that end so the Protestation taken all together is best observed and kept To the Protestation for the Defence of the Protestant Religion every one who takes it is not immediately and specially bound by vertue of his Vow to n extirpate and remove all Papists or to offer violence to their persons that is above the Power and Liberty of every common Person neither is wishing well alone and sitting still a sufficient discharge of the Protesters duty of vowing to endeavour Endeavouring is a progressive motion and the Protesters neglecting and supine failing to endeavour can be no better reckoned of in these divided and subtile times then the * Historian did of those Souldiers who dreamed of their enemies Votis Sedenâ—o debellari posse or what the * Prophet doth of the Aegyptians that their strength was sitâ—ing still A perfunctory and neutrall slackness in the Protester satisfies not the precept which God himself enjoynes When thou vowest a vow unto the Lord thou shalt not bee slack to pay it and wherein many have not only deserted this their vow but endeavoured against the same others contemplatively onely and remisse as not endeavouring at all but with close and cautiouâ— Reservations keep off their Endeavourings thence become wiser in their owne eyes then their fellow Subjects their abstruse and close demeanour being like Caius Cotta his observed by the * Oratour who to carry on his Ambition and private Interests did outwardly comply with all sides concealing and reserving the affections of his heart to his best advantage The passive and faint observing of the Vow and Protestation in some the Acting contrary to it in others is a sinne which GOD is justly angry for the neglect of which vow as wee may justly feare to use the very words of the o Divines open one Flood Gate the more to let in all these calamities upon the Kingdom Wherefore if he who hath taken this protestation and shall solemnly observe the same shall foresee or hath cause of suspition to believe that the Protestant Religion is or was when he took the same in danger of declining and that the Papist was then p connived at and countenanced by higher powers for the Question is not about the certaine and actuall bringing in of Popery but touching the pregancy of suspition if the Protestor adhereth to that party which promiseth to defend the Protestant and opposeth that which countenanceth the Popish his Protestation is then truliest kept a promise or vow the more pursued the more fulfilled in like manner to the other part of the same Protestation viz. The maintenance of the Kings honour every one who takes the same is not thereby bound to comply assent unto and obey the King in whatsoever he may command whether unlawfull or unjust or to think all his attempts and actions Iustifiable throughout This were indeed in the highest degree and seemingly to honour him but in a more serious and as truly a loyall way of his being honoured by his Subjects is when they or those who are put in Place and Auhority over them shall enquire into and provide against all things incident to his Dishonour when they shall endeavour to suppresse all Astronts which may be offered to his Dignity This though a more remote and lesse flattering yet a more stableand certain discharge of duty in honoring him To the COVENANT the q Preamble prefixed thereto points at the sense thereof in these words VVHereas a Covenant for reformation and preservation of Religion the maintenance and defence of Lawes and Liberties hath been thought a fit and excellent means to acquire the favour of Almighty God towards the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland and likewise to unite and by uniting to strengthen and fortifie them against the common Enemy of the true reformed Religion peace and prosperity of these Kingdoms And in the Covenant it selfe wherein the Noblemen Barons Knights Burgesses Ministers of the Gospell and Commons of all sorts in the Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland do swear That they shall sincerely really and constantly through the grace of God endeavour in their severall Places and Callings the preservation of the Reformed Religion Secondly That they shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of Popery Prelacy c. Thirdly That they shall with the same reality and constancy in their severall vocations endeavour with their Estates and Lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament and the Liberties of the Kingdoms and to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdomes Fourthly That they shall with all faithfullnesse endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shal be Incendiaries Malignants or Evill instruments by hindering the reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from another and them to bring to publick tryall Fifthly That Iustice may be done upon the willfull opposers of the firme Peace and Union betwixt the Kingdoms Sixthly That they shall in this common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms assist and defend all those that take the Covenant and shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination perswasion or terrour to be divided or with-drawn from this Union or Conjunction The Objection which some men make that the late Engagement doth crosse the Covenant at least one Article thereof of defending the Kings Person and Authority It seems not so if we go further to what his Person and Authority is to be defended and observe the whole Article the current of the Covenant being for the preservation of Religion the Liberties the Peace and Union betwixt the three Kingdoms against Papists Prelates Disturbers and Opposers of such Peace r In divers cases it canot be denyed but the obligation of an Oath or Covenant doth cease As when we swear Homage and Fealty to our Lord and Superiour who afterward ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away and therefore the Obligation Sublato relato tollitur Correlatum Admit that the three Kingdoms had been in imminent danger of Invasion from a Forrein Enemy and the Subjects should for the defence thereof enter into a Solemn League in these words Whereas a League and Covenant for strengthning the three Kingdomes is thought a safe and necessary means conducing thereunto That they will resist prevent and bring to publique Tryall all wilfull Opposers of the safety of the said Kingdomes with sowe other subordinate clauses and branches in the Covenant as namely That they will maintain the Chief Governour of them in his just Power c. let it be the King himself or some other supreme Power equal to the King although the King were to be valued as King David's People did value him at the price of ten thousand of
