neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted esâ—…ate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establâ—…shment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those 〈◊〉 till the happy entrance of Kâ—…ng James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so ost confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly prosessed that howsoever he lived among Puriâ—…ans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of â—…en years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them â—…e was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops saith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that our said 〈◊〉 shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attâ—mpt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assâ—…nt unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient â—…ule and precept of his own viz. That Princâ—…s at their first entrance to a Crown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the 〈◊〉 in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majâ—…sty wearied with the 〈◊〉 of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring thâ—…ir anâ—…nt place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient number of the Bishops to have suffrage in the Parliament and to represent in that Assembly the body of the Clergy and that their place should be perpetual Thus far with some trouble but much art he had prevailed on that unquiet and unruly company and therefore had he denied the Islanders an allowance of their Discipline he had only taught the Scottish Ministery what to trust to An allowance whereof he after made especial use in his proceedings with that people For thus his Majesty in a Declaration concerning such of the Scottish Ministers as lay attainted of High Treason Anno 1606. viz. And as we have ever regarded carefully how convenient it is to maintain every Countrey in that form of Government which is fittest and can best agree with the constitution thereof and how dangerous alterations are without good advice and mature deliberation and that even in matters of order of the Church in some small Island under our Dominions we have abstained from suffering any alteration So we doubt not c as it there followeth in the words of the Declaration On these reasons or on some other not within the power of my conjecture this Discipline was permiâ—…ed in these Islands though long it did not continue with them For presently upon his Majesties comming to the Crown Sir Walter Raleigh then Governor of Jarzey was 〈◊〉 of Treason on which attaindure this with others of his places fell actually into the Kings disposing upon this variancy it pleased his Majesty to depute the present Governor Sir John Peiton to that 〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉 not over forward in himself to pursue the projects of the Powlets his 〈◊〉 for Sir W. Raleigh had but a little while possessed the place and it may well be furnished also with some secret instructions from the King not to be too indulgâ—…nt to that party Whether that so it was or not I cannot say Sure I am that he omitted no
chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiaftical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having six moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient bâ—…eed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possâ—…ssed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the autborising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancâ—…lot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David bandâ—…ell nâ—…w Dean of the same Island to exercise the juâ—…isdictionâ—…here â—…here according to certain instructions signed with our â—…oyall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall goâ—…nment established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aâ—…aid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomâ—…dated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Baâ—…e and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presentâ—…d the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailisfe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depuâ—…e Sir Philip de Caâ—…ter et Knight Joshuaâ—… de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Câ—…rbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Deâ—…n of our Island thâ—…y have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Eccleâ—…sticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and â—…lesiasticall 〈◊〉 in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily unitâ—…d under us as their Supreme Governor on earth
in all cauâ—…es as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as asoresaid do by these deputies ratifie confirme and approve thereof And farther we out of our Princely power and regall authority do by these Parents signed and sealed with our royall Signet for us our heirs and successors will with our royall hand and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall unlesse the same or some part or parts thereof upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being the Governour Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle and of the Dean and Ministers and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being representing the body of our said Isle and by the royall authority of us our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton that he do forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopall seal as Ordinary of the place give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established as followeth Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall treated agreed on and established for the Isle of Jarsey CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy and of the Church Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth it is first ordained That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls shall to the utmost of their power knowledge and learning purely and sincerely without any backwardnesse or dissimulation teach publish and declare as often as they may and as occasion shall present it self that all strange usurped and forain power for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God is wholly as for just and good causes taken away and abolished and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions is due unto any such forain power but that the Kings power within his Realms of England Scotland and Ireland and all other his Dominions and Countries is the highest power under God to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church purely teaching the 〈◊〉 of the Prophets and Apostles 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops Bishops and Deans affirming it to be