for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul Thou fool said our Saviour almost in the like case first cast out the beam out of thine own eye and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye The next morning July 3 I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes and went on in our journey to Paris which that day we were to visite My eyes not permitting me to read and my eares altogether strangers to the French chat drave my thoughts back to Roven and there nothing so much possessed me as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre Thus. Sa did the Fox the coward'st of the heard Kick the dead Lyon and profane his beard So did the Greeks about their vanquisht host Drag Hectors reliques and torment his ghost So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead To whose victorious sword not lâ—ng before They would have sacrific'd their lives or more So do the French assault dead Bedfords spright And trample on his ashes in despight But foolish Curio cease and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle Maine Anjoy Guyen Normandie Thy father 's felt it Oh! thou worst of men If man thou art do not endevour then This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust But be not troubled Bedford thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name And tear it from thy marble yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise Thy brave atchievements in the times to come Shall be a monument above a Tombe Thy name shall be thy Epitaph and he Which once reads Bedford shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite Whilest France remains and Histories are writ Bedford shall live and France shall Chronicl ' it Having offered this unworthy yet gratefull sacrifice to the Manes of that brave Heros I had the more leasure to behold Mante and the Vines about it being the first that ever I saw They are planted like our Hop-gardens and grow up by the helpe of poles but not so high They are kept with little câ—st and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich had he neither King nor Landlord The Wine which is pressed out of them is harsh and not pleasing as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Paris or Orleans as their language doth in elegancy The rest of the Norman wines which are not very frequent as growing only on the frontiers towards France are of the same quality As for the Town of Maâ—â—e it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances having a wall a competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissen and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it bâ— Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in pâ—ssession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveiâ—d it over the Sâ—â—s into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upâ—n Aâ—thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Pâ—iâ—rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an
The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome was about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their followers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers petty Councels the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had done in France whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcâ—patus beneficia they are Platinas own words per cupiditatem Simonaâ—cam committat aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Ruâ—us the controversie being whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recovered it and his successors kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crosiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilandi rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of December 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in confession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Diocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quod qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pigâ—inus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their
Eastward to the West of Sussex an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bonum est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there longer if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indeed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatest part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distance of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I confesse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Baggage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 horses True it is that his designes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with whm he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure concerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much marvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen seeing that it is as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fifth to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they besought him that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogne and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite confidering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximilian of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incaâ—tus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some monies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater then he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money
the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers p. 104. CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. p. 113. La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St Croix Câ—nâ—ing an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joan the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that university Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our return to Paris p. 152. PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie The office of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feasted within it and the error of that action the Town how built-seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provost The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise
and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216. CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lebu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Dooms day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventuals 8 The condition of theâ—e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Wâ—nton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 Nâ—place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3
the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolaberentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainroigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the leâ—st Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that stâ—eet through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonicall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their
it the ornamentall parts and trappings of it being yet not added When it is absolutely consummate if it hold proportion with the other sides both within and without it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politenesse of the Fabrick not fellowed in Europe A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward For when upon the death of her great Privado the Marquesse D'Ancre she was removed to Blois those of the opposite taction in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King that not without great struglings by those of her party and the hazard of two civill wars she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty She may see by this what to trust to should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions Likely therefore it is that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited further then on occasions for a Banquet then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatnesse This house is called Luxembourg Palace as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde to whom it was given by the Queen Mother in the first year of her Regency The Town of Paris is that part of it which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie What was spoken before in the generall hath its reference to this particular whether it concern the sweetnesse of the streets the manner of the building the furniture of the artificer or the like It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches viz. St. German de l'Auxerre 2 St. Eustace 3 Les Saints Innocents 4 St. Savueur 4 St. Nicolas des champs 6 Lâ— Sepulore 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie 8 St. Josse 9 St. Mercy 10 St. Jean 11 St. Gervase and St. Protasse 12 St. Paul and 13 St. Jean le tonde It also hath in it 7 Gates sc 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall 2 Porte du Temple 3 St. Martim 4 St. Denis 5 Mont martre 6 St. Honorè and 7 Porte Neufue so called because it was built since the others which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries the Garden of the Louure The principall Governour of Paris as also of the whole Isle of France is the Duke of Monbazon who hath held this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines but he little medleth with the City The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts the one called Le Provost du Paris the other Le Provost des Merchands The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen whether they be criminall or civill The office is for term of life the place of judgement the Grand Chastelet The present Provost is called Mr. Seguier and is by birth of the Nobility as all which are honoured with this office must be He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants the Lieutenant criminall which judgeth in matters of life and death the Lieutenant civill which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party and the Lieutenant particular who supplyeth their severall places in their absence There are also necessarily required to this Court the Procureur and the Advocate or the Kings Sollicitour and Attorney 12 Counsellours and of under-officers more then enough This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great In matters criminall there is appeal admitted from hence to the Tournelle In matters civill if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres to the great Chamber or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament The Provost of the Merchants and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City to have an eye over the sales of Wine Corn Wood Cole c. and to impose taxes on them to keep the keyes of the Gates to give watch word in time of war to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town and the like There are also four other Officers joyned unto him Escbevins they call them who also carry a great sway in the City There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings the Kings Sollicitour or Procureur and 24 Counsellours To compare this Corporation with that of London the Provost is as the Maior the Eschevins as the Sheriffs the 24 Counsellours as the Aldermen and the Procureur as the Recorder I omit the under-officers whereof there is no scarcity The place of their meetings is called L' hostel de ville or the Guilde-hall The present Provost Mr. de Grieux his habit as also that of the Eschevins and Counsellours half red half skie coloured the City livery with a hood of the same This Provost is as much above the other in power as men which are loved commonly are above those which are feared This Provost the people willingly yea sometimes factiously obey as the conservator of their liberties the other they only dread as the Judge of their lives and the tyrants over their Estates To shew the power of this Provost both for and with the people against their Princes you may please to take notice of two instances For the people against Philip de Valois anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns upon all wares sold in Paris for the better managing of his Wars against the English could obtain it but for one year only and that not without speciall letters reversall that it should no way incommodate their priviledges With the people anno 1357 when King John was Prisoner in England and Charles the Daulphin afterwards the fift of that name laboured his ransome amongst the Parisians For then Stephen Marcell the Provost attended by the Vulgar Citizens not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber but flew John de Confâ—ans and Robert of Clermount two Marschals of France before his face Nay to add yet further insolencies to this he took his party-coloured hood off his head putting it on the Daulphins and all that day wore the Daulphins hat being a brown black Pour signal de sa dictature as the token of his Dictatorship And which is more then all this he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Hoâ—d of the City livery and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above named as done by his commandement Horrible insolencies Quam miserum est cum haec impune facere potuisse as Tully of Marcus Antonius The Armes of this Town as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins are Guleâ— a Ship Argent a Chief powdred with flower de
till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment But anno 1304. Joane Queen of Navarre wife to Philip the fair built that Colledge which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest Nonibi constituunt exempla ubi coeperunt sed in tenuem accepta tramitem latissime evagandi viam sibi faciunt as Velleius This good example ended not in it self but incited divers others of the French Kings and people to the erecting of convenient places of study So that in process of time Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges So many it still hath though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading either in Divinity or Philosophy Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte 2. Caillvi or the Petit Sorbonne 3. Lisseux or Lexovium 4 Boncourte 5. Montague 6. Le Marche 7. Navarre 8. De la Cardinal de Moyne 9. Le Plessis 10. De Beavais 11. La Sorbonne 12. De Clermont or the Colledge of the Jesuites there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants viz. the Carmelites the Augustins the Franciscans or Cordeliers and the Dominicans The other Colledges are destinated to other uses That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques employed for the reception of the Irish In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students who for their instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned In each of these Colledges there is a Rector most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London At the first erection of their Colledges they were all prohibited marriage though I see little reason for it There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it unto the scholars under their charge by the assuming of leases into their own hands for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick that they might marry the Cardinall of Toute Ville Legat in France giving unto them that indulgence Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge which in fine was granted to them and confirmed by the Court of Parliament The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it and that not as Rectors but as Priests These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since in comparison of the rest or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns-Inne The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks as mean and curtailed I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne and how small a trifle that is we shall tell you presently But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only all France is troubled with the same want the same want of encouragement in learning neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times having been in England and seen Cambridge to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense confidenter dicam superat vel decem nostra It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings in which sense he spake it but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues Yet I was given to understand that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges one of an especiall quality and so indeed it is if rightly considered There are said to be in it 20 Students places or fellowships as we call them The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens or Livres paid unto him after six years by his successor Vendere jure potest emerat ille prius A pretty market The Colledge of Sorbonne which is indeed the glory of this University was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the chamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved It confisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity neither can any of another profession nor any of the same profession not so graduated be admitted into it At this time their number is about 70 their allowance a pint of wine their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart and a certain quantity of bread daily Meat they have none allowed them unless they pay for it but the pay is not much for five Sols which amounteth to six pence English a day they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their chambers These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity the Rector and other officers of the University having nothing to do in it To them alone belongeth the examination of the students in the faculty the approbation and the bestowing of the honour and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair as are that way minded All of them in their turnes discharge this office of reading and that by sixes in a day three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon and as many in the afternoon These Doctors are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris the principal pillars of the French Liberty whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil When Gerson Chancellor of Paris he died Anno 1429. had published a book in approbation of the Councell of Constance where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope the Sorborne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine Afterwards when Lewis the 1 1. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction the Sorbonnists in behalf of the Church Gallican and the University of Paris Magnis obsistebant animis saith Sleidan in his Commentaries a Papa provocabant ad Concilium The Councell unto which they appealed was that of Basil where that sanction was made so that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis that the Councell was above the Pope And not long since anno viz. 1613. casually meeting with a book written by Becanus entituled Controversia Anglicana de potestate regis papae they called an assembly and condemned it For though the main of it was against the power and supremacy of the Kings of England yet