which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
rests upon the issue of these Questions Whether from Irelaâ—d so erroneously misled and malevâ—lently affected towards England by a two-fold Antipathy both of Nation and Religion and so impetuously set on by three severall parties the Royall Popish and Prelaticall there be not an evident approach of perill to England in case the English be not some way cemented and untâ—ed as the Engagement now in question aymeth at and with a joynt vigour to subdue them and to keep them under when subdued Whether through and by reason of these distractions England be not in danger of losing their ancient Rights and Claims their credit and privilege of Commerce and Traffique which heretofore they have had with other Nations Whether Scotland not remaining in the same condition of Amity and Brotherhood as in their League and Covenant with England they at first United in but rather revolting from it it be not necessary to make up that breach by a closer union amongst our selves and against them when as it appears without recounting the particular actions falling out betwixt the Parliament and Army betwixt divers and private Members and Officers of Both as what this or that particular person by himselfe or by the instigation of some few hath done contrary and against the directions or command of his superiours That the Scots have in the maine broke with us For instance sake in the Article of the large * Treaty betwixt us and them granted and confirmed by the late King and wherein amongst the rest they having covenanted and Declared against Popery and Prelacy which the King and his party hath countenanced and favoured and now endeavouring to helâ— his Sonne into his Fathers power that then he may make good his favour towards Papists and Prelates would excuse themselves and Quarrell to assigne the breach of Covenant to us but how justly let the Reader judge Their insisting on a pretended Loyalty clears them not in the judgment of any who since the beginning of these troubles have observed their Motions their Demands and Treaties neither doth their literall leaning on the words in that Article of the Covenant to defend the Kings Person and Authority excuse their guilt the Kings Person and Authority being but one and an halfe part of that Article the sense and drift of it makes it up which the English according to the End and Meaning do pursue in the preservation of the true Protestant Religion the Liberties and Peace of the three Kingdome c. Now that they give out and threaten to come in an hostile manner into England under their Apologeticall and specious pretence of fighting against the Sectaries thereof of repressing Schisms and Heresies when as they have nothing to do with our Doctrine and Discipline Ecclesiasticall or Civill when as our own Divines can do better service by their Tongues and Pens for the suppressing Schismes and Heresies then can be expected from the Scots their Swords and Arms which if we may speak by experience are by the continuing this Warre more like to increase them both in number and power then to suppresse or lessen them in either and for the English Laity none or a very few and inconsiderable number of them doe tolerate Heresies and Sects as is elswhere set forth in this discourse Moreover when the English have shewn their Aversenesse from a VVarre with Them q their tender and compassionate thoughts towards them when they were at the lowest ebbe and they expecting the like measure of friendship and Brotherhood from the Scots according to their motto and profession to deal as they would be dealt with have assisted them before and even at the beginning of these troubles when they suffered most when by their applying themselves to the King for redress they could have none the English was their only ayd and best support The last Question then falls out Whether whilst these matters be in dispute we may rest secure from an Hostile invasion from them or other Forraigners whether by these unnecessary disputes and dissentions here at home the Commonwealth be not in danger to lose that in a short time which hath cost so much Treasure Industry and Blood For the powers that be once shaken and becomming weake will soon fall most men being apt to lay hold on the r Politicians advice Not to leane on a weak and toâ—tering Wall The judgment and knowledge of deciding these Questions rests in the Prudence and Experience of the State who after a long time casting and consulting what was fittest to be done what the safest course to be taken for the strengthning and support of a firme and present Government have resolved upon an universall Engagement in such manner and forme as to their wisdomes seems most expedient and they have accordingly Declared and Ordained that they knowing the justnesse of their Cause ought in relation to the present security and maintenance of their power to the preservation of a firme and lasting Peace to use all Expedient and Lawfull means against the violence and restlesse opposition