Antichristian shall be 〈◊〉 facto Excommunicated and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court after his repentance and publick reâ—…antation of his errour CHAP. II. Of Divine Service Article I. 1. IT is in joyned unto all sorts of people that they submiâ—… themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Cnmmon-prayers of the Church of England And for as much as concerns the Ministers that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration and that they suffer not any 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 to make a sect apart by themselves or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer and the hearing of Gods word Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word kneeling on their knees during the Prayers and standing up at the Belief and shall also testifie their consent in saying Amen And further during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person either in the Church or Church-yard III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning by reading the Common prayers IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast the 〈◊〉 with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate to the end that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance CHAP. III. Of Baptism THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be administred in the Church with fair water according to the institution of Jesus Christ and without the limitation of any dayes No man shall delay the bringing of his child to Baptism longer then the next Sunday or publick Assembly if it may conveniently be done No person shall be admitted to be a Godfather unlesse he hath received the Lords Supper nor shall women alone viz. without the presence of a 〈◊〉 among them be admitted to be Godmothers CHAP. IV. Of the Lords Supper Article I. 1. THe Lords Supper shall be administred in every Church four times a year whereof one to be at Easter and the other at Christmas and every Minister in the administration of it shall receive the Sacrament himself and after give the Bread and wine to each of the Communicants using the words of the 〈◊〉 of it II. 2. The Masters and Mistresses of Families shall be admonished and enjoyned to cause their children and Servants to be instructed in the knowledge of their salvation and to this end shall take care to send them to the ordinary Catechizing CHAP. V. Of Marriage Article I. 1. NO man shall marry contrary to the degrees prohibited in the word of God according as they are expressed in a table made for that purpose in the Church of England on pain of nullity and censure II. 2. The Banes of the parties shall be asked three Sundays successively in the Churches of both parties and they of the Parish where the Marriage is not celebrated shall bring an attestation of the bidding of their Banes in their own Parish Neverthelesse in lawfull cases there may be a Licence or dispensation of the said Banes granted by the authority of the Dean and that upon good caution taken that the parties are at liberty III. 3. No separation shall be made a thoro mensa unlesse in case of Adultery cruelty and danger of life duly proved and this at the sole instance of the parties As for the maintenance of the
as they are called in each Island GUERNZEY The Governour the Earl of Danby The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell The Bailiffe Aymes de Carteret The Provost  The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir The Comptroller De la Marsh. The Receiver Carey JARSEY The Governour Sir John Peyton Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton Jun. The Bailiffe Sir Philip de Carteret The Vicompt Hampton Le Procureur Helier de Carteret The Advocate Messerney The Receiver Disson By those men accompanied with the Justices or Jurates is his Majesty served and his Islands governed the places in each Island being of the same nature though somewhat different in name Of these in matters meerly Civill and appertaining unto publick justice the Bailiffe is the principall as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminall and reall In matter of life and death if they proceed to sentence of condemnation there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the Bâ—…iliffe under which number so concurring the Offender is acquited Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty not taken as we call it in the matter except that 18 voices of 24 for of that number is their Grand Enquest agree together in the verdict Personall actions such as are Debt and Trespasse may be determined by the Bailiffe and two only are sufficient but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance there must be three at least and they decide it For the dispatch of these busineâ—…es they have their Trmes about the same time as we in London their Writs of Arrest Appearance and the like directed to the Vicompt or Provost and for the tryall of their severall causes three severall Courts or Jurisdictions viz. the Court Criminall the Court of Chattel and the Court of Heritage If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Tatle Much like this forme of Government but of later stampe are those Courts in France which thâ—…y call Les Seiges Presideaux instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings in divers Cities of the Realme and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts Wherein there is a Bailiffe attended by twelve Assistants for the most part two Lieutenants the one criminall and the other civill and other officers the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong to take notice of Treasons Robberies Murders unlawfull assemblies c. and the like In this order and by these men are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular persons but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament or Convention of the three Estates For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater whereupon it is that even these little Islands in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum or assembly of the States viz. of the Governour as chief the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility the Ministers for the Church and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons In this assembly generall as also in all private meetings the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them appoiÌ„nt Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court resolve on publick contributions c. and among other things determine the election of the Justices For on the vacancy of any of those places there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sunday after the morning exercise and there the people or the major part of them agree upon a