cannot blame him for it it was worthy but little thanks to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens who for his Holinesse satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans I believe that upon the same termes the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome Without this room this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure is the house of Burbon an old decayed fabrick in which nothing was observable but the Omen for being built by Lewis of Burbon the third Duke of that branch he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door signifying his hope that from his loins should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families and it is accordingly hapned For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being before the foundation of the House and the Garden the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language I was not so happy as to see and will not be indebted to any for the relation The End of the Second Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journy towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients The French Musick HAving abundantly stifled our spirits in the stink of Paris on Tuesday being the 12 of July we took our leave of it and prepared our selves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud save that they began to gather together about noon in the nature of a curtain to defend us from the injury of the Sun The wind rather sufficient to fan the air then to disturb it by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey and he that did not put it to that use mis-spent it having therefore put our selves into our wagon we took a short farewell of Paris exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of the fields again and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normandy only that the corn grounds were larger and more even On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes and the Castle of Bisestre and about some two miles beyond them we had a sight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sillery Chancellor of the Kingdome a pretty house it promised to be having two base Courts on the hither side of it and beyond it a park an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant Four leagues from Paris is the the Town of Montliberrie now old and ruinous and hath nothing in it to commend it but the carkasse of a Castle without it it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain on which was fought that memorable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie Duke of Burgogne a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army the field being in a manner emptied of all the forces and yet neither of the Princes victorious Hic spe celer ille salute some ran out of fear to die and some out of hope to live that it was hard to say which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat This notwithstanding the King esteemed himself the conquerour not that he overcame but because not vanquisht He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory It was Antonies case in his war against the Parthians a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him Crassus before him had been taken by that people but Antonius made a retreat though with losse Hanc itaque fugam suam quia vivus exierat victoriam vocabat as Paterculus one that loved him not saith of him Yet was King Lewis is so puffed up with this conceit of victory that he ever after slighted his enemies and at last ruined them and their cause with them The war which they undertook against him they had entituled the war of the Weal publick because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty of their Countrey and people both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed True it is they had also their particular purposes but this was the main and failing in the expected event of it all that they did was to confirm the bondage of the Realm by their own overthrow These Princes once disbanded and severally broken none durst ever afterwards enter into the action for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France Hors pupillage out of their ward-ship a speech of more brag then truth The people I confesse he brought into such terms of slavery that they no longer merited the name of subjects but yet for all his great boast the Nobles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians I have already shewn you much of their potency By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery as our Lawyers call it Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes he had then been perfectly his words-master and till that be done I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people The battail foughten by this Town the common people impute to the English and so do they also many others which they had no hand in For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation and of their many fields which we gained of them they no sooner hear of a pitched field but presently as the nature of men in a fright is they attribute it to the English good simple souls Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint sed onerare alienis as Tully in his Philippicks An humour just like unto that of little children who being once frighted with the tales
this Church notwithstanding is likely now to su 〈…〉 their madnesse King Henry the 4. began the repairing of it and his Son Lewis hath since continued so that the quire is now quite finished and the workmen are in hand with the rest What should move the Hugonots to this execution I cannot say unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name and perhaps that not unlikely We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings banished also Collatinus their Consul a man in whom they could finde no fault but this that his surname was Tarquin tantum ob nomen genus regium saith Florus afterwards quam invisum regis nomen is very frequent in the stories of those times Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar there was one named Cinna a name so odious amongst the people that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends and hearing that his name was Cinna they presently murthered him in the place for which cause one Casca which was also the name of one of the Conspirators published a writing of his name and pedegree shewing therein that he neither was the traytor nor any kin to him The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets betwixt Mont Martre and St. Denis though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified And what troubles the French party here in England have raised because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse Notius est quam ut stilo egeat and therefore I omit it This Church is the seat of a Bishop who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens for his Metropolitan The present Bishop is named Franciscus d' Aubespine said to be a worthy Scholar and a sound Polititian though he were never graduated further then the arts Of his revenue I could learn nothing but of his priviledge this namely that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole though their crime be never so mortall For the original of this indulgence we are beholding to St. Aignan once Bishop here and who defended the City against Auila the Harme At his first entrance into the town saith the story after he was invested Bishop he besought Agrippinus the Governour that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos when the Governour had heard his request he denied it and presently a stone falleth upon his head no man knew from whence wounded and terrified with this the Governor granteth his desire recovereth her health and ever since the custome hath continued For the truth of this story I intend to be no Champion for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Legend but this I am certain of that every new Bishop maketh a very solemn and majestick entry into the City and at his entry releaseth a prisoner Let us follow the Bishop into his Church and there we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd To go over them all would require a volume I will therefore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses and they are two the one fantastical the other heathenish For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson but what his voice was not audible enough to tell me out marcheth the Dean or in his absence the senior Canon out of the Church Before him two or three torches and a long crosse silvered over after him all those of the Church and lastly the lay people both men and women so that there is none left to keep possession but the Priest and the Altar and such strangers as come thither for curiosity they go out at one door and having first circuited the quire and afterwards the body of the Church they return to their places and the Priest proceedeth I have seen many a dumb shew in a play just like it This only is the difference that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent gesticulation The other addition which I observed here at the Masse though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses in the Cathedral Churches was the censing of the people which was performed in this manner Whilest the Priest was busie at the Altar there entred into the quire at a side door two boyes in their Surplices bearing wax-tapers in their hands and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse in the rere there came two of the Priests in their copes and other stately vestiments between both a young lad with the incense-pot made full of holes to let out the sume which he swingeth on all sides of him with a chain to which it was fastned having thus marched through the Church and censed the people he ascendeth unto the Altar and there censeth the crosse the relicks the bread the wine the chalice the images and I know not what not A custome very much used amongst the Heathen Omnibus viris factae sunt statuse ad eas thus cerei saith Tully and Jane tibi primam thura merumque fero saith Ovid in his de Fastis So have we in Martiall Te primum piathura rogent and the like in divers other writers of antient At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians I cannot tell Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times nor in the third age after our Saviour save only in their burials Sciant Sabaei saith Tertullian who at that time lived pluris cariores merces suas Christianis sepeliendis profligari quam fumigantibus Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes disclaimeth the use of it and yet the Councell of Trent in the 22. Session defineth it to be as boldly ex Apostolica institutione traditione as if the Apostles themselves had told them so I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers of Exodus and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum but this will not help them Aaron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar and not to cense men and images crosses and relicks c. as the Papists do So that will they nill they they must be counted followers of the Heathen though I envie them not the honour of being Jewes From the history and view of the Church proceed we to that of the Town where nothing occurreth more memorable then the great siege laid before it by the English A siege of great
eight Sols daily The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Constable their Captain Mr. Le Noyre said to be a man of good experience and worthy his place This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the Spaniards anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City though somewhat on the advantage of an hill and seemeth in mine opinion better situate to command the Town then to defend it or rather to recover the Town being taken then to save it from taking They who have seen it and know the arts of fortification report it to be impregnable Quod nec Joâ—is ira nec ignâ—s Nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas Nor am I able to contradict it For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession we were not permitted to come within it or to take a survey of it but at a distance As soon as we approached high unto it one of the Garrison proffes'd us the Musket a sufficient warning not to be too venturous So that all which I could observe was this that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions and repair their breaches With the same jealousie also are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Countreys no people that ever I heard being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers as the English For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may pace over the curtain of Portsmouth and measure every stone and bulwark of it For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition And when that is done if he will he shall walk the round too A French crown sathometh the wals of Dover Castle and for a pinte of wine one may see the nakednesse of the blockhouses at Gravesend A negligence which may one day cost us dearly though we now think it not For what else do we in it but commit that prodigall folly for which Pltarch condemned Pericles that is to break open all the palâ—s and inclosures of our land to the end that every man might come in freely and take away our fruit at his pleasure Jealousie though a vice in a man towards his wife is yet one of the safest vertues in a Governor towards his fortresse and therefore I could wish that an English man would in this particular borrow a little of the Italian Besides these souldiers which are continually in garrison for the defence of the Citadell there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City The watchmen receive no pay of the King but discharge that duty amongst themselves and in turns every house finding one for that service twelve nights in the year The weapons which they use are pikes only and muskets there being not one piece of Ordinance all about the Town or on the wals of it The Governor of this Town as it hath reference to the King is a Bailly who hath belonging to him all the authority which belongeth to a siege Presâ—dial Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall and particular seven Counsellors a publick Notary and other inferior Officers and Magistrates As it is a Corporation the chief Governor of it is a Maior and next to him the Eâ—sohevins or Sheriffs as protectors of the inhabitants and their liberties besides those of the Common-councell Another circumstance there is which 〈◊〉 this Town of Amiens which is that it is a Visdamate or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility who is called the Visdame of Amiens This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune Governor of the Ciâ—adell together with the Lordship of Piquigni both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens and Lord of Piquigni anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother who also obtained for him of the King the title of Duke his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet by which name he was known here in England at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James This honour of Visdame is for ought I could ever see used only in France True it is that in some old English Charters we meet with this title of Vice-dominus As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lincolnshire dated in the year 948. there is there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus but with us and at those times this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord and not as an honorary attribute in which sense it is now used in France Besides that with us it was frequently though falsly used for Vice comes Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame there are found no small resemblances For as they which did gerere vicem Comitis were called Vicecomites or Vicounts so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus And as Vicounts from officers of the Earls became honorary so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop and became Signieural or honorary also The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops in matter of secular administration for which cause though they have altered their tenure they take all of them their denomination from the chieftown of some Bishoprick Neither is there any of them who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine Mr. Glover otherwise alled Somerset Herald in his Discourse of Nobility published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury putteth it down for absolute that here are four only viz. of Amiens of Chartres of Chalons and of Gerberey in Beauvais but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers there being besides those divers others as of Rheimes Mans and the like But the particular and exact number of them together with the place denominating I leave to the French Heralds unto whose profession it principally belongeth CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the cut-side The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick THere is yet one thing which addeth more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the Vidamate or the Citadel which is the Church of Nostre Dame A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France There have