of their Enemies none they judge so safe as by an Engagement and Subscription thereunto which if throughly weighed crosseth no former Vow either of Protestation Covenant Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy the subscriber only promising to be true and faithfull to the Commonwealth as it is now Established without King or House of Lords not the Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy as is before observed if you look into the Reason and End of enjoyning the said Oaâ—kes Nor the Proâ—estation taken 1641. for the maintenance of the Kings Honour Person and Estate Nor the Covenant taken 1643 for the preserving his just Power and Greatnesse where his Honour and Power are transitory and personall capacities during life dying with his Person without further respect had unto his successors So the taking the Engagement commencing since the time of the King his death is no breach either of Covenant or Protestation taken for him in the time of his life nor by the words Now Established without a King or House of Lords are the Nobility excluded for ever from their Privileges as to succeeding Parliaments if the Wisdome of the State shall so admit and these continued Divisions beget not an universall ruine taking away the succession of Parliaments all Order and Government to be hereafter had nor from an Envy or Neglect had by the House of Commons to degrade the Lords or lay their Honours in the dust as hath been of late seditiously given out for so the Gentry of which the Parliament themselves consists being in the next ranke to the Nobility may fear their turn is next to be thrown from their station also al become Levelled Such suggestions questionlesse are infused by the Enemy's Factours into the Gentry's ears to draw away the affections of them also as well as of the Nobility to set on those ancient ranks of men against the Parliament and their proceedings endeavouring indeed to turn the
the whole Kingdome In severall his Messages returned unto their Propositions he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power being lawfully summoned and by a Law consented unto by himselfe in full Parliament Not to be dissolved unless by their own consent Notwithstanding which severall attempts of force and violence were offered as far as his and his parties power could extend it self to the dissolving it by contending to divide and scatter them accusing the remaining part of the Members sitting in the House at Westminster of being Rebells so being divided to account no other of the Parliament at Westminster than he did soone after the Pacification made with his Scotish Subjects of the Parliament in Scotland terming them h The divided Members of that distracted Parliamentary Body remaining at Edinburgh So that as to the Parliament of England it must be confessed that he meaned not what he expressed in allowing to them that lati-tude of Power and Priviledges or that his Party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement which he declared to have had of them That the contentions at the first sitting of the House were upon the point about matters of fact what things were done what projected to be done How the King and his Ministers of Justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his Reign how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them how they had offended against the known Lawes in an Arbitrary way of Government which being disputed by all men as they conversed together or within themselves a Division could not be avoided but must break out into contrariety of Opinions and Affections consequently into Partyes and Engagings as their judgements should direct some likely to adhere unto the King contending to make him Absolute to doe whatsoever he pleased others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the Lawes as bound by his Oath the result from out the differences betwixt them both could be no other than for the one Party knowing what of late had passed to endeavour a redresse to consult a remedy against the like Exorbitances withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a King 's except a Parliament's i the Power and Priviledges of which Court in Rivalship with the Kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers In the present contention betwixt which it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done which foments the quarrell or decides the controversy That this Parliament in contending to maintaine their power their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them was by an high hand interrupted and opposed and if we take our Neighbour Nation the k Scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this VVarre and the Enemies designe this Parliament was for no other reason called then to give the King relief and aid against their comming into England This the occasion of the League and union betwixt us and them On these and the like grounds they knowing what had been attempted against their Nationall Lawes and Rights foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience knowing also in what condition the English at or near that time were what Declarations the King had published against some what severe courses he had taken against other Members of the Parliament of England which the Historian notes the dejected People were enforced to endure with patience and to allow against their own reason the Scots considering withall that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power that if they delayed their course for remedy too long their friends and strength might have been prevented and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers Prevention and Recovery the first the right hand rather the heart of Policy the other the left and after-game They begun before any preparations made for or against a VVar with sending to the Parliament of England a