man This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village out of whom so named the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy This done the new Jurate either then immediately or at the next sitting of the Justicâ—…s shâ—…ll be admitted to his place and office having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe in the discharge of his duty and the trust reposed in him The tenour of which Oath is â—…s followeth YOU Mr. N N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge shall swear and promise by the faiâ—…h and troth which you owe to God well and truely to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar in the Court Royall of our Soveraigne Lord the King of England Scotland France and Ireland â—… in this Isle of Jarsey whose Majesty next under God you acknowledge to be supreme Governour in all his Realmes Provinces and Dominions renouncing all strange and forain powers You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects You shall uphold the honour and glory of God and of his pure and holy word You shall administer true and equall Justice as well to the poor as to the rich without respect of persons according to our Lawes Usages and Customes confirmed unto us by our priviledges maintaining them together with our Liberties and Franchises and opposing â—…our selfe against such as labour to infringe them You shall also punish and chastise all Traitours Murderers Felons Blasphemers of Gods holy name Drunkards and other scandâ—…lous livers every one according to his desert opposing your self against all seditious persons in the deâ—…nce of the Kings Authority and of his Justice You shall be frequently assistant in the Court and as often as you shall be desired having no lawfull excuse to the contrary in which case you shall gâ—…ve your 〈◊〉 to some other Justice giving your advise counsell and opinion according to the sincerity of your conscience You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend or cause to be defended the rights of Widowes Orphans Strangers and all other persons unable to help themselves Finally in your verdict or the giving your opinion you shall regulate and conforme your self to the better and more wholesome counsell of the Bailiffe and Justices All which you promise to make good upon your conscience A way more compendious then ours in England where the Justices are fain to take three Oaths and those founded upon three severall Statutes as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the Kings Supremacy grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly that of Al'egiance in force by virtue of the Statute 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Islâ—…nd of whose names and titles in the next Chapter The other members of the Bailiffes Court are the Advocates or Pâ—…eaders whereof there be six onely in each Island
in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feastâ—… within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provoâ—… The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The â—…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omâ—…regency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Tâ—…xes The taille and tâ—…illion The Panâ—…arke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys â—…he Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of
Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation nnto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of â—…hu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—…cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called 〈◊〉 day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dâ—…tive how they dâ—…ffered from the Conventuals 8 The conditiâ—…n of the e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the 〈◊〉 then aâ—…lotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzev Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Syned â—…den in Gueâ—…nzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 N place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3 Their love to Parity as wâ—…ll in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hand of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intâ—…usion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets câ—…se 8 The brethren 〈◊〉 in giving names to children 9 〈◊〉 blâ—…ng Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a thâ—…d note of the 〈◊〉 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of â—…els 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal 〈◊〉 upon the civil Courts 15 The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates p. 364. CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirms the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what 〈◊〉 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jâ—…rsey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Miniâ—…y in that Island 8 They refer themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germany what it was 13 The Interim of Jarsey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons 378. CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same p. 390. CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 〈◊〉 of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The subm ssion of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The 〈◊〉 of the whole Our return to England p 412. ERRATA Besides the errors of the Copy the Reader is of course to look for some from the Prosse which the hast made for preventing the false impressions hath more increased then any negligence of the Workman which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main p. 5. l. 13. r. â—…ocorum p. 7 l 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Hen y. p. 11. l. 17. del in p. 13 8 〈◊〉 pacâ—… ibid. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth p. 39. l 25 p. 108. 9 〈◊〉 interview p. 49. l. 3. r. then ibid l 4. r. as at ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye p. 60 l. 28. r. En lay ibid. l. 35 r. Troy s. p. 69 l 26. del now p. 95. l. 17. r born p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished p. 99. l. 20. r Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres p 123 l. 1 r. as much hugged ibid. l 26. r. I