I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me consisting of cold bake-meats choise Marmelets and most excellent Wines and which I looked upon as the greater favour his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment We had scarce ended this refreshment when the Bailiff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate whether out of civility to me or compliance with the trust reposed in him I determine not which was done accordingly one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge July the last we took Post-horse for Bologne if at the least we may call those Post-horses which we rid on As lean they were as Envie is in the Poet Macies in corpore toto being most true of them Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred but the very spur-gals had made such casements through their skins that it had been no great difficulty to have surveyed their entrails A strange kind of Cattell in my mine opinion and such as had neither flesh on their bones nor skin on their flesh nor hair on their skin sure I am they were not so â—lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid neither could we say of them Flammiferis implent hinnitibus auras All the â—eighing we could hear from the proudest of them was only an old dry cough which I 'le assure you did much comfort me for by that noise I first learned there was life in them Upon such Anatomies of horses or to speak more properly upon such severall heaps of bones when I and my Companion mounted and when we expected however they seemed outwardly to see somewhat of the Post in them my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace or like Envie in Ovid Surgit humi pigre passuque incedit inerti Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were esteemed too blessed yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches If good nature or a sight of their journeyes end did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop we were sure to have them tire in the middle way and so the remainder of the Stage was to be measured by our own feet Being weary of this trade I made bold to dismount the Postilion and ascended the trunk-horse where I sat in such a magnificent posture that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle before me a bundle of cloaks a cloak-bag and a parcell of boots sure I was if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides that I could not likely fall backwards nor forwards Thus preferred I encouraged my companions who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity And certainly there was not any of them who might not more justly have said of me Tuas un meilleur temps que le Pape then poor Lazarello's master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes This circumstance I confesse might have well been omitted had I not great example for it Philip de Comines in the miâ—dest of his grave and serious relation of the Battail of Mont Hierrie hath a note much about this nature which gave me encouragement which is That himself had an old horse halfe tirâ—d and this was just my case who by chance thrust hâ—s head into a pale of wine and dranke it off which made him lustier and fresher that day then ever before but in that his horse had better luck then I had On the right hand of us and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne we left the Town of Monstrueil which we had not leasure to see It seemeth daintily seated for command and resistance as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill It is well strengthned with Bastions and Ramparts on the outside hath within it a Garrison of five Companies of Souldiers their Governour as I learned of one of the Paisants being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneth the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstrueil as being a border Town within two miles of Artoys and especially considering that the taking of it would cut off all entercourse between the Countries of Bologne and Calais with the rest of France Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens and that the French Kings are not ignorant of Insomuch that those two only together with that of St. Quintain being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy to draw him from the party of the English were redeemed again by Lewis XI for 450000 crownes an infinite sum of money according to the standard of those times and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis by which at the last he lost his life and hazarded his estate CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt-butter Boulogne divided inte two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconvenience of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois which though a part of Picardie disdaineth yet to be so accounted but will be reckoned as a County of it self It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne Estaples and Nâ—uf-Chastell besides divers Villages and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies much after the nature of England the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France which we saw for the quantity Neither is it only a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary who
besides that of Nostre Dame which is Cathedrall The streets not many and those narrow unlesse it be in the Market-place where the Corpus du Guarde is kept What the outworks are or whether it have any or no I cannot say Even in this time of League and Peace their jealousie will not permit an English man to walke their wals either within or without the Town A Castle they said that it hath but such a one as serveth more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies 60 in a Company which amount in all to 300 their Governour being Mr. D' Aumont son to the Marshall D' Aumont who so faithfully adhered to Henry IV. in the beginning of his troubles The cause why this Town being so small is so strongly Garrisoned is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Countrey The first of the services it can hardly performe without much injury to the low Town which standeth between them but for the ready discharge of the last it is daintily seated for though to spare the low Town they should permit an enemie to land yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Countrey their Ordinance will tear him into pieces But for the immediate security of the Haven their Ancestors did use to fortifie the old Tower standing on the top of the hill called La tour d'ordre It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar at the time of his second expedition into Britaine this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriacus This Tower which we now see seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work and by the height and situation of it one would guesse it to have been the Keepe or Watch-tower unto the rest It is built of rude and vulgar stone but strongly cemented together the figure of it is six square every square of it being nine paces in length A compasse too little for a Fortresse and therefore it is long since it was put to that use it now serving only as a Sea-marke by day and a Pharos by night Ubi aecensae noctu faces navigantium cursum dirigunt The English man calleth it The old man of Boulogne and not improperly for it hath all the signes of age upon it The Sea by undermining it hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it the stones begin to drop out from the top and upon the least rising of the wind you would think it were troubled with the Palsie In a word two hard Winters seconded with a violent tempest maketh it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the impolitick thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and safety of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisoned True it is that Henry VIII did erect Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we were sufficiently garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story Qui gloriosius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neither will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a full view of my dearest England from which for want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pest-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently shut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the worst condition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' escue not to be resisted he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our walke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came halfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripple who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty steeple then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odcombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first sight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not far distant and some old women drying the insected cloathes on a bank adjoyning the sight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then speed But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmities That done I turned my face toward England which afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dover Castle
Of these Alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains then their Dominions The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French we may therefore account each of them in these inter-marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses then the strength of their Empires and that they more desired a noble stock wherein to graft posterity then power The Alliance with Savoy is more advantagious though lesse powerfull then that of Spain for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party he need not fear the greatnesse of the other or of any of his faction The continuall siding of this house with that of Austria having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Italy or Germany to which it shall encline that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice of which Guicciardine saith that Mantennero le cose d' Italia bilanciate On this reason Henry IV. earnestly desired to match one of his children into this Countrey and left this desire as a Legacy with his Councell But the Alliance of most use to the State of France is that of England as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours an alliance which will make his estate invincible and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse As for the Kings bastard Brethren they are four in number and born of three severall beds The elder is Alexander made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta in the life time of his Father He is now Grand Prior of France and it is much laboured and hoped by the French that he shall be the next Master of the Order a place of great credit and command The second and most loved of his father whose lively image and character he is said to be is Mr. Cesar made Duke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Governour of Britain a man of a brave spirit and one who swayeth much in the affairs of state his father took a great care for his advancement before his death and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mercuer a man of great possessions in Britain It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady both by her Fathers side and also by the Mothers who was of the family of Martiques being a stock of the old Ducall tree is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly both these were borne unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle Dutchesse of Beauforte a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe and one who never abused her power with him So that one may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly spake of Liviae the wife of Augustus Ejus potentiam nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis The third of the Kings naturall brethren is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden which make a large revenue His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards which is the remainder of 6000 the rest being paâ—ned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof who was of that Family The mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchionesse of Verneville who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the Prison and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane and hath as yet not fully out 6000 l. a year when his mother dyeth he will be richer The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston born the 25 of Aprill anno 1608 a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit as the King doth of his Crown He is intituled Duke of Anjou as being the third Son of France but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur This title is different from that of Daulphin in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Son living this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving if there be neither Son nor Brother then the next Heir Apparent is styled only Le primier Prince du sang the first Prince of the bloud This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also but with some addition of place or honour The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans qâ—â—ne as the French use to say that is simply Monseiur This young Prince is as yet unmarryed but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpensier whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived he had espoused her long ere this but it is generally believed that this Prince is not so affected he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse himself the next heir to the Crown and it is likely he will look on a while and expect the issue of his fortune Some that speak of the affairs of the Court holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons a Prince of the bloud and a Gentleman of a fine temper the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match neither will the King not be inclinable unto him as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction for not performing a Court promise made unto him as some say about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons both issuing from the house of Burbon partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate and partly by gaining all the friends and allies of that Ladies kindred to his the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde the difference between them standeth thus Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two wives amongst other children two Sons by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde by the second Charles Count of Soissons Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke
for it but being but conjectures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Febure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young Mollis et apâ—us agi to become a Catholick Thirdly The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navâ—â—e in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morrel already mentioned he is believed to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices in her husbands life time had found her self agrieved it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—ilian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vindicore And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissons and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conserred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we call them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Le grand Escuire the esteem of which place recompenseth the emptinesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kings sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Paris The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Eschevins is his â—ee No man can be the Kings spurmaker his Smith or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him and the like This place to note so much by the way was taken out of the Constables office Comes stabuli is the true name to whom it properly belonged in the time of Charles VII Besides this he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly and had an office given him which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page And to say truth he is as yet but a little better being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow With the affairs of State he intermedleth not if he should he might expect the Queen mother should say to him what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ista decent humeros gestamina nostros For indeed first during her Sons minority and after since her reintegration with him she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State the Church having principally since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre I mean assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu a man of no great birth were Nobility the greatest parentage but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest Of a sound reach he is and a close brain one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding and a Church habit one that is compleatly skilled in the art of men and a perfect master of his own mind and affections him the Queen useth as her Counsellour to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie She is of a Florentine wit and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices her Ancestor in her Regency and some also of her vices only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrouled upon his beads whilest in the mean time she usurped the Government of the Realm Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue she hath notably well discharged her ambition the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly governed then first during her Regencie and now during the time of her favour with the King For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court that she was of all sides honoured the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted and for the differences in Religion her most earnest desire was not â—o oppresse the Protestants insomuch that the war raised against them during the command of Mr. Luynes was presently after his death and her restoring into grace ended An heroicall Lady and worthy the report of posterity the frailties and weaknesse of her as a woman not being accounted hers but her sexes CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the generall A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly bumoured c. FRom the Court of the King of France I cannot better provide for
own Sed tanquam a sede Apostolica delegatâ— But as for the Orders of Fryers the Pope would not by any means give way to it They are his Janizaries and the strongest bulwarke of his Empire and are therefore called in a good Author Egr gia Romunae curiae instrumenta So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome This meer dependence on his Holinesse maketh this generation a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour then otherwise it would be though since the growth of the Reformation shame and fear hath much reformed them they have still howsoever a spice of their former wantonnesse and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship and to say truth of them I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey but not for acquaintance They live very meâ—â—ily and keep a competent table more I suppose then can stand with their vow and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends had us into the hall it being then the time of their refectory a favour not vulgar there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side and every one a pretty distance from the other their severall commons being a dish of pottage a chop of Mutton a dish of cherries and a large glasse of water this provision together with a liberall allowance of â—ase and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking and maketh them having little to take thought for as I said before passing good company As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us three of these mortified sinners two of the Order of St. Austin and one Franciscan the merryest crickeâ—â— that ever chirped nothing in them but mad tales and complements and for musick they would sing like hawkes When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine Vivamus ut 〈◊〉 bibamus ut vivamus And for courtship and toying with the wenches you would easily believe â—â—at it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted of all men when I am marryed God keep my wife from them till then my neighbours On the other side the common Priests of France are so dull and blockish that you shal hardly meet with a more contemptible people The meanest of our Curates in England for spirit and discourse are very Popes to them for learning they may safely say with S 〈…〉 atas Hoc tantum scimus quod ne 〈…〉 us but you must not look they should say it in Latine Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book of which last they can make no use except the book be open and then also the book is â—ain to read it self For in the last 〈◊〉 Missâ—le established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII annâ— 1600. every syllable is diversly marked whether it be sounded long or short just 〈◊〉 the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris and wanted French to 〈…〉 d I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit But O 〈…〉 lum in s 〈…〉 ns in 〈…〉 tum you might as easily have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the 〈◊〉 as a word of Latine out of their mouths Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix a fellow that wore his Surplice it was made of Lawn and lace with as good a credit as ever I saw any and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap he might have been a Metropolitan perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue for it was Latine he very readily asked me this question Num potestis loqui Gallia which when I had denyed at last he broke out into another interrogatory viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice To conclude having read over my Letter with two or three deadly pangs and six times rubbing of his temples he dismissed me with this cordiall and truly it was very comfortable to my humour Ego negotias vestras curabo A strange beast and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance that I ever met with in mans apparrell Such being the Romish Priests it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion If the eye be blinde the body cannot choose but be darkned And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation then the blockishnesse of their own Clergy An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers could they but well humor it and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party if well husbanded Besides this the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy To deal with them by main force of argument and in the servent spirit of zeal as the Protestants too often do is not the way men uncapable of opposition as this people generally are and furious if once thwarted must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell he quickly threw down and mischiefed Alexander came otherwise prepared for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow he spake kindly to him and gently clapped him on the back till he had left his â—linging and wildnesse he lightly leapt into the saddle the horse never making resistance Plutarch in his life relateth the story and this is the morall of it CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairely managed Their inâ—oleâ—cies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First forsaken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministeries c. WE have seen the strength and subtility as also somewhat of his poverties at home Let us now
also those of other places Moreover when â—idings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayens death slain before Montauban the rascall French according to their hot headed dispositions breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their houses and the streets to be safely guarded After when this rabble had burne down their Temple at Charenton the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner and that at the Kings charge Add to this that since the ending of the wars and the reduction of almost all their Towns we have not seen the least alteration of Religion Besides that they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine against the errours of Arminius professour of Leidâ—n in Holland All things thus considered in their true being I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did for not giving them assistance I cannot but say that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in Had he been a medler in it further then he was he had not so much preserved Religion as supported Rebellion besides the consequence of the example He had Subjects of his own more then enough which were subject to discontent and prone to an apostasie from their alleagiance To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence and to have trod the path of his own hazard He had not long before denied succour to his own children when he might have given them on a better ground and for a fairer purpose and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another For that other deniall of his helping hand I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him though certainly he was a good Prince and had been an happy instrument of the peace of Christendome had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature and the turbulency of his latter dayes he sell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian Miserrimum est eum alicui aut natura sua excedenda est aut minuenda dignitas Add to this that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France four of them never giving them incouragement The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisguier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majesties commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Gausa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well fortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neither fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenoble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their felicities had been immortall O faciles dare summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to fright them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and ensigne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child-bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse-book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the fide Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liâ—urgie of our Church was translated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to see such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto
the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompâ—aned by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites foveo Coelestia dona Innccuae pacis prospera scepâ—â—a gerenâ— From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad asinos and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants out of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings care is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot withall but affirme that the Princes and Nobles of France do for as much as concerneth themselves upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined let the poor Tenant starve or eat the bread of carefulnesse it matters not so they may have their pleasure and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty And certainly this is the issue of it the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions An equality little answering to the old plat-formes of Republicks Aristotle Genius ille naturae as a learned man calleth him in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion In that Chapter his project is to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City that neither the one might be over rich nor the other too miserably poor They saith he which are too happy strong or rich or greatly favoured and the like can not nor will not obey with which evill they are infected from their infancy The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base so that the one cannot but command nor the other but serve And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government Ubi veneratur protentem humilis non timet antecedit non contemnit humiliorem potens as Velleius But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable their Lords being Kings and their Commons Villains And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are the Princes of this Countrey are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty to any King abroad and by consequence little respective in matter of obedience to their own King at home Upon the least discontent they withdraw themselves from the Court or put themselves into armes and of all other comforts are ever sure of this that they shall never want partizans Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully and at distance but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration and think the King much indebted to them if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement they will please to put themselves again into his obedience Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaunted and uncontroulable a spirit as ever any of his predecessors and one that loved to be obeyed yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets and at the last dyed in an affront The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady began to grow jealous of him for which reason he retired unto Bruxells the King offended at his retreat sent after him and commanded him home The Prince returned answer that he was the Kings most humble Subject and servant but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence A stomachfull resolution and misbecoming a Subject yet in this opposition he persisted his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted But these tricks are ordinary here otherwise a man might have construed this action by the term of Rebellion The chief means whereby these Princes become so head strong are an immunity given them by their Kings and a liberty which they have taken to themselves By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all Tributes Tolles Taxes Customes Impositions and Subsidies By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces with a power of haute and main Justice as the Lawyers term it passed over to them the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them To this they have added much for their strength and security by the insconcing and fortifying of their houses which both often moveth and afterwards inableth them to contemn his Majesty An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville which in the long Civill wars endured a siege of 5000 shot and yet was not taken A very impolitick course in my conceit
