer Souereign of her life a bloody â—each of a bloody traitor who afterward was brought by a good chance from beâ—nd the seas indited araigned found guiltie and condemned of treason receaâ—ed his iudgment at the seat of iustice and was executed accordingly as he was â—ell worthy at Tiburn and so may all speed that wish to Queen Elâ—zabeth as he â—d Thus far the accuser In which narration three things may be considered first Doctor â—ories woords then the interpretation therof by this accuser and â—irdly the punishment which he suffered for them And in all three â—u shall see more passion then truthe and more rigor then reason â— I be not deceaued wherof let the reader be iudge with inâ—fferency For the woords theÌ„selues they had neuer yet any other proof thâ— they were spoken to my knowledge but only that his enimies affirmed them to make him therby more odious when they had him in their power and desired his destruction For I neuer heard that himâ—self confessed them either in liberty captiuitie at the bar or at his death and that he should not speak them though he had thoughâ— them when Queen Elizabeth was now setled in her crown as this Kâ— affirmeth he being knowen to be wise and no fool all reason may induce vs to think and beleeue seeing they could not serue to any purpose but to his own ruine But let vs suppose secondly that he should speak them say thâ— he was sory they had not strickeÌ„ at the roote of heresie it self in Queen Maries dayes why is it necessarie we should admit the bloody commentarie and heauy exposition only of his enemies and namely oâ— this his malignant accuser who will needs haue him mean by those woords the bereauing of our dear Souereigns life was lady Elizabeth I pray you taken to be this roote of heresie in Queen Maries time being holdeÌ„ by most Catholiques to be no protestant at all as beforâ— I haue shewed why might not D. Storie meane rather if he had spoken those woords of some Bacon some Cecill some Cook somâ— Knoles some ThrogmortoÌ„ some Russel many other like that were knowen protestants in Q. Maries time supporters of others and pâ—â—ctitioners against the present state and yet suffered yea borne out by knowen Catholiques whyle other poor coblers clothiers cariers â— such like were punished at which maÌ„ner of dealing I do coÌ„fesse thaâ— D. Storie being a man of zeal in his religion misliked exceedingly aâ—â— stormed also publiquely one day before the Bishops priuie Councell in a publique consistory for that Councellors also for honours sake and to protect their frends and kinred would needs be inquisitors in that gouernmeÌ„t complaining grieuously of this abuse in somuch as he would needs haue giuen ouer publiquely his office 〈◊〉 Commission in presence of all the rest of the inquisitors and Councellors
together for that some of the sayd Councell had opposed themselues against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretique which he took very vnkindly and then indeed heâ— foretold them freely what would insew of this their partial manneâ— of proceeding Wherby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresie remaining and not touched was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry within the land in which number perhaps your brother the Earle and your self also â—id enter then of lady Elizabeth at that day for that in deed she was not the root then nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards but of those other inferior roots which I haue menâ—ioned But yet let vs graunt further for arguments sake that he did speak those woords as a Counseller in those dayes and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Maries time yet do I aske why should they be made treason or punished for such in this Queens raign was not her Maiestie as subiect then and the D. as a Counseller and therby bound to speak freely that which â—he thought surest for his prince and realme at that day it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady and yet perhaps not that neither seing the father in such a case doth speak often times against his only sonne or daughter but treason in no rigor right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Gouerment of her Maiestie that now is to speak what he thinketh freely about any person that may pretent to the crowne heerafter Wherefore though all this were true which this man aleadgeth as many arguments proue them to be fals yet D. Storie leauing afterward his counâ—rie going ouer the seas either with licence or without when there was no statute to the contrary and being brought home again by force â—nd trechery of a shipman that alured him into his ship and so caried him away all this I say maketh neither treason nor any other trespas of moment in the sight of indiferent men and consequently neither his hasty araignment condemnation and execution vpon his return â—wherof this cruel harted knight triumpheth doth so much proue that he was guilty of great crymes as that he had potent passionate enemies as Christe had before Pilate that by shoots clamors sought his blood by any means whatsoeuer for that he had bin a more zelous catholique then some other of his coat and degree in Queen Maries â—aign foâ— which catholique men think that he is to receiue a great â—rown of glory and fame also eternall vpon earth And so the trial of this matter lyeth stil in the darke to be examined by that great