Iustification of their proceedings intreating them to be wary in Vindicating their own Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designs of those evill Counsellours who had procured this Parliament for no other end than to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scotish Subjects and by that Warre to enslave if not to ruine both Nations that after many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England This was not to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any That so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland although promised on the word of a King granted to England when not expected and obtruded upon Ireland when not desired The rise of all which was from the anger which the Scots knew the King conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with Disloyalty as without recounting all other differences and jealousâ—es betwixt him and them That they refused and declared against the Messages sent them to receive the Service-Book obtruded on them for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged Disloyalties they were accused by the King to have wrote a l Letter to the K. of France Imploring His Protection as weary of their Obedience to their owne King for which disloyall Letter as it was termed a chief m Peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye That the Pacification had and made to take away all differences past and which might ensue betwixt the King the English and the Scots by the prudent and joynt advice of a select Committee of English and Scotish Lords as to remove all jealousies betwixt both Nations was soone after it was made scoâ—ned and slighted the Scots then complaining in their informations made unto the English their Friends and Brethren of many injuries they had received since the Pacification made and contrary to that Agreement This was the condition of the Scots these the very words of their Remonstrance That the Union and Brotherly League entred into by both Nations was no otherwise construed than an Invitation in the one and invasion of n Forreiners in the other Nation and howsoever the Charge in the 7. Articles exhibited against the 5 Members of the House of Commons and one Lord of the House of Peers was laid to those few onely yet probably it had reached many other of the English Nation had not the first assault of violence in the Kings party miscarried as it did But wherefore were those Articles exhibited against those Members and the King attempt in an hostile array to seize their Persons in the House of Commons which when he could not effect
to be in it self Illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of Parliament to bind and frustrate a future whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his Will that if he made any latter Will it should be void the quality of the Statute it self being considered as to the Imprisoning Fining some of the Kings Party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall Lawes seem to be of no use to the present Quarrell betwixt the late King and the People that objected Statute seeming Temporary only whereupon the aforesaid Writer concludes with this Aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the timâ— But to returne to the occasion of this Warre how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two Tenents of Independent Presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either of what growth settlement and extent they are the one the Presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of Government to bind all sorts of men many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the Covenant many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside The other the Independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all Government or for ever the Lord General and his army called Independents but why let them that call them so answer for it have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-Government There are t is to be believed some adhering to the Parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the Army that desire an independent and unlimited Power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the Magistrate which kind of humour the Parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of There are some besides styled Independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of Government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their Fellow Subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off yet the granting these proves not that the Parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes Disorder or Nonâ—Government in a Commonwealth the Division between them two Presbyterian and Independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the Common Enemy on purpose by Dividing to overcome them both or as is before observed it befell through their pride of Conquering The main and originall difference first in dispute between the Kings party and the Parliament's arose from matter of Fact which brought in this dispute or question amongst other things unto whose charge the Deluge of blood spilt in this Warre is to be laid The Parliament hath declared That it is to be lâ—iâ— at the King and his Parties doores For instance sake The bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of Ireland whereby thousands of his Protestant Subiects have been slain which holds the three heretofore united Kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day the one divided against the other and many of the People of all three despairing to enjoy their former Pâ—ace the Parliament instancing First in his sparingly anâ— too late proclaming their Enemies Rebells when the Rebellion first broke out By signing Commissions to the chief Actors in the Rebellion r the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland sending unto him