of the French to bestow honours and immunities upon those Qui as the Historian noteth ea suo arbitrio aut reposituri aut retenturi videantur quique modum habent in sua voluntate For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars as having sufficient means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings authority and disobey his Justice In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome can seldome be arraigned or executed in person and therefore the Lawes condemn them in their images and hang them in their pictures A pretty device to mock Justice If by chance or some handsome sleight any of them are apprehended they are put under a sure guard and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse Neither is it unus alter only some two or three that thus stand upon their distance with the King but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disordered unconfined and numberlesse that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse but of Titulados men only of titular Nobility of the degree of Baron and above Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable Quot Coelum Stellas take quantity for quantity and I dare be of the opinion that heaven hath not more Stars then France Nobles You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit This I think I may safely affirme and without Hyperbole that they have there as many Princes as we in England have Dukes as many Dukes as we Earls as many Earls as we Barons and as many Barons as we have Knights a jolly company and such as know their own strength too I cannot therefore but much marvell that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours considering this that every Noble man he createth is so great a weakning to his power On the other side I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation who have murmured against our late Soveraign and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness in bestowing the dignities of his Realm with so full and liberall a hand Certainly could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State I could have been as impatient of it as another But with us titles and ennoblings in this kind are only either the Kings favour or the parties merit and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them rather reverenced then powerfull Raro eorum honoribus invidetur quorum vis non timetur was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus and may for ought I know be as good still Why should I envie any man that honour which taketh not from my safety or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency when that favour cannot make them exorbitant Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies and the glory of the Kingdome when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar Add to this the few Noble men of any title which he found at his happy coming in amongst us and the additions of power which his comming brought unto us and we shall finde it proportionable that he should enlarge our Nobility with our Empire neither yet have we indeed a number to be talked of comparing us with our neighbour Nations We may see all of the three first ranks in the books of Milles Brooke and Vincent and we are promised also a Catalogue of the Creations and successions of all our Barons Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited Were this care taken by the Heralde in France perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse sure I am not so confused But this is the main vice of that profession of â—ix Heralds which they have amongst them viz. Montjoy Normandy Guyenne Valâ—ys Bretagne and Burgogne not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families all ancient and of the bloud in which he hath excellently well discharged himself But what a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude The Nobles being so populous it cannot be but the Noblesse as they call them that is the Gentry must needs be thick set and only not innumerable Of these Nobles there are some which hold their estates immediately of the Crown and they have the like immunities with the Princes Some hold their Feifes or feuda of some other of the Lords and he hath only Basse Justice permitted to him as to mulct and amerce his Tenants to imprison them or give them any other correction under death All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents to Tax his Subjects on occasion and to prohibit them such pleasures as they think fit to be reserved for themselves By Brettaul in Picardy I saw a post fastned in the ground like a race post with us and therein an inscription I presently made to it as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten but when I came at it I found it to be nothing but a Declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure that no man should hunt in those quarters afterwards I observed them to be very frequent But not to wander through all particulars I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here The first is Proict de bailli age power to keep Assize or to have under him a Bailli and a Superiour seat of Justice for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons Robberies Murders Protections Pardons Faires Markets and other matters of priviledge Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice for the decision of smaller businesse as Debts Trespasses breach of the Kings peace and the like In this the purse is only emptied the other extendeth to the taking of life also for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feise hath also his peculiar Gibbet nay which is wonderfully methodicall by the criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars that of the Chastellan three the Barons four the Earls six the Dukes eight and yet this difference is rather precise then generall The last of their jura regalia which I will here speak of is the command they have upon their people to follow them unto the wars a command not so advantagious to the Lord as dangerous to
the Kingdom Thus live the French Princes thus the Nobles Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them they do not sheer but fleece and which is worse then this having themselves taken away the Wooll they give up the naked carkasse to the King Tondi oves meas volo non deglubi was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius but it is not currant here in France Here the Lords and the King though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves will be sure to agree in this the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant Ephraim against Manasseh and Manasseh against Ephraim but both against Judah saith the Scripture The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons is as they pretend the safety of the State and their owne particulars Were the people once warmed with the feeling of ease and their own riches they would presently be hearkning after the warres and if no imployment were proffered abroad they would make some at home Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind it being impossible for this hot-headed and hare-brained people not to be doing Si extraneus deest domi hostem quaerunt as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards a prety quality and for which they have often smarted CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The French forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No Demaine in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant or Countreymen of whom we will not now speak as subjects to their Lords and how far they are under their commandment but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse or an outside of that nature As for Cloth it is above their purse equally and their ambition if they can aspire unto Fustian they are as happy as their wishes and he that is so arrayed will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish even unto that of the Church-warden When they go to plough or to the Church they have shooes and stockins at other times they make bold with nature and wear their skins Hâ—ts they will not want though their bellies pinch for it and that you may be sure they have them they will alwayes keep them on their heads the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune that ever I met with and which already hath had my blessing As for the women they know in what degree nature hath created them and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives which they wear every day for indeed they are very durable The goodnesse of their faces tell us that they have no need of a band therefore they use none And as concerning Petticoats so it is that all of them have such a garment but most of them so short that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures and that commonly is till the rottennesse of them will save the labour of undressing they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children Search into their houses and you shall finde them very wretched destitute as well of furniture as provision No Butter salted up against Winter no powdring tub no Pullein in the Rick-barten no flesh in the pot or at the spit and which is worst no money to buy them The description of the poor aged couple Phileman and Bauciâ— in the eight book of the Metamorphosis is a perfect character of the French Paisant in his house-keeping though I cannot affirme that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them they should have so hearty an entertainment for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacca Minerva Intybaque radix lactis massa coacti Ovaque non acri leviter versata favilla Prunaque in patulis redolentia mala canistris Hic nux hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis Et de purpureis collectae vitibus uvae Omnia fictilibus nitide But you must not look for this cheer often At Wakes or Feasts dayes you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty but at other times Olus omne patella the best provision they can shew you is a piece of Bacon wherewith they fatten their pottage and now and then the inwards of Beastâ— killed for the Gentlemen But of all miseries this me thinketh is the greatest that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do they should not yet be so fortunate as to eat white bread or drink wine for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords and such innumerable taxes to the King that the profits arising out of those commodities are only sufficient to pay their duties and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine The bread then which they eat is of the coursest flowre and so black that it cannot admit the name of brown And as for their drink they have recourse to the next Fountain A people of any the most unfortunate not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell This man planted a Vineyard and doth not drink of the fruit thereof Nec prosunt domino quae prosunt omnibus artes Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable if there were but hopes left to them of a better if they could but compasse certainty that a painfull drudging and a thrifty saving would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage In this questionlesse they are intirely miserable in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes and dare not labour nor expect an alteration If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high that he is but 40 s or 5 l. richer then his neighbour his Lord immediately enhaunceth his Rents and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches by which
means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest A strange course and much different from that of England where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy On the other side those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes who laying hands upon all he met cast them upon his bed if they were shorter then it he racked their joynts till he had made them even to it if they were longer he cut as much of their bodies from them as did hang over so keeping all that fell into his power in an equality All the French Lords are like that Tyrant How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war and the examples of other Countries For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot or as the Martialists term it the Infantery Now to make a good Infantery it requireth that men be brought up not in a slavish and needy fashion of life but in some free and liberall manner Therefore it is well observed by the Vicounâ— St. Albans in his History of Henry VII that if a State run most to Nobles and Gentry and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges or else simply Cottagers that that State may have a good Cavallery but never good stable bands of foot Like to Coppice woods in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles they run to bushes or bryers and have little clean under-wood Neither is this in France only but in Italy also and some other parts abroad in so much that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their battalions of foot whereby it cometh to passe that in those Countries they have much people and few men On this consideration King Henry VII one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome for the increase of the military power of his Realm that though it be much lesse in territory yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces then its neighbour Nations For in the fourth year of his Reign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars The Act was That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up for together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them c. By this means the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a dweller and that dweller because of the proportion of Land not to be a begger but a man of some substance able to keep Hinds and Servants and to set the plough a going An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury and by consequence to prepare them for service and encourage them to higher honours for Haud facile emergent quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi As the Poet hath it But this Ordinance is not thought of such use in France where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them As for the French foot they are quite out of all reputation and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world Besides should the French people be enfranchised as it were from the tyranny of their Lords and estated in freeholds and other tenures after the manner of England it would much trouble the Councell of France to find out a new way of raising his revenues which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject Antiently the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty without being burdensome unto the Countrey Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse and the tedious Civill wars which have lasted in this Countrey almost ever since the death of Henry II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged in so much that the people are now become the Demaine and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed and the Souldier paid and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them it is almost a point of treason not only to deny but to question Apud illos vere regnatur nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare as one of them The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks and yet have no straw allowed them Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people Sir John Fortescue Chancellour of England in his book intituled De Laudibus legum Angliae concludeth them to be unfit men for Jurors or Judges should the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals For having proved there unto the Prince he was son to Henry VI. that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law by 12 Jurates was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lawes by the deposition only of two witnesses or the forced confession of the persons arrained the Prince seemed to marvell Cur ed lex Angliae quae tam fiugi optabilis est non sit toti mundo communis To this he maketh answer by shewing the â—ree condition of the English Subjects who alone are used at these indictments men of a fair and large estate such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed men that are of ingenuous education such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted and afraid of infamie Then he sheweth how in other places all things are contrary the Husbandman an absolute begger easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty the Gentlemen living far asunder and so taking no notice of the fact the Paisant also neither fearing infamie nor the losse of goods if he be found faulty because he hath them not In the end he concludeth thus Ne mireris igitur princeps si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiritur alias non pervagetur nationes ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas The last part of the latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyer the word Juratas being put there to signifie a Jury To go over all those impositions which this miserable people
ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being â—ain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Cum privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis istius quae non semel aut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir John â—ortescue observed in his time To redresse this mischief King Henry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancarte comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sallets and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX anno 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum considering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of love are always after exacted of them and payed out of necessity The Bedroll of all these impositions and Taxes is called the Pancarte because it was hanged in a frame like as the Officers fees are in our Diocesan Courts the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot These Impositions time and custome hath now made tolerable though at first they seemed very burdensome and moved many Cities to murmuring some to rebellion amongst others the City of Paris proud of her antient liberties and immunities refused to admit of it This indignity so incensed Charles the VI. their King then young and in hot bloud that he seized into his hands all their priviledges took from them their Provost des Merchands and the Esâ—bâ—vins as also the Keyes of their gates and the Chaines of their streets and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning that one might justly have said Haec facies Trojae cum caperetur erat This hapned in the year 1383. and was for five years together continued which time being expired and other Cities warned by that example the Imposition was established and the priviledges restored For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts the French King erected a Court called Le Cour des Aides it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides and of any four of the Lords of the Councell whom they would call to their assistance Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or thereabouts setled it in Paris and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts Lewis the XI dissolved it and committed the managing of his Aids to his houshold servants as loath to have any publick officers take notice how he fleeced his people Anno 1464. it was restored again And finally Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Presidents and eight Counsellours one of which Presidents named Mr. Chevalier is said to be the best monied man of all France There are also others of these Courts in the Countrey as one at Roven one at Montferrant in Avergne one at Burdeaux and another at Montpelier established by Charles VII anno 1437 For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes you must know that the whole Countrey of France is divided into 21 Generalities or Counties as it were and those again into divers Eslectiones which are much like our Hundreds In every of the Generalities there are 10 or 12 Treasurers 9 Receivers for the generalty and as many Comptollers and in the particular Eslectiones eight Receivers and as many Comptrollers besides all under-officers which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men When then the King levyeth his Taxes he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principall Officers of every Generalty whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their severall divisions at a certain rate send their receivers to collect it who give account for it to their Comptrollers By them it ascendeth to the Esleus from him to the Receiver generall of that Generalty next to the Comptroller then to the Treasurer afterwards to the Generall des Aides and so Per varios casus tot discrimina rerum Tendimus ad Latium By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse in which severall passages Necesse est ut aliquid haereat it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France that there could not be gathered by the severall exactions above specified and other devises of prowling which I have omitted lesse then 85 millions a year whereof the King receiveth 15 only A report not altogether to be slighted considering the President of the Court of Accomptes made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys in the time of King Henry IV. that by the time that every one of the Officers had his share of it there came not to the Kings Coffers one teston which is 1 s. 2 d. of a Crown so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu as it is but 2 d. over these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King which amounteth to 75 millions and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of The Kings Revenues then notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people amounteth to 15 millions some would have it 18. which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times asore Lewis the XI as good a husband of
by which they are directed save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince for the conveniency of this people Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli boves But what had I a Priest of the Church of England to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans Had I gone forward in my purpose I deny not but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws amongst other my Collections but failing in the main of my intent I must only make such use of them as shall be necessary for this present argument An Argument not so much as in my thoughts when first I resolved upon the Journey as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands or that those alterations could afford one such variety An Argument more sutable to my profession as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England your most indulgent and in you most happy mother No marvail therefore if those little Chappels even those two Tribes and a half which are on the other side of the flood most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet and by me lay open their estate unto you Which that I may the better do in discharge of the trust reposed in me and for your Lordships more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following First I shall lay before your Lordship the full successe and course of our Navigation till we were setled in those Islands that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall may receive no interruption in the processe of it Next I shall briefly as in a map present your Lordship with the situation quality and story of the Islands with somewhat also of their Customes of their Government but this as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires in ordine tantum ad spiritualia the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their Churches That done I shall draw down the successe of their affairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline and therein the full platforme or discipline it self according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods In the third place I shall shew your Lordship by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of Jersey were perswaded to conforme unto the discipline of England together with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall whereby the Church and Ministery of that Island is now governed Last of all I shall commence a suit unto your Lordship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts that by your Lordships place and power the one Island may conforme unto the other and both to England In which I shall exhibit unto your Lordship a just survey of such motives which may have most sway with you in the furthering of a work so commendable and shall adventure also upon such particulars as may conduce to the advancing of the businesse Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship or to direct you in the readiest way for the accomplishment of this designe but that by this propounding of mine own conceits I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excellent treasures of your own mind and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose as may be most agreeable to your Lordships wisdome In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to call to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of Rhe the King received advertisement of some reciprocall affront intended by the French on the Islâ—s of Jarsey and Guernzey with others thereupon appendant the only remainders of the Dukedome of Normandy in the power of the English and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby then Governour of the Isle of Guernzey with a considerable supply of Men and Armes and Ammunition to make good those Islands by fortifying and assuring them against all invasions This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December anno 1628. he chearfully embraced the service and prepared accordingly But being deserted by his own Chaplaines in regard of the extremity of the season and the visible danger of the enterprise he proposed the businesse of that attendance unto me not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend in whom he found as great a readinesse and resolution as he found coldnesse in the other According to his Lordships summons I attended him in his Majesties house of St. James a little before the Feast of Christmas but neither the Ships money nor other necessaries being at that time brought together I was dismissed again at the end of the Holydayes untill a further intimation of his Lordships pleasure Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea situate between Portsmouth and Southâ—ampton whither accordingly I went and where I found a very chearfull entertainment It was a full week after that before we heard of his Lordships coming and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three dayes before he had any advertisement that his Ships Men and Ammunition which he thought to have found there in readinesse were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning we spent the remainder of that day in preparations for our Journey and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kindly entertained and welcomed On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning we went aboard his Majesties Ship called the Assurance being a Ship of 800 tun furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors welcomed aboard after the fashion of the Sea with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their severall Ships Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels that is to say the Assurance spoken of before two of his Majesties Pinnaces called the Whelps a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin and a Merchants ship called the Charles which carryed the Armes and Ammunition for the use of the Islands Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their severall Officers two Companies whereof under the command of Collonell Pipernell if I remember his name aright and Lieutenant Collonell Francis Connisby were intended for
were rung more closely nor with lesse confusion Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage I shall next present you with the sight of such observations as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure and that being done hoise sail for England CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney 4 and Serkâ— 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lehu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of Justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey TO begin then with the places themselves the Scene and Stage of our discourse they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy unto which Dukedome they did once belong Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert these Islands as a part of Normandy were annext unto the English Crown and have ever since with great testimony of â—aith and loyalty continued in that subjection The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France against King John nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces could be no perswasion unto them to change their Masters Nay when the French had twice seized on them during the Reign of that unhappy Prince and the state of England was embroyled at home the people valiantly made good their own and faithfully returned unto their first obedience In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy and sometimes also were attempted by them but with ill successe And certainly it could not be but an eye sore to the French to have these Isles within their sight and not within their power to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English a Nation strong in shipping and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade For if we look upon them in their situation we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern parts unto the West and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine the only trafick of the Normans and Parisians At this St. Malos as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation at not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage if the French hereafter stir against us Sure I am that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell that a squadron of eight Ships viz five of the Whelpes the Assurance the Adventure and the Catch might be employed about these Islands for that purpose An advice which had this Summer took effect had not the Peace between both Realms been so suddenly concluded Of these four only are inhabited and those reduced only unto two Governments Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self but that of Gueruzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it Hence it is that in our Histories and in our Acts of Parliament we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey this last comprehending under it the two other The people of them all live as it were in libera custodia in a kind of free subjection not any way acquainted with Taxes or with any levies either of men or money In so much that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes there is alwayes a proviso in the Act That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey or any of them of for or concerning any Mannors Lands and Tenements or other possessions Goods Chattels or other moveable substance which they the said Inhabitants or any other to their uses have within Jarsey and Guernzey or in any of them c. These priviledges and immunities together with divers others seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion have been a principall occasion of that constancy wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France For howsoever the language which they speak is French and that in their originall they either were of Normandy or Britagne yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French but call themselves by the names of English-Normans So much doth liberty or at the worst a gentle yoak prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people To proceed unto particulars we will take them as they lie in order beginning first with that of Alderney an Island called by Antonine Arica but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 52 minutes of that degree just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii called at this time by the Mariners the Hague Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England The aire healthy though sometimes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and graâ—ing A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families and not far off an haven made in the manner of a semicircle which they call Crabbie The principall strength of it are the high rocks with which it is on every side environed but especially upon the South and on the East side an old Block house which time hath made almost unserviceable The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain then Governour of Guernzey by whose valour it was recovered from