iudge when he cometh to look ouer the iudgments of mortall men and reâ—eal that which is amiss And so much for this matter Next after D. stories affair commeth in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus with the excomunication of her Maiesty which serueth for a â—ommon bugg against all catholiques euery where as well at barres benches and places of iustice where other particuler and personal accusations do want as also in pulpits schooles sermons books and declamations for making vp the complet furniture of those places still it is so vrged as though all english catholiques must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope and so be participant also of the offence giuen therby against her Maiestie if any way they beleeue or admit his Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and authoritie which consequence notwithstaÌ„ding is so apparently fals and cauillous in it self for that all catholiques were not priuie to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf and it hath bin so euidently refuted heretofore by diuers most cleer and manifest reasons and treatises that I mean not to stand at this present vpon that point especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is in matter of dispute whose ridiculous proposition in this place that no mortall child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms or to depose princes or to dispence with subiects for not obeying c. semeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and storie but of so base a brest also and seruile a cogitation as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality And no doubt but if such a knight had liued in Nero or Caligula his time that would needs be Gods he had bin a fit fellow to fal down and adore them and tell the people most religiously with both handâ— held vp to heauen as he doth heer that no mortal childe of man had power to iudge of their doings being great and high princes or to deny them obedience in any matter hauing once sworne obedience in temporal affairs for this is our case heer whether a prince once admitted and established may be towched afterwards or disobeied in any matter or for any cause either of religion or otherwise and that by any mortall childe of man and our tender conscienced knight resolueth the case that he cannot and consequently that the romanes did euill in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once receiued for what cause soeuer for all this enseweth of his fond and heathenish position But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark read ouer the four books of kinges and he shal see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men and the same alowed also by God himself And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchie both before and since the conquest he 〈◊〉 haâ— finde very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men seing they are now dead that made them which yet he must approue for good and lawful except he will impugne the succession of her Maiestie that now is which is not likely seeing the poore man flattreth so seriously with all the arte and power he can And therfore leauing this matter as ouer long an argument for me to â—andle in this place I shall only consider briefly of three points vpon this his speach that may yeeld sufficient light to the matter in haÌ„d The first is that wheras this accuser affirmeth the Catholiques of England to haue begun to fret and chafe against her Maiestie as soon as she was in full possession of her crown and consequently to practis treasons by the Pope of Rome let it be noted out of our own chronicles what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came foorth and therby they shall see how many years which were a dozen at the least passed after her Maâ—esties coronation befoâ—e any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her Maiesties state and diadem as this
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
England during the raigne of fourtie yeares notwithstanding â—ll the pressures vexations dishonours rapines slaughters impriâ—onments and deaths which they haue suffered in this space at the hands of Protestantes Puritans and Atheists for their religion VVhich afflictions layd together haue byn more then euer subiecteâ— since England was a monarchie suffered at home in this kynde Now then mark that which followeth If we looke one our own chronicles we shall scars finde any one Princes raigne though oâ— far fewer yeares then this euen when the people were all of one reliâ—gion and none of these afflictions and pressures layd vpon them buâ— that many more commotions troobles and rebellions happened then in this long tyme and among so infinite exasperations haue insued And if we looke vpon the short raignes of king Edward Queen Mary and the parte of king Henryes tyme after alteration in religion there is no comparison And whence cometh all this trowâ— you but of the singuler vertue and vnspeakeable patience of the Catholique subiectes of our tyme vnder her Maiestie that haue liued and suffered all this with gronning only and secret teares without further breach to defend themselues or reuenge ther iniuries And truly when forayn nations do both see and read the bloody list of lawes made against Catholiques and Catholique religion in England within these forrtie yeares and do heare of the rigorous execution