sont scauans au possible en proces plaideties They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law and have wit more then enough to wrangle In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk ex infima plebe non pauei reperiuntur saith Mr. Camden quin si nihil litium sit lites tamen ex ipsis juris apâ—…us seâ—…ere calleant They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law and to it they will whatsoever it cost them Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them in a Colledge progresse I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site and soil both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast both enjoy a Countrey Champain little swelled with hils and for the most part of a light and â—andy mould To proceed to no more particulars if there be any difference between the two Provinces it is only this that the Countrey of Normandy and the people of Norfolk are somewhat the richer For indeed the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil such an one Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman were it never so exorbitant In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach The Wheat for I saw little Barley of a fair length in the stalke and so heavy in the ear that it is even bended double You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground to save the Plough-man his next years labour Thick it groweth and so perfectly void of weeds that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art then these fields are by Nature Pasture ground it hath little and lesse Meddow yet sufficient to nourish those sew Cattel they have in it In all the way between Dâ—…ppe and Pontoyse I saw but two flocks of Sheep and them not above 40 in a flock Kine they have in some measure but not fat nor large without these there were no living for them The Nobles eat the flesh whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese and that but sparingly But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant we will defer till another opportunity Swine also they have in prety number and some Pullen in their backsides but of neither an excesse The principall River of it is Seine of which more hereafter and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle In matter of Civill Government this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven For matters Military it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England the Governor they call him The present Governor is Mr. Le due de Longueville to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall augmented by some Customes of the French and others more particular which are the Norman One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate which we in England call Gavelkind the Norman dividing the estate into three parts and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother and a third to be divided among the others A law which the French count not just the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolabâ—…rentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also
he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainâ—…oigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonieall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their devotions to Mahomet The carrying of it about the streets hath no question in it a touch of the Jew this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites The other main part of it which is the Adoration is derived from the Heathens there never being a people but they which afforded divine honors to things inanimate But the people indeed I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion their consciences being perswaded that what they see passe by them is the very body of their Saviour For my part could the like belief possesse my understanding I could meet it with greater reverence then their Church can enjoyn me The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it Of standing it is so young that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread and a Bell bought to be rung before it The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons in the Councell of Vienna by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse who worshipped Jupiter as a God Cùm eundem tamen Saturno Rhea genitum confiterentur Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie who will needs impose a new God upon their people being so well acquainted with his cradle It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven The Cart stayeth and it is fit we were in it Horses we could get none for money and for love we did not expect them We are now mounted in our Chariot for so we must call it An English man would have thought it a plain Cart and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot let it sure I am it was never ordained for triumph At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses or three bodies which had once been horses and now were worne to dead images had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them it might have been hanged up at an Inne door to represent St. George on horseback so livelesse they were and as little moving yet at last they began to crawle for go they could not This converted me from my former Heresie and made me apprehend life in them but it was so little that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe and proceeded with a space so slow that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere which is 49000 years in finishing But this was not our greatest misery The rain fâ—…ll in us through our tilt which for the many holes in it one would have thought to have been a net
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
Seguier and is by birth of the Nobility aâ—… all which are honoured with this office must be He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants the Lieutenant criminall which judgeth in matters of lise and death the Lieutenant civill which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party and the Lieutenant particular who supplyeth their severall places in their absence There are also necessarily required to this Court the Proeureur and the Advocate or the Kings Solliâ—…itour and Attorney 12 Counsellours and of undâ—…r-officers more then enough This Office is said to have been 〈◊〉 in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great In matters criminall there is appâ—…al admitted from hence to the Tournelle In matters civill if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres to the great Chamber or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament The Provâ—…st of the Merchants and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City to have an eye over the sales of Wine Corn Wood Cole c. and to impose taxes on them to keep the keyes of the Gates to give watchword in time of war to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town and the like There are also four other Officers joyned unto him 〈◊〉 they call them who also carry a great sway in the City There are moreover 〈◊〉 to them in their proceedings the Kings Sollicitour or Pâ—…cureur and 24 Counsellours To compare this Corporation with that of London the Prâ—…st is as the Maior the Esâ—…evins as the Sheriffs the 24 