a serious Admonition to that purpose and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the â—loud of many thousands of his best Subiects The Parliament of England their Commissioners at the Å¿ Treaty at Uxbridge urging as to the Warre in Ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the Adventurers and Officers of the Army imployed for the relief of his Protestant Subjects there by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted his making a Cessation with the Rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the Forces imployed against them not drawn off they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the War even finished Instead thereof it is protracted That Kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t Predecessours kept entire united unto and a u Member of this State of England is by his and his Party's abetting it put into a Condition and even invited to invade and conquer This And what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his Councell is now set on and continued by his Party hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the Parliament to reduce the Rebels raising and fomenting a new Warre between Us and the Scots to divert the Forces intended for the relief of Ireland that by a Warre with Scotland the English may be lesse enabled to prosecutâ— their design in Ireland That the Commissioners sent by the two Houses of Parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the Army in that Kingdome were discountenanced and commanded from the Councell there where the prosecution of the War was to be managed The Houses of Lords and Commons in the debate with the King about the Affairs of Ireland sent him word that his Message then sent to Them wherein He chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in Them to divert large sums of money collected from the English from the proper use to which it was intended was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament and upon that occasion They declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of Iâ—eland and the Kings hindring it Those particulars there expressed are as followeth They declare that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsell that had before brought two great Armies within the bowells of this Kingdome and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons in England and quietly at last disbanded by Gods blessing on the Parliaments endeavours That this designe failing the same wicked Counsel who had caused that impious Warre raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the Parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there not suspecting this horrid Plot now too apparent did cheerfully undertake thâ—t great worke and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm to the glory of God the honour and profit of his Majesty and security of his three Kingdomes
into an equall condition with it and this Parliament coâ—vâ—ned according to the known and fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome the continuance whereof is established by a Law consented unto by your Majesty is in effect denied to be a Parliament the scope and intention of that Letter being to make provision how all the Members as it is pretended of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament whereof no other conclusion can be made but that this present Parliament is not a full and free Convention of Parliament that to make it a full free Convention of Parliament the presence of those is Necessary who notwithstanding that they have deserted that great Trust and doe levy War against the Parliament are pretended to be Members of the two Houses of Parliament And hereupon we think our selves bound to let your Majesty know that seeing the continuance of this Parliament is setled by a Law which as all other Lawâ—s of your Kingdoms your Majesty hath sworn to maintain as wee are sworn to our All giance to your Majesty those obligations being reciprocall we must in duty and accordingly are resolved with our Lives and Fortunes to defend preserve the Just Rights and full power of this Parliament And doe beseech your Majesty to be assured That your Majesties Royall and hearty concurrence with us herein will be the most effectuall and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting peace in all your Majesties Dominions and of begetting a perfect understanding between your Majesty and your People withâ—ut which your Majesties most earnest Professions and our reall Intentions concernign the same must necessarily be frustrated And in case your Majesties three Kingdomes should by reason thereof remain in this sad and bleeding condition tending by the continuance of this unnaturall Warre to their Ruine your Majesty cannot be the least nor last sufferer God in his goodnesse incline your Royall breast out of pitty and compassion to thâ—se deep sufferings of your Innocent People to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate Evills by the joint advice of both your Kingdoms now happily united in this Cause by their late Solemn League and Covenant Which as it will prove the surest remedy so is it the earnest Prayer of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England Westminster the 9th day of March 1643. Grey of Wark Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore William Lenthall Speaker of the Commons-House in PARLIAMENT The Kings parties Apprehension and Comment on the Letter in these words Whosoever considers that this should be a Letter from Subjects might well think it very unbeseeming language in them to call his Majesties earnest endeavours for peace but Professions and their own feigned pretences most reall Intentions but much more wonder at that menacing language that his Majesty cannot be the least nor the last sufferer which expressions from Subjects in Arms to their Soveraign