of thesame together with the incredible molestations that therby are layed vpon so great and potent numbers of people that lack noâ—â—corage also to aduenture euen to death it self in fauor of their said religion they rest astonished and do wonder how either the countriâ—â— can remayn voyd of continual tumults or the prince free from infinitâ— dayly perils seing that desperation in such matters is the next dore to all extremities especially the persecution beinge so rigorous and violent so vniuersal and exorbitant as infinite people are interessed and touched therby either inmediatly by themselues or in their children seruantes kinsfolkes or frendes whereupon fynallie they do greatly admire as I haue said the modestie patience and longanimitie of the English Catholiques And so much the more for that the Protestant when he is vnder and disâ—auored hath no patience at all but breaketh out continually to most violent tumultes and rebellions If we do consider the deportement of the protestantes in Queen Maries tyme and how euery moneth almost they had either rebellious or new turbuleÌ„t practises against the state and Queen not being ashamed at length also by publique bookes to make all weomen incapable of royal gouernement a man would think this fellow very shameles not to blush to make this discourse agaynst Catholiques so soon after those broiles of his owne people And yet these differeÌ„ces are to be noted in the cause first that Q. Maryes gouernement dured but â—tle more then foure yeares and this of her Maiestie hath donne fourty â—en were the principal protestantes not touched nor pressed but now â—o Catholiques at all is spared they were restreyned only from brining in of nouelties these are forced to renounce their old religioÌ„ that â—om the first coÌ„uersion of the land they and their fathers haue profesâ—ed and vowed to keep they had few or no forrayn princes of their â—eligion round about to geue them courage or assistâ—nce these haue â—e most and strongest in Christendome and yet are quiet and this for England But if we passe our eye beyonde this litle Iland also and consider â—hat reuel these frends of Sir Francis though not of Saynt Francis â—aue made in other countries since the beginning of their innouaâ—ions to witt in Germanie France Flandres Poland Swethland Demnarke and Scotland agaynst their true and lawful princes what â—rmies campes battayles and insurrections what desolation of counâ—ries cities townes and linages they haue caused and what slaughter â—nd hauok of Christian blood they haue procured more impudent and â—idiculous will this clamor and exaggeratioÌ„ of our crowching knight â—eem to be about two earles only that vpon feare of force gathered â—heir seruants neighbours and tenants together and presently fled â—nd of two or three other gentlemen wherof the one was put to death â—or hauing a description of certaynes portes and hauens only found in â—is chamber and for that he had some intelligence with the Queene of Scottes and with Don Bernardin de Mendoza Embassador for the King of Spayne resident in England though nothings els could be â—roued against him the other went beyond the feas for that he could â—ot lyue with his conscience at home and neuer hurted them since And of two earles more committed the one vpon suspition and nothing proued against him that was known before his piteous death which God only knoweth how he came vnto the other for flying first for his conscience out of the realme he beeing taken on the sea and brought back again and after diuers yeares of imprisonment without any further matter layd to his charge was after condemned principally if not onely for a Masse heard or caused to be said in the tower of LoÌ„don which was such a treason as all his noble ancestors would haue byn glad to haue ben coÌ„deÌ„ned for his posteritie may glori that he was for that neuer Earle in England synce it was Christian was euer brought to the bar for such and so glorious and so holy a treason And to conclude all these accusations in deed layd together against English Catholiques are but very tryfles and triuial things that dayly happen in moste quiet peaceable commonwealthes where no man is afflicted by the state at all But that infinite greater and more haynous stirres and breaches haue not bin raysed within the space of fourtie yeares where so deadly differences in religion and so continual persecution against so great a body haue bin in vre this I say as I sayd before that to men of iudgement and indifferencie and of experience in gouernment is a maruelous wonder and a moste famous canonization of the patience magnanimitie and fidelity of English Catholiques and her Maiestie and the realme are happy that they haue such subiects And if they will not beleue me let them but turn the leaf a litle against protestants puritans and other new sectaries and restrain them from their desires and pinch them with persecution but a quarter of that they haue donn to Catholiques and they shall se and feele by experience which kynde of people is more apte to obey or to woork turmoiles and perils to their weal-publique and gouernours And therby also will appear the vanitie and malice of this impertinent and spitefull slanderer who endeth his inuectiue with these woords There is no end saith he with this people their practises are pestilent their perswasions perilous their platforms traiterous and to serue their turn they want not cunning to execute all so violent they are in their vilanies and treasons and so shameles