to by the name of our Lady of Lehu A place long since demolished in the ruine of it Sed jam periere ruinae but now the ruines of it are scarce visible there being almost nothing left of it but the steeple which serveth only as a sea-marke and to which as any of that party sail along they strike their top sail Tantum religio potuit suadere such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place that though the Saint be gone the wals yet shall still be honoured But indeed the principall honour and glory of this Island I mean of Guernzey is the large capaciousnesse of the harbour and the flourishing beauty of the Castle I say the Castle as it may so be called by way of eminency that in the vale and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts not any way deserving to be spoken of Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter on the Sea to which and to the peere there it is a good assurance and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only broad at the one end and at the other and bending in the fashion of an horne whence it had the name of Cornet By Sir Leonard Chamberlane Governour here in the time of Queen Mary and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successour in the reign of Queen Elizabeth it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now it hath excellently fortified according to the moderne art of war and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance whereof about sixty are of Brasse Add to this that it is continually environed with the Sea unlesse sometimes at a dead-low water whereby there is so little possibility of making any approaches neer unto it that one might justly think him mad that would attempt it And certainly it is more then necessary that this place should be thus fortified if not for the safety of the Island yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever failed upon the Ocean fenced from the fury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey Jet-how Serke and Arvie by which it is almost encompassed and of so sure an anchorage that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour Other Havens they have about the Island viz. Bazon L' Aucresse Fermines and others but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people A place not to be neglected in the defence of it and full of danger to the English State and Trafick were it in the hands of any enemy Upon the notable advantage of this harbour and the conveniency of the Peer so neer unto it which is also warranted with six peece of good Canon from the Town it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St Malos and the Islands as those of Jarsey but are Masters of good stout Barks and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom The principall commodity which they use to send abroad are the works and labours of the poorer sort as Wast-cotes Stockins and other manufactures made of wool wherein they are exceeding cunning of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes But there accreweth a further benefit unto this people from their harbour then their own trafick which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither especially upon the noise or being of a War For by an antient priviledge of the Kings of England there is with them in a manner a continuall truce and lawfull it is both for French men and for others how hot soever the war be followed in other parts to repair hither without danger and here to trade in all security A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IV. the 10 year as I remember of his Popedom Edward IV. then reigning in England and Lewis XI over the French by virtue of which Bull all those stand ipso facto excommunicate which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guerazey or any which resort unto their Island either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever A Bull first published in the City of Constance unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day The copy of this Bull my self have seen and somewhat also in the practise of it on record by which it doth appear that a man of war of France having taken an English ship and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey made prize and prisoners of the English but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own And now at last after a long passage and through many difficulties we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey known in the former ages and to Antonine the Emperor by the name of Cesarea An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square which the Geometricians call Oblongum the length of it from West to East 11 miles the breadth 6 and upwards the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest which they call Les Settembers The soil sufficiently fertile in it self but most curiously manured and of a plentifull increase unto the Barn not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island but sometimes also an ample surplusage which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks under which lie pleasant Vallies and those plentifully watered with dainty Rilâ— or Riverets in which watery commodity it hath questionlesse the precedency of Guernzey Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure every man in each of them having somewhat to live on of his own Only the difference is that here the mounds are made with ditches banks of earth cast up well fenced and planted with several sorts of apples out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider which is their ordinary drink whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones about the height and fashion of a Parapet A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances and shall be
King and therefore without difficulty to be compassed By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Islands except 6 only which are held in Capite whereof 4 in Jarsey and 2 in Guetnzey and those called by the names of Signeuries The Signeuries in Jarsey are first that of St Oen anciently belonging to the Carterâ—ts and that of Rossell bought lately of Mr. Daminick Perin by Sir Philip de Carteret now living 3. That of Trinity descended upon Mr. Jeshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother the heir generall of the L' Emprieres And 4 That of St. Marie vulgarly called Lammarez descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it Those of Guernzey as before I said are two only viz. that of Anneville and that of De Sammarez both which have passed by way of sale through divers hands and now at last are even worne out almost to nothing The present owners Fashion and Androes both of them English in their parentage The chief Magistrates in both these Isles for as much as concernes the defence and safety of them are the Governours whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England according as it was established by King Alfred revived by Henry III. and so continueth at this day These Governours are appointed by the King and by him in times of warre rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religious houses that charge hath been deducted the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Islands for the support of their estate In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey being appointed by the Governour those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King The names of which Officers from the highest to the lowest behold here as in a Tablet according as they are called in each Island GUERNZEY The Governour the Earl of Danby The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell The Bailiffe Aymes de Carteret The Provost  The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir The Comptroller De la Morsh The Receiver Carey JARSEY The Governour Sir John Peyton Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton Jun. The Bailiffe Sir Philip de Cartâ—râ—t The Vicompt Hampton Le Procureur Helier de Carteres The Advocate Messerney The Receiver Dissâ—â— By those men accompanied with the Justices or Jurates is his Majesty served and his Islande governed the places in each Island being of the same nature though somewhat different in name Of these in matters meerly Civill and appertaining unto publick justice the Bailiffe is the principall as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminall and reall In matter of life and death if they proceed to sentence of condemnation there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the Bâ—iliffe under which number so concurring the Offender is acquited Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty not takeâ— as we call it in the matter except that 18 voices of 24 for of that number is their Grand Enquest agree together in the verdict Personall actions such as are Debt and Tâ—espasse may be determined by the Bailiffe and two only are sufficient but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance there must be three at least and they decide it For the dispatch of these businesses they have their Termâ—â— about the same time as we in London their Writâ— of Arrest Appearance and the like directed to the Vicompt or Provest and for the tryall of their severall causes three severall Courts or Jurisdictions viz. the Court Criminall the Court of Chattel and the Court of Heritage If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Table Much like this forme of Government but of later stampe are those Courts in France which they call Les Seiges Presideaux instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings in divers Cities of the Realme and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts Wherein there is a Bailiffe attended by twelve Assistants for the most part two Lieutenants the one criminall and the other civill and other officers the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong to take notice of Treasons Robberies Murders unlawfull assemblies c. and the like In this order and by these men are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular persons but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament or Convention of the three Estates For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater whereupon it is that even these little Islands in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum or assembly of the States viz. of the Governour as chief the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility the Ministers for the Church and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons In this assembly generall as also in all private meetings the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them appoint Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court resolve on publick contributions c. and among other things determine the election of the Justices For on the vacancy of any of those places there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sunday after the morning exercise and there the people or the major part of them agree upon a man This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village out of whom so named the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy This done the new Jurate either then immediately or at the next sitting of the Justices shall be admitted to his place and office having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe in the discharge of his duty and the trust reposed in him The tenour of which Oath is as followeth YOU Mr. N. N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge shall swear and promise by the faith and troth which you owe to God well and truely to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar in the Court Royall of our Soveraigne Lord the King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. in this Isle of Jarsey whose Majesty next under God you acknowledge to be supreme Governour in all his Realmes Provinces and Dominions renouncing all strange and forain powers You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects You shall uphold the
once called Augusta Romanduorum and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great who repaired and beautified it Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe and that this is it which is called Constantia castra in Ammian Marcellinus Meantesque protinus prope â—astra Constantia funduntur in Mare lib. 15. To leave this controversie to the French certain it is that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute the County of Constantine one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a name As for the Town it self 〈◊〉 at this day accounted for a Vâ—cutè but more famous for the Bishoprick the first Bishop of it as the Roman Martyrologie and on the 23 if my memory fail not of September doth instruct us being one Paternus Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus the man as he conjectures that first converted it into the saith his next successors being St. Exuperance St. Leonard and St. Lo which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age yet not so old but that it still continues beautifull The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy and yeelding a fair prospect even as far as to â—hese Islands The Church it may be raised to that magnificent height that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his Diocese A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine and these Islands where now we are For the better executing of his Episcopall jurisdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge he had a Surrogat or Substitute whom they called a Dean in each Island one His office consisting as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction of that of a Chancellour and an Archdeacon mixt it being in his faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and withall to hold his visitations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the little Islet of Leâ—u of which in the last Chapter and when the houses of Religion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tithes I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure different from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or thereabouts The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tithes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body licenced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tithes rather were called Appropriated to digâ—esse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annâ—ts there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowee not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disine or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Ca. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman Conquerour who had taken such a speciall survey of his new purchase that there was not one hide of Land in all the Realme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures Fennes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmes and Tenements were in every shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomes-day book and that as some suppose because the judgement and sentence of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta fuerit contentio de his rebus quae illic continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus sententia infatuari non potest vel impune declinari so mine Authour Others conceive it to be corruptly called the Book of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the Conquerour laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his Majesties Exchequer not to be looked into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a groat Tanta est authorit as vetustatis So great respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Priories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the superstition of their Patrons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islands were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the appurtenances of some greater Abby or Monastery in France In this condition they continued till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the V. who purposing a war against the French thought fit to cut of all helpes and succours as they had from England at that time full of Priors Aliens and strangers possessed of Benefices To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred
to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aliens and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm except only Priors Conventuals such as have institution and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Virgil ad Reip. commodum sancâ—tum est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullius Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3 Hen. 5. cap. 3. By this means the Priors Aliens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islands and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 200 l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Priors of any Monastery or Priory c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels whereof they be Priors and Governors but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient and to whom such Cels belong and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time and accomptez of the profits of such Cels at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors to whom such Cels belong c. This once the difference between them but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary To proceed upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands and their Revenue falling unto the Crown there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes which hath continued hitherto unaltered except in the addition of the Deserts of which more hereafter Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng JARSEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen the Dean The 3 of the kings tithe Josuah de Carteret Seign de Trinite St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary The 10 of the kings tithe Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez St. Saviours Mr. Effart The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb Ph. L' Empriere Sr. de Delament St. Clements Mr. Paris The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe Ph. de Carletet Sr. de Vinchiles de haut St. Grovilles Mr. de la Place The 8 and 9 c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abas St. Trinities Mr. Molles The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne St. Johns Mr. Brevin The Deserts c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace S. Lawrences Mr. Prinde The Deserts c. Aron Messervie St. Maries Mr. Blandivell jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe Ben. la cloche Sr. de Longueville St. Owens Mr. La cloche The Deserts c. Jo. Harde St. Burlads  The 8 and 9 c. Abr. Herod St. Peters Mr. Grueby The Deserts c. Ph. Marret Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth every Perche being 21 foot GUERNZEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Peters on the Sea M. de la March The 7 of tithe and champarte Tho. Andrewes Sr. de Sammarez St. Martins Mr. de la Place The like Pet. Carey sen La Forest Mr. Picote The 9 of tithe and champarte John Fautrat Sr. â—de Coq Tortevall Mr. Fautrat The 3 of tithe and champarte Joh. Bonamy S. Andrews The 4 of c. Joh. Ketville St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard The 3 of the tithe only James Guile Sr. des Rohais St. Saviours  The Desert and the tenths in all 600 sheafes Tho. Blundell Chastell Mr. Panisee The 9 of the tithe only Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet The 4 of the Kings tithe only Pet. Gosselin St. Sampson The like Josias Merchant Serke Mr. Brevin 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn Pet. Carey jun. Alderney Mr. Mason 20 l. stipend  Note that the Parish called in this Diagram La Forest is dedicated as some say to the holy Trinity as other to St. Margaret that which is here called Tortevall as some suppose unto St. Philip others will have it to St. Martha but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin which is therefore called in the Records our Ladies Castle Note also that the Justices or Jurates are here placed as near as I could learn according to their Seniority not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed For the better understanding of this Diagram there are three words which need a commentary as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue and hardly Denizens in French Of these that in the Diagrams called the Deserts is the first A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit As it is taken at this present and on this occasion it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste and is now made arable The case this At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours there was in either Island much ground of small advantage to the Church or to the
needs must note that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper which by no other means can come into the world then by the death and ruine of his mother Yet so it is I know not whether by destiny or some other means I would not think but so it is that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us and may in time make entrance to the rest Their Lecturers permitted in so many places what are they but the Doctors of Geneva save only that they are more factious and sustain a party And what the purpose and design of this but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors as I have seen it oft in London to collect the bounty of the hearers but only by some of their appointments who finde that duty or the like prescribed here unto the Deacons cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts how much they are neglected every where and no Fast now approved of but the solemn Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us in the practise at the least that now no common businesse must begin without it Too many such as these I fear I could point out unto your Lordship did I not think that these already noted were too many A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie that as you suffer not these new inventions to usurp upon our Churches by violence so that they neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly professed that howsoever he lived among Puritans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them he was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops faith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring their antient place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient
abilities as a person answerable to the Governors commendations he was established in that office by Letters Patents from his Majesty dated the 8. of March anno 1619. and was invested with all such rights as formerly had been inherent in that dignity and that both in point of profit and also in point of jurisdiction For whereas formerly the Dean was setled in the best benefice in the Island that viz. of St Martins and had divers portions of tithes out of every of the Parishes the said St. Martins was allotted to him upon the next avoidance and the whole tithes of St. Saviours allowed him in consideration of his several parcels And whereas also at the suppression of the Deanry the Governor had taken into his hands the probate of Testaments and appointed unto civil Courts the cognizance of Matrimoniall causes and of tithes all these again were restored unto him and forever united to this office For the executing of this place there were some certain Articles or rather Canons drawn and ratified to be in force till a perfect draught of Ecclesiastical constitutions could be agreed on which it pleased his Majesty to call the Interim And this he did in imitation of Charles the 5. which Prince desirous to establish peace and quietnesse in the Church of Germany and little hoping that any Councel would be summoned soon enough to determine of the differences then on foot composed a certain mixture of opinions in favour of each party which he endevoured to obtrude upon that people the compilers of it Julius Pflugiâ—â— Michael Sidoâ—â—us and Islebius the time when anno 1594 the name of it the Interim a name given unto it by the Emperor eo quod praescriberet formulam doctrinae ceremoniarum in religione in terra tenendam quoad de universa re religionis concilio publico definitum esset so the historian of the Councell In like manner did it please his Majesty as himself tels us in the next chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiastical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having fix moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient breed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possessed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of â—his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancelot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David Bandinell now Dean of the same Island to exercise the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction there according to certain instructions signed with our royall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall government established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aforesaid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of
that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomodated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Bailiffe and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presented the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailiffe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and Ecclesiasticall discipline in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid do by these deputies ratifie confirme and approve thereof And farther we out of our Princely power and regall authority do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royall Signet for us our heirs and successors will with our royall hand and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall unlesse the same or some part or parts thereof upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being the Governour Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle and of the Dean and Ministers and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being representing the body of our said Isle and by the royall authority of us our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton that he do forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopall seal as Ordinary of the place give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established as followeth Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall treated agreed on and established for the Isle of Jarsey CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy and of the Church Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth it is first ordained That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls shall to the utmost of their power knowledge and learning purely and sincerely without any backwardnesse or dissimulation teach publish and declare as often as they may and as occasion shall present it self that all strange usurped and forain power for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God is wholly as for just and good causes taken away and abolished and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions is due unto any such forain power but that the Kings power within his Realms of England Scotland and Ireland and all other his Dominions and Countries is the highest power under God to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops Bishops and Deans affirming it to be Antichristian shall be ipso facto Excommunicated and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court after his repentance and publick recantation of his errour CHAP. II. Of Divine Service Article I. 1. IT is injoyned unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England And for as much as concerns the Ministers that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration and that they fuâ—ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer and the hearing of Gods word Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word kneeling on their knees during the Prayers and standing up at the Belief and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen And further during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person either in the Church or Church-yard III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning by reading the Common prayers IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate to the end that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance CHAP. III. Of Baptism THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be
and which openeth into that of the Queen Mother A Gallery it is of an incredible length as being above 500 yards long and of a breadth and height not unporportionable a room built rather for ostentation then use and such as hath more in it of the majesty of its founder then the grace It was said to have been erected purposely to joyn the Louure unto the House and Garden of the Tuilleries an unlikely matter that such a stupendious building should be designed only for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer house others are of an opinion that he had a resolution to have made the house quadrangular every side being correspondent to this which should have been the common Gallery to the rest Which design had it taken effect this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world and the envy of it For my part I dare be of this last minde as well because the second side is in part begun as also considering how infinitely this King was inclined to building The Place Daulphin and the Place Royall two of the finest piles in Paris were erected partly by his purse but principally by his encouragement The new Bridge in Paris was meerly his work so was also the new Palace and most admirable waterworks of St. Germans en lay This long Gallery and the new Pest house oweth it self wholly to him and the house of Fountainebleau which is the fairest in France is beholding to him for most of its beauty add to this his Fortifications bestowed on the Bastile his walling of Arles and his purpose to have strengthned Paris according to the modern art of Towns and you will finde the attribute of Parietaria or wall flower which Constantine scoffingly gave unto Trajan for his great humour of building to be due unto this King but seriously and with reverence Besides the generall love he had to building he had also an ambition to go beyond example which also induceth me further to believe his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of to have been serious and reall For to omit others certain it is that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty which was to joyn the Mediterranean sea and the Ocean together and to make the Navigation from the one to the other through France and not to passe by the straight of Gibraltare It came into Councell anno 1604 and was resolved to be done by this means The river Garond is Navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza and the Mediterranean openeth it self into the Land by a little River whose name I know not as high as Narbonne Betwixt these two places was there a Navigable channell to have been digged and it proceeded so far towards being actuated that a workman had undertaken it and the price was agreed upon But there arising some discontents between the Kings of France and Spain about the building of the Fort Fluentes in the Countrey of the Grisons the King not knowing what use he might have of Treasure in that quarrell commanded the work not to go forward However he is to be commended in the attempt which was indeed Kinglike and worthy his spirit praise him in his heroick purpose and designe Quem si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit ausis But the principal beauty if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Louure is a low plain room paved under foot with bricks and without any hangings or tapestrie on the sides yet being the best set out and furnished to my content of any in France It is called La Salle des Antiques and hath in it five of the antientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdome For this Nation generally is regardlesse of Antiquity both in the monuments and studie of it so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time in the best of their Cities or Churches In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries that both neglects considered Si verbis audacia detur I dare confidently aver not only that the Earl of Arundels Gardens have more antiquities of this kind then all France can boast of but that one Cotton for the Treasury and one Selden now Mr. Camden is dead for the study of the like antiquities are worth all the French As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques they are I confesse worthy observation and respect also if they be such as our Trudgemen enforme us At the farther end of it is the Statua of Diana the same as is said which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Great is Diana of the Ephesians Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be Quantum quale latus quam invenile femur As Ovid of his Mistresse She is all naked save her feet which are buskin'd and that she hath a skarfe or linnen rowl which coming over her left shoulder and meeting about her middle hung down with both ends of it a little lower In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door was the Statua of one of the Gods of Ethiopia as black as any of his people and one that had nothing about him to expresse his particular being Next to him the Effigies of Mercury naked all except his feet and with a pipe in his mouth as when he inchanted Argus Namque reperta fistula nuper erat saith the Metamorphosis Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quight and most immodestly unapparelled in her hand her little son Cupid as well arraied as his mother sitting on a Dolphin Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth but that he had shooes on he was portraied as lately returned from a combate perhaps that against the Serpent Python Quem Deus arcitenens nunquam talibus armis Ante ni si damis capreisque fugacibus usus Mille gravem telis exhausta paene pharetra Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra veneâ—o That I was in the right conjecture I had these reasons to perswade me the quiver on the Gods right shoulder almost emptied his warlike belt hanging about his neck his garments loosely tumbling upon his left armes and the slain Monster being a water Serpent as Python is fained to be by the Poets all of these were on the same side of the wall the other being altogether destitute of ornaments and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods in the same formes as they were worshipped in and taken from their severall Temples They were bestowed on the King by his Holinesse of Rome and I