what dangerous construction they may admit we are unwilling to mention Thus much for the Kings parties Comment on the Letter One other intercourse of Messages between both Parties of a latter time The Summons sent by the Committee of both Kingdoms to the Governour of Newarke for surrendring that Towne and Fort The h Summons expressing perswasive and valid reasons to surrender it the Governour rather his Secretaries Answer full of good Language courage and strength of wit wherein mentioning the Kings Letter sent the 23 of March 1644. unto both Houses of Parliament he urges the Kings granting Graecious Conditions and proves it in that he would Disband his Forces Dismantle his Garrisons c. he who penned the Answer recites not all the Kings Proposalls as that he would have withall his Friends pardoned the Sequestration taken from off their Estates and the like either he saw not the Kings whole Letter being he recites but one part only or else he smiles in his sleeve thinking by his reserved Comment on the Letter to satisfie the Committee there and the whole Kingdom besides of the Kings gracious inclination in that Letter whereof the Answerer reciteth but one part the offering those promises which he mentions and commends the King for seems like Sathans contracting with our Saviour in the Gospell who tells him of large gifts to give him all the Kingdomes of the Earth and the glory of them but on what condition On such as Christ his purity and immunity from all sin could not accept viz. to fall downe and worship him The Kings Letter was easily to be understood by any who shall read it collectively and all together but not a part only as of disbanding his Forces dismantling his Garrisons with other the like gracious proffers made but on what condition are they made to have his friends pardoned and their Sequestraâ—iâ—ns wholy taken off Such manner of collective speaking being conditionall the one is not expected to be done on the one side if the rest be not performed on the other The Answerer 's mentioning so much of the Letter as may serve the turn in reciting the Kings gracious promise leaves out on what condition the promise is made the condition annexed to the promise frustrates the vertue of the promise for that which the answerer calls gracious in the Kings Letter of Disbanding his forces if nothing else were to be expected are in every mans Iudgement as in the Answerers gracious indeed but that the Kings expects to have his Friends pardoned the Sequestrations wholly taken off from their Estates were by the Parliaments giving way to the revoking their own Iudgments to accuse themselves of Injustice-doing to put them whom they accounted Offenders and their enemies into as good or better condition then their own friends the Answerer if knowing the Kings whole letter and would contract it into parts reciting only that which serves his turne the Committee being presumed solid and understanding Gentlemen would questionlesse follow the dictates of their own Iudgment without replying to the Answerer For an handsome Dialect and height of wit which haply may delight some Readers but cures not the distempers and calamities of a Civil war nor satisfies the serious expectation of unbiassed spectators or Actors in these Tragedies it is confessed that the Assembly at Oxford and their Party in their Quarters there having the more facete and nimble wits with the help influence of the Youth and Schollers there not ripe enough nor versed in the Laws policies of a State may seem to exceed the Parliament and those whom the Parliament imployes in their expressions but let the Books on either side be examined by the test of Reason and Prudence the Reader will soon discern the difference and these foure remarkeable Messages instanced in may decide the contest none other of all their conflicts of that kind being more opposite each to other nor any of their Messages reciprocally sent more disdainfully rejected on
of their Right to the Crown as Hen. 6. the lawfulness whereof not at any time questioned and when the Tytle to the Crown hath been disputed it was by Authority of that Court setled and the Crown entailed as they in Pollâ—y and prudence thought sit Speeds Chronic. in the life of Hen. 6. Edward 4 5. k See the Scots Remonstrance Printed 1640 cited by Master Thomas May in his History of the Parliament of England written 1647. l Cited and complained of by the King in the same Dâ—clararation against His Scotish Subjects for inviting forrein forces into this Kingdome page 55 56. See the Letter it self in the same Declaration signed by seven of the principall of the Nobility of Scotland m The Lord London See his Answer n See in the Kings name the Authors accompt of them how in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} he keeps in memory That the Scots weâ—e the first that began the Kings troubles in the Treatise of his leaving Oxford and going to the Scots and elsewhere in severall places of that Book Also in the Declaration printed on the Kings behalfe at Oxford 1643. pag. 23. suggesting an intent in them to confound the Government and alter the Laws of England The Marquesse of Montrosse declareth how they began His Troubles viz. by dispersing their Apologeticall Pamphlets as he termes them through Great Britaine before the Troubles began and before their comming with an Army into England See a Book entituled The History of His Majesties affairs under the Conduct of the Marquesse in the years 1644 1645 1646. page 3. o Amongst other Motives to his aâ—gâ—r about the Earl of Strafford's death which whether he would have avenged on the Party who condemned him may be guessed at in that an unknown Author in his name severall times repents the injustice of that Act to which he was forced to yeeld complyance for which sin as the Author mentions it the King and his Kingdomes have felt long great