controuersie yet might he speake his mynd playnly being in the place and dignitie he was when occasion should be offered which I shall indeuour to expresse more cleerly â—y the example following In a great and noble house where there are many children of the â—elf same parentes if those parentes do come to breach and to fall out â—etween them selues what can the children do but besorowfull and â—ent and sigh at such contentions without taking willingly any â—arte for that they loue feare and reuerence both the parties that â—â—e fallen at debate for which respect also they dare not so much as to â—terpose ther iugdmentes and censures in the controuersie except they â—â—e forced and especially they onger sorte of children who be fitter to â—eepe and morne such contentions then to determine them with â—heir verdict yet it is not so altogether with the elder brethren that â—eing come to mannes estate learned and wise seing the breach to grow greater daylie between their sayd parentes and superious haue authoritie and right to speake more freely then the rest And not only to intreat for peace but to interpose also their iudgmentes though euer with due reuerence to both partes as wel in the question de iure as de facto that is to saie not only to iudge and discerne where the greater authoritie or higher preeminence of commanding lyeth by right either in the one parent or other in the father or in the mother but also in the particular fact about which they fell out to wit who had more reason then the other or who was most in fault which second point is much more hard hatefull subiect to offence then the first yet may discreet louing childreÌ„ say their opinion also in that behalf wheÌ„ need requireth without breach of dew respect dutie Euen so then standeth the case in this our controuersie Her Maiestie being our Queene is therby also a mother and norisheth vs her subiectes as a carefull parent the Bishop of Rome to al catholique men of the world is their spiritual father that hath principal care of their soules by Gods commission and for such hath he euer byn taken and is at this day in all the catholique states and kingdomes of Spayneâ— Franceâ— Italyâ— Germanie Pooland and other prouinces that hold the ancient beleef of Christendome And so hath he byn held also by all our ancesters kinges and Queenes cleargie and temporaltie of England for aboue a thousand yeares together But now our sayd two parenteâ— are fallen at debate for which all their Catholique subiectes who are children to them both are hartelie sorie and do lament the case all sortes of people commonly both lay men preestes within England do hold their peace and sobbe at the matter as yonger children and do only attend to praie to God for their good attonement and so do the rest also that are abroad in other nations But yet if doctor Sanders doctor Bristow doctor Stapleton doctor Allen and such lyke that are men of greater learning antiquitie and iudgment and elder brethreâ— among the rest if these men I say do put in their iudgmentes concerning this controuersie of their parentes as wel de iure as de factoâ— that is do tell first what authoritie and iurisdicton either temporal oâ— spiritual each one of these two parentes and superiors haue wherin they are or ought to be subordinate the one to the other and secondly de facto ipso if the falling out it selfe do insinuate where and by whome the cause of this breach and discord was first or principally offered and which parte hath most fault in this contention and disagreement if they do this I saie as any subiect may do in any other Catholique kingdome of the world without offence in lyke controuersies between his prince and the Pope why should this acte be made so haynous a cryme by this our skolding knight as to call so worthy a man as our late Cardinal was an archtraytor a tugling compagnion a shameles dissembling lyer that villanously stuffeth his booke with blasphemous slanders diuelish persuati ns and impudent lyes agaynst her Maiestie Let all men iudge of this mannes immodestie THE FIFTH INCOVNTER ABOVT IESVITES AND FATHER Persons in particuler vvhether they seeke the Queens blood as Sir Francis affirmeth FOR the grownd and foundation of all that is to be examined and discussed in this conference and incounter I shal first set down the accusation of Sir Francis in his own woords which are these that insew I do not heare sayth he that the Popes holinesse is so purged from ambition or so reconciled to religion as he meaneth not to continew his clayme for the Supremacie or will cease to setle the dreâ—ges of his poyson and superstitious doctrine among vs. I cannot perceiue that the thirst of Parsons and his pew fellowes is yet quenched for seeking the blood of our deare Souereigne and in her the destruction of vs all the cause remayning still for which heertofore they haue sought it c. This is the knightes narration or rather calumniation fraught as you see with his ordinarie tearmes of dregges poyson and bloodshed with which his accustomed knightly speach is wont to be â—awfed Wherin so much as concerneth the Popes holinsse sbalbe considered of more amply afterward in a perticuler conference that we are to haue about his holinesse actions authority and iurisdiction Now only is to be noted the fond and ridiculous manner of Sir Francis fantastical writing telling vs very grauely that he doth not yet hear for belyke the poore man doth much hearken after it that the Popes holinesse is so purged yet of ambition or so reconciled to protestants religion as he meaneth to leaue of his old clayme of spiritual Supremacie ouer England or his indeuoring to setle Romish doctrine among vs for I omit willingly the tearmes of dregges and poyson as more fit and proper to Sir Francis dish who feedeth vpon so many old heresies condemned for poysoned dregges by Gods Catholique churche for so many ages past and this tale of Sir Francis is no lesse ridiculâ—â—â— and childish then if he should say to any temporal prince or to the Queen of England her self that he seeth not her Maiestie so purged yet from ambition as to leaue of her claym of commaundry ouer all her tealm or of setling iustice in her name throughout her dominions for that no lesse proper and essential to the Popes office and state is Ecclesiastical Supremacie ouer all christian nations in Ecclesiastical matters as after more particulerly shalbe proued then to her Maiestie the commaundrie ouer England in temporal affaires And as to her Maiestie by vertue of her royal authoritie it apperteineth and incumbeth to setle and mainteyn iustice throughout her realmes so to the Popes pastoral and Apostolical authoritie is annexed the obligation of preaching and setling his doctrine by himself or others throughout all Christian states and
Elizabeth then those which you presume catholiques to haue for that the thinges which you imagin catholiques do wish as restoring of masse and catholique gouernment and the like may stand with her Maiesties life raigne securitie and prosperitie if it would please almightie God to inspire her to admit them euen as they haue stood with the honor and prosperitie of all her noble ancestors Kings and Queenes of our realme before her but your wishes cannot preuaile but with her ruine if they be such as may be presumed But as I sayd I wil not vrge you in this behalf what you would wish nor is there any well gouerned common wealth in the world in my opinion that vrgeth men vpoÌ„ suche vayne poyntes of inward wishes and secret cogitations or desyres The Turke doth it not vpon the Christians that are vnder him nor Christian Princes vpon Iewes that dwell in their states nor the king of Spayne vpon the Moriscos that liue in his kingdomes nor the Emperour king of France king of Polonia or other Catholique monarches vpon the Lutherans Swinglians Caluinistes or other sectes that are tolerated in their states Only this barbarous knight of ours contrarie to all reason and humanitie would haue it vrged vpon catholiques in England what they wish and what they desire where notwitstanding if the same should be inforced against all persons that any way be discontented in court or countrie in their hartes would wish perhaps some alteration who seeth not but that as in other common-wealthes so especially and aboue others in ours where so many diuisions and dissentions do raigne as wel by reason of religion as otherwise many thowsand â—nward sores and vlcers would be discouered that now lye hidden and is expedient that so they should remayn notwithstanding the ridiculous folly or rather furie of this frantik man in persuading contrarie Let vs see now his third chardge against recusantes touching their dissimulation as he calleth it his woords are these in most odious manner set down These ciuil honest men sayth he that vnder pretence of conscience rebel agaynst God in religion and refuse to yeeld a loyal obedience to their liege Lady and Soueraigne seem to carry a most lamentable resolution lurking in their bosomes against Queen countrie and vs all when they wil seek the life of their and our Queen the thraldom of their and our countrie and the ruine of vs all that professe the ghospell to haue their popish Priesthood and Massing sacrifice vp again And if this be conscience I know not what conscience meaneth and yet this conscience they fetch from Rome c. To answere first to that which is heer last if we should graunt this great absurditie that Sir Francis Hastinges knoweth not what conscience meaneth either in nature and definiton or in practise and feeling what great inconuenience would follow therof trow you for as for the definition of conscience it were easie I suppose to pose Sir Francis seeing that his bringing vp hath bin rather in court and hawking then in schooles and studying And for practise or feeling of conscience how little sence he hath there needeth no other argument but onely this slanderous libel stuffed with such monstrous lyes and calumniations as no man of any conscience would euer haue set downe were he neuer so different in matters of religion Nay truly it may be doubted whether easily there might haue bin found any so careles or conscienceles an atheist about London that so resolutely for any bribe would haue accused so many worshipfull honest ciuil men as himself confesseth the recusant catholiques of England to be which is so much as any ciuill common-wealth can requier of their citizens as this man doth and that of most hainous crimes of trecherous falshood disloyal dealing and wicked treasons to their prince of lameÌ„table lurking resolutioÌ„s in their bosomes agaynst Queen and countrie and of seeking the