and heavy Troubles See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Treatise concerning the Earl of Strafford and the Marquesse of Moâ—trosse his Declaration set forth 1649 aggravating the same to incense the King and his party against the Scots expressing in it their disloyall Practices Breach of Duty Covenants calling them Traytors c. p See the Kings gratefull acknowledgement of the Affection and Loyalty of his Irish Subjects in offering to supply him with Preparations c. together with their Persons and Estates even to the uttermost of their ability to reduce his dis-affected Subjects of Scotland to their obedience desiring withal it may be Recorded as an Ordinance of Parliament and to be Printed as a Testimony of their Loyalty to all the world and succeeding Ages In his Declaration since the Pacification pag. 63. Which could not but stir up the Scots to seeke protection and assistance from their fellow subjects and friends wheresoever whom the King calls his dis-affected subjects and how he doth secern them from the rest is hard to judge when as the whole and most considerable part of that Kingdome did by their Pacts and Counsels at their Assemblies hâ—ld withstand and resolve to withstand divers of his Messages obtruding on them such matters as made against the Peace of their Church and Kingdome q In the third Treatise r Mr. Dâ—nz Hollis his speech June 1642. Å¿ See the Message sâ—nt from both Houses of Parliament to the King his parties receiving it mentioned in this Book t See the Declaration of the Lords Commâ—ns assembled at Oxford printed there 1643. u See the Remonstâ—ance sent out of Scotland 1639. w See the same Declaration ibid. x See it cited in the Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643. pag. 13. y Mr. John Heywood on the life of Hen the 4th z Bracton lib. 4. a France b See the Duke of Rohan in his Treatise of the Interests of the Princes and States of Christendome calling England a little world set apart as having nothing to do with other Princes c. c Mercurius Aulicus d Victoria naturâ insolens superba est Cicero e King James his Speech in Parliament 1609 f In Norththamptonshire g Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th h Nulla tam sancta Lex est quam non oppoâ—ceat si salus populi postâ—let urgeatque necessitâ—s muâ—are Bodin lib. 4. de Repub. i See the Parliaments Remonstrance 1647. k In the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 28. upon the Vote of Non-Addresses l In the Book stiled the present judgment of the Convocation held at Oxford m Calâ—ing Jâ—piter amongst the rest of tâ—e heathen Gods {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} quasi {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} o Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th p In the Remonstrance dated Nov. 1648. pag. 6. q See the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Answer to the Scots Commissioners dated the fourth of March 1647. r See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England pag. 112. Å¿ See the Objections and Answers at large in the relation of the passages at the meeting at Vxbridge 1644. Printed then at Oxford t Hen. 2. â— Eliz. u The Law book Casâ—s give the Reason why the bringing counterfeit money into England out of Ireland is but Misprision of Treason although the bringers know and utter it Quiae Hibernia est membrum Angliae Dalâ—on Iustice of Peace in cap. de high Treason w The Lord wâ—aâ—ton z See these Charges mentioned by the two Houses of Parliament against the King in Mâ— May his History lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 118. a BERK-SHIRE b Twyford O kingham â—arringdon c See Master May his History of the Parliament of England mentioning the Demand and Answer d In the Book of an unknown Author called The State's Martyr e See the Message and Answer f See the History of the Kings affaires in Scotland c. where the Historian speaking of the Marquesses Mâ—nâ—â—osse and Argyle the Generalls of the two opposite Armies in the Kingdome of Scotland he highly exâ—olls Mâ—ntrosse and as much reviles and derogates from Argyle rendring him in many passages of that Booke A 〈◊〉 spirited Soâ—ldâ—er and a Knave when as in other mens judgements he had when he was so depraved otherwise proved himself g See it cited in the Oxford Declaration pag. 1â— h See the Kings Letter March 23. 1644. and the Committees Summons in Aprill following i See the Proclamation in the Kings name set forth 1642 accusing many Gentlemen serving as Knights and Burgesses for their severall and respective Countâ—es to be Trayâ—ors and their Persons to be seized on as Rebells k See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Treatise 17. on Church-Government l See their Declaration Printed at Oxford March 1643. towards the end of the Book m In a Book styled The
presenâ— judgment of the Corvocation at Oxford dated June 1647. which if weighed with the Arguments in the Letter written by the London Ministers to the Lord Fairfax and his Councell of War dated January 1648. in behalf of the Covenant and the keeping it the Reader will soone discern the odds * Suprema Lex Salus Populi n See the Exhortation to the taking the Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion c. * Livy * Isaiah * Ciceâ—o o See the Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines to the taking the Covenant Printed Feb. 1643. p See the Lords and Commons Instructions for taking the Covenant The unanimous judgment of most part of the Kingdome observed by their severall Petiâ—ions at that time presented especially that of the Gentry and Trained Bands of the County of Essex presented to their Lord Lieut. the Earl of Warwick Likewise Sir Benjamine Rudyard his speech in the beginning of this Parliament about Popery countenanced See Master May his History Lib. 2. Chapter 6. Page 15. q See