life of the one and thraldom of the other and all this vpon so vayn and light suppositions as you haue hearde before which yet he would haue so constantly to be beleeued of all men as that the said recusantes notwithstanding his owne former testimonie of their ciuil good life must be condemned for the catalines of the land and out castes of the comon-wealth for to Cataline and his compagnions he compareth them in the end of his inuectiue in these wordes VVe maie well say of them as Tullie sayd of Cataline the conspiratour in one of his orations that in all or most of these happie yeares of her Maiesties most prosperous and peacable gouernment there hath byn no trayterous practise agaynst her person or our countrie but it came alwaies from them and by them whome neither shame of their villanies nor feare of punishement nor any sound reason out of Gods booke nor yet the rule of true Christian policie could withold from pursuing their trayterous purposes and practâ—ses And to see or heare that the royal person of our Souerayne lady was in danger was pleasing to them As contrarywise the newes of her happie escape was irk some So that where there is only the bare sense of a true English haâ—t these popish recusantes cannot bewitche or deceyue with their hypocritical holinesse or ciuil honestie and so I leaue them Though you wil leaue them Sir hoatespur in this your choler yet mean I not to leaue either them or you vntil this matter be better examined And first in this inuectiue if we take away railing speach without proof there is nothing added to that you haue scolded before against the recusantes And if in the rest we consider how you stammer stil at the good opinion of Catholiques fained holinesse and ciuil honest lyf a hard bone as it seemeth for you to disgest there is much to their praise and commendation in this your accusation But yet to shift off this matter and to bring in contempt the persuasion of their good life and to induce men not to make account thereof and much lesse to be bewitched as your phrase is by the same you require the sense only of a true bare English hart to resist this witchcraft of perswading by good woorkes and what you mean by a bare english hart to serue you in this conflict I know not except it be som hard heathenish hart as strong as flint to resist the knockes of all Gods motions and as bare of all piety remorse and conscience as yours seemeth to be to which also if you do adde the English cutte as hartes go there for the most parte among protestantes at this day and furthermore if it be so truely and barely English as it hath seen no other countries nor knowen other paradice then English earth nor thought of other blisse then with you is comonly treated and that it be as seruilly tyed to oxen and steeres and other temporal base comodities as your soule sheweth it self to be And that
the kinges hart we shall discouer both trecherous cogging and shameles forgerie in the hart and hand of this counterfayt knight Thus then I begin the declaration The conditions of that most famous and royal mariage between the two greatest Monarches of Christēdome king Philip and Queen Marie and the conuentions agreed vpon between both nations and between the princes themselues Queē Marie the Emperour Charles then resyding in Flanders and king Philip and eche of their Councels and Parlaments are yet extant and for the most part in print wherby it may be seen that all those poyntes that this sely fellow cometh in withall now after the market ended about the succession of our realme the priuie Councel of what nation they should be the condition of our nobilitie the Parlament the lawes of the realme the portes castles and garrisons the officers of the courte and household and other lyke circumstances were particulerly treated agreed vpon and prouyded for before hand by all partes Neither was there euer any complaynt that the king or his nation brake any one of them whyle they were among vs but added rather diuers benefytes and courtesies of their owne accord aboue that which they had promised and were bound vnto As for the expences and for the furniture of the mariage so much I meane as came from abrode as also for the two Spanish and English nauies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges vntill they arryued at Portesmouth and the whole trayne from thence to winchester where he met with the Queen and the mariage was celebrated at the charges of the same King of Spayne All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them as within two or three monethes after their arryual all England was full of Spanish coyne The priuie councel of England was wholie and intirely as it was before neither was any Spaniard euer put into it the officers of the Queens household were altogether English the king for his owne affayres and his other kingdomes had a particuler Councel which interrupted not ours the nobilitie of our land was exceedingly honoured by him and many of them had particuler great pensions also yearly from him the captaynes and soldiers that he vsed of our nation as namely at the warre of Saynt Quintins he honoured highly and made them equall in all poyntes of seruice and honor with Spaniardes and payd them himself without further charges to England saue only geuing them their vpper cassockes with the crosse according to the custome The marchantes commonly he made free to enioy and vse all priuileges and preferments throughout all his kingdomes countries and prouinces and in England he had such care to yeeld our nation contentment as he gaue expresse order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out the English should be fauored and the Spaniard punished which he caused to be executed with such rigor as it cost diuers Spaniardes their lyues when the English were much more in fault and I haue heard it spoken by some of the Councel at that tyme that Queen Marie was so afflicted diuers tymes with this partialitie of the kinges towardes the English agaynst his owne nation as it cost her many a bitter teare for verie compassion shame And so much the more was she moued therewith for that she saw many English partly vpon this indulgence of the kinges and partly for that being secretly heretiques they had auersion and hatred to the Spanish nation to abuse themselues intollerably in offering most inhumane and barbarous iniuries vnto them No Spaniard could walke by night nor scars by day alone but he should be eyther wounded or thrust between two or three swashbucklers that attended particulerly to those exercyses and so put in danger of his lyf Villanous wordes were ordinarie salutations to them in the streetes as also often tymes in churches but no remedy was to be had nor would any man beare Witnes lightly in behalf of the Spaniard agaynst the English though the iniurie were neuer so manifest If any thing were to be bought in the market the Spaniard must paie dooble for it and for that most Spaniardes drunk water they must buy it also dearly in many places if they would drink it and often could not haue it for mony and diuers wells were sayd to be poysoned of malice therby to destroy the Spaniardes Many deuises were vsed to draw Spaniardes into priuate houses and familiaritie was offered them to that end and if any entred to talke with the wyf daughter or seruant as they were thought propēse in that kynde then rushed forth the husbād father brother or master that lay in wayte with other catchpoles of thesame conspiracie to apprehend them and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselues with good store of money And I haue heard from the mouth of a greate noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that tyme and now is a Vyceroy vnder the king that some English would send their wyues daughters of purpose into the fieldes where Spaniards walked to allure them to talke with them and therby to intrap them and get money from them I omit to name more violent meanes of taking purses and playne roberies and other lyke artes to get the Spaniards money from them by force which yet were many and some most barbarous and shamefull to our nation and the mention and memorie therof maketh vs blush when in other countries we are told of them as namely this that followeth which my self haue heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alyue to wit the old Count de Fuensalida cheef steward at this day of the kinges houshold who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to diuers noble men of his nation and to some others and being at the table mery and fearing nothing as in a peaceable and ciuil commonwealth it seemed he had no cause there came rushing in some twentie or thirtie maskared good fellowes with their swordes drawen and commanded that no man should stirre vnder payne of death and so kept them all at the table and their seruantes shut vp into diuers houses of offices where they were found vntill the theeues had ransaked the whole house and packed vp the siluer plate that was in store and so departed And these are the heroical actes and honorable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the ciuilitie and courtesie of our countriemen towardes Spaniards in those dayes which being obiected vnto vs in all forayne nations where we trauayle the french also recounting as bad or worse donne to them to whome at that tyme we were open enemies it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed and their eares to burne in respect of the dishonour of our countrie as also to consider what
had this intention to get the kingdome as he sayth for if it were a mature deliberation and consulted also with his counsel in England as this discouerer sayth then some act and monument belike is extant to testifie the same or at leastwise some witnes or other firm argument fit to prouè it or if not how could the true harted English-man know it in Spayn and write it to the Nobles of England Or with what face can our rash and falstongued English knight professe to know it now and to wryte it so confidently Shall so great so greeuous so haynous a slander against so mightie so munificent so bountiful a Monarch passe out to the world vpon a bare assertion and malignant interpretation of one English hastie-hote-spurre that sheweth malice in euery syllable and turneth euen the kings loue and fauours to our nation his expences and benifits towards our people vnto a deceitful meaning And vpon that without other act of hostilitie on his parte appearing shall he be called ambitious and proud vsurping tyrant VVho seeth noâ— that this fellow in steed of discouering the kings malice bewrayeth his owne and in place of prouing the king an vsurping tyrant doth shew himself a shameles sicophant But let vs see what effects he sayth had like to haue ensued vpon this deuised