the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with Instructions for taking the Covenant r Mr. Alexander Henderson in his reply to the Kings first Paper Å¿ See the Essex Petition before cited t See their Commissioners judgement and intentions concerning Episcopacy Declaring Prelacy to be the cause of all our broilâ— In their Papers dated 24 Feb. 1640. u See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in severall Treatises viz. Upon the Listing Raising Armieâ— against the King Upon the Covenant and elsewhere w See the 6. Article of the Covenant x See the Articles pag. 16 Demand 4 Granted by the King 1641. viz. That none should be admitted to his Councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both Kingdoms y See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 4 and elsewhere in that Book his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the City of London and upon all occasions of his partâ—s naming it some of them have termed it a Rebellious City a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition raised against their King reproaching it with scornfull Nick-names as they pleased z See their Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue procâ—edings of the Common-Councell the Represenâ—ative of the whole City a See in the Letter of the Ministers their notice taking of the Parliament and Armies conceipt had of the Covenant page 8. b See his Parties opinion of the Covenant and the taking of it in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} pag. 113 114 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it and for what purpose in the Authors judgment framed at first how ambiguous and hard to be understood how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first or mis-representing by those who like it noâ— that howbeit one part thereof is That they had then no intention to diminish the King's just Power and Greatnesse the Authour in the King's name conceives that it was made and intended against the King as in many places of the Treatise against the Covenant the Kings Party complaineth See also the Kings Declaration since the Paciâ—iâ—aâ—ion against the Scots and the Covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the Marquesse of Montrosse his Declaration set forth 1649 As in a Bâ—ok called the History of the Kings affairs in Scotland before cited pag. 6. * Paâ—auâ— * St. Ierome c See their Acts and Ordinances for raising Contribution-money towards the Warrs throughout all Counties exempting the Universities and other Colledges from such Payments * Oxford d See the like observed in the Consecration of the Bishops of England written by Mr. Mason sometimes Fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford in his Epâ—stle to the Archbishop of Canterbury e See their Remonstrances since the beginning of this War h See their Remonstrance before cited i See the Declaration of the Lords Commons assembled at Oxford c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k In the Treaâ—ise concerning the Kings retirement from Westminster n Written by Mr. Tho. May 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 1. on the Kings calling the Parliament p Mr. May his History q Mr. Hollis his Speech r See the 36 Statute of Edw. â— r See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise to upon their seizing the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia Å¿ Hen. the 7. t In their Apology Printed soon after the â—nglâ—sh Army went toward Scotland y Tantum res 〈◊〉 câ—m qu 〈◊〉 satellâ—ith 〈◊〉 Pontific is 〈◊〉 Iewel in Apolog. Eccles. Anglican z The speedy and effectu-suppressing Errors and Schisms is charged on him b K. Iames his Speech before-mentioned c See the Oxford Declaration pag. 19. d In the treatise concerning the Kings going to the House of Commons to surprise the five Members g Marlborougâ— Decemb. 1642. h See the Oxford Declaration page 26. 27. i See the same Declaration page 11. * 25 Edw. 3 l Sir Edward Cooke his Collections concerning the Authority of the Parliament in the fourth Book of his Institut m Quanquam Principes sunt ex numero {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} tamen natura temporis ratione prius sueâ— int Subditi Princ pes veâ—o nisi qui Tyrannidem usurpârint non naturà ut Patâ—es sed suffragio Subditorum gratia constituti sâ—nt Iâ—de illud Domini apud Daniel 4. 32. Scias quod dominetur Altissimus in regno homin um cui volueâ—it dabiâ— illud Ex quâ— sequitur non Regum causâ Subditos nasci sed Reges commodis SubditoruÌ„ inserviâ—e debere Bucan. Institut Theolog. Tractat. de Magistratu Thomas 1 part 1 samma Theolog. quest 9. Art 3 4. n The Author of the Peoples Plea * Aristotle * Tertullian * Treatise 26. p Master Lambards Eirenarch cap. 2. in his Tract on King Edw. the third his Writ directed to the high Sheriff of Kent for the Proclaming Peace where he speaks first of Uâ—iting Minds then of Restraining Hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace * See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} upon the Covenant * See the Covenant * Pag. 16. Demand 4. q At the defeat given them by Montrosse at Kilsyth eveâ— to the ruining the State of Scotland when the Lord Fairfax the English Generall and other Commanders in chief wrote to the Earle of Leven the Scottish Generall that they accounted the calamities of Scotland to be their own and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the Scots as for the English till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquâ—shed See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England r Noli in caducum parietem inclinare Lipsius Politic. * In sapientem non potest cadere Injuria Seneca Å¿ See the exhortation for and touching the taking the Covenant annexed to the Covenant Printed 9 February 1643 t Commonly discoursed in the Diurnalls and Occurrences Printed in Aprill and May 1651. * Psal. 19.