designment of the king If once sayth he this king had obtayned the crown then as in the letter of discouerie is layd open the council table must be filled with his Councelors the hauen townes must be possessed with gouernours of his appointing fortifications must be made by his direction soldiars of his owne must be placed in garrison at places most fit to strength him self then must the common lawes of this land be altered by which iustice is truly taught to all sortes his vnholy and bloody inquisition would be not haue fayled also to bring in with all other his Spaynish lawes and ordinances sutable to the same their intolerable taxes we must haue byn pestered withall a taste wherof I will here geue you c. These are the seuen deadly sinnes which Sir Francis inforceth out of his Spanish letter as certayne to haue insued if the king had gotten the crowne which yet whyles he had the crowne did not insue as the world knoweth for that they were prouyded for before hand by the councel nobilitie and parlement of England and by all lykelihood would haue byn foreseen and prouided for also by the same prouidence of the realme if euer motion or cogitation had bin among them to passe the crowne to the king of Spayn seing Sir Francis confesseth that this matter was ment to be wrought not by force but by sweet meanes and benifites and by allurement of the nobilitie by his Maiestie Most fond therfore or forged is this letter from the true harted man in Spain who suggested feares already preuented but much more ridiculous is he in setting down certain monstrous bugges of taxes to be imposed vpon the English nation which yet by all probability were neuer though vpon nor past by mannes imagination though most childishly he avowcheth that they are payed also in Spain For thus he writeth A taste wherof of these intolerable taxes I will giue you sayth Sir Francis as that for every chimney and other place to make fier in as ouens fornaces Smiths forges and such others a frinch crown was yearly paid to him He had also powling pence for all manner of corn bread beef mutton capons pigges geese hennes ducks chicken butter cheese egges aples peares nuttes beere wine and all other things whatsoeuer he feedâ—th vpon yea no farmer yeo-man or husband-man durst eat a capon in his house if his frend came to him for if he did it must cost him six shillinges eight pence though the capon was not worth twelue pence and so toties quoties and these be the benifits and blessings that this catholique king sought to bring in hether by his absolute authoritie sought for If a man did not see these things written and printed with Sir Francis Hastinges name vnto them he would neuer imagin a man of his name howse and calling would publish such childish toyes and manifest vntruthes to the world For who is there that hath trauailed Spain as many English-men haue donne in these our dayes which knoweth it not to be an open shameles lye that for euery place to make fyer in as ouen fornace and the like a french crown is to be payed In the kingdoms of Castil and Andaluzia there is no such paiments at all in Aragon and Catalonia there is some like tribute instituted by old kinges before these states were vnited to the crowne of Castile but neither is it so much as this wise man setteth downe nor do they pay for euery place of making fyer but one onely fyer is accounted to one howshold though the people haue twenty fyers within it Touching his powling pence vpon thinges that are solde there is in the foresayd kingdomes of Castile an old rent of the crowne instituted by ancient kinges called Alcaualla conteyning a certayne tribute vpon thinges that are solde and bought but this tribute is not payd in all Spaine and namely not in Biscay Nauar Portugal Aragon Catalonia nor in the kingdom of Valencia and much lesse in forayne kingdomes and states vnder the Spaniardes as Naples Sicilia Sardinia or Mâ—llan Nor in Castillia it self is it exacted with the rigor that this fellow forgeth but euerie towne and cittie agreeth in great for this tribute by the yeare nor doth it descend to such minute thinges as he recounteth vp and much lesse to beere wherof there is litle vse in Spayne the simple fellow would needes faine his account after the English manner but among other toyes the lye of six shillinges eight pence forfeyture for eating a capon toties quoties is so notorious as it may winne the whetstone and the verie phrase it self discouereth the forgerie for that the Spaniardes haue no coyne answering to our noble or six shillinges eight pence consequently it is not probable that they would appoynt such a penaltie as they can hardly in whole money make vp the account But let vs see somewhat more of this kynde of cosinage My author sayth he doth further vnfold this kinges trecherous purpose towardes this land by discouering vpon his owne knowledge and hearing his intention to be by litle and litle to roote out the nobilitie and to keep the commons in beggerie and not to suffer one to lyue here that was borne in twentie yeares before but either to destroy them or to make them slaues among the Moores the colour wherof was because they were borne out of the Catholique churche of Rome And to make vp the measure of all impietie and the faster to set his crowne vpon his head from remouing if he had gotten it he layd his plot to destroy our deare Soueraigne ladie Queen Elizabeth hauing