Counsellours as the Aâ—…dermen and the Procureur as the Recorder I omit the under-officers whereof there is no scarcity The place of their meetings is called L'â—…stel de ville or the Guilde-ball The present Provost Mr. de Grieuâ—… his habit as also that of the 〈◊〉 and Counselâ—…urs half red half skie coloured the City livery with a hood of the same This Provost is as much above the other in power as men which are loved commonly are above those which are feared This Provost the people willingly yea sometimes â—…ctiously obey as the 〈◊〉 of their liberties the other they only dread as the Judge of their livâ—…s and the tyrants over their Estates To shew the power of this Provâ—…st both for and with the people against their Princes you may please to take notice of two instances For the people against Philip dâ—… Valois anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns upon all wares sold in Paris for the better managing of hâ—…s Wars against the English could obtain it but for one year only and that not without speciall letters reversall that it should no way 〈◊〉 their priviledges With the people anno 1357 when King John was Pâ—…isoner in England and Charles the Daulphin afterwards the 〈◊〉 of that name labourâ—…d his ransome amongst the Parisians For then Sâ—…phen Marâ—…ll the Provost attended by the Vulgar 〈◊〉 not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber but slâ—…w Jâ—…hn de Conflans and Robert of Clermount two Marschals of France before his face Nay to add yet further 〈◊〉 to this he took his party-coloured hood off his head puâ—…ting it on the Daulphins and all that day wore the Daulphins hat being a bâ—…own blâ—…ck Pour signal de sa dictature as the token of his Dictatorship And which is more then all this he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Hoâ—…d of the City livery and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above namâ—…d as done by his commandement Horrible insolencies Quam miserum est â—…um haec impune facere 〈◊〉 as Tully of Marcus Antonius The Armâ—…s of this Town as also of the Corporation of the Provost and 〈◊〉 are Gules a Ship Argent a Chiâ—… pâ—…dred with flower de Lâ—…ces Or. The seat or place of their assembly is called as we said L'hâ—…stell de ville or the Guld-hall It was built or rather finished by Francis the first 〈◊〉 1533. and since 〈◊〉 and repaired by Francis Miron once 〈◊〉 des Merchands and afterwards Privie 〈◊〉 to the King It standeth on one side of the Greve which is the publick place of execution and is built quadrangular wise all of free and polished stone evenly and orderly laid together You ascend by 30 or 40 steps fair and large before you come into the Quadrate and thence by severall staires into the severall rooms and Chambers of it which are very nearly contrived and richly furnished The grand Chastelet is said to have been 〈◊〉 by Julian the Apostata at such time as he was Governor of Gaul It was afterwards new built by 〈◊〉 Augustus and since repaired by Lewis XII in which time of 〈◊〉 the Provst of Paris kept his Courts in the Palace of the Louure To sight it is not very gratious what it may be within I know not Certain I am that it looketh far more 〈◊〉 a prison for which use it also serveth then a Town 〈◊〉 or seat of judgment In this part of Paris called Laville or the Town is the Kings Arcenal or Magazin of War it carryeth not any great face of majesty on the out-side neither indeed is it necessary such places are most beautifull without when they are most terrible within It was begun by Henry 〈◊〉 finished by Charles the ninth and augmented by Mr. De Rhosny great Master of the Artillery It is said to contain 100 field-pieces and their carriages as also Armor sufficient for 10000 horse and 50000 foot In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building called the Place Royall built partly at the charges and partly at the encouragement of Henry IV. It is built in forme of a quadrangle every side of the square being in length 72 〈◊〉 the materials 〈◊〉 of divers colours which makes it very pleasing though lesse durable It is 〈◊〉 round just after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London the walks being paved under foot The houses of it are very fair and large every one having its Garden aud other out-lets In all they are 36 nine of a side and 〈◊〉 to be sufficient capable of a great retinue the Ambassadour for the estate of Venice lying in one of them It is 〈◊〉 in that place whereas formerly the solemn Tilting were performed a place famous and 〈◊〉 for the death of Henry II. who was here 〈◊〉 with the splinters of a Lance as he was running with the Earl of Montgomery a Scotish-man a sad and heavie accident To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris I must a little wander out of it because the power and command of the Provost saith it must be so for his authoriis not confined within the Town He hath seven daughters on which he may exercise it Les sept filles dela Prevoste de
comparison of the rest or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns Inne The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks as mean and curtailed I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne and how small a trifle that is we shall tell you presently But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only all France is troubled with the same want the same want of encouragement in learning neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times having been in England and seen Cambridge to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance Unum Collegium Cantabrigiense confidenter dicam superat vel decem nostra It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings in which sense he spake it but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues Yet I was given to understand that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges one of an especiall quality and so indeed it is if rightly considered There are said to be in it 20 Students places or fellowships as we call them The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens or Livres paid unto him after six years by his successor Vendere jure potest emerat ille prius A pretty market The Colledge of Sorbonne which is indeed the glory of â—…is University was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the â—…hamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved It consisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity neither can any of another profession nor any of the same profession not so graduated be admitted into it At this time their number is about 70 their allowance a pint of wine their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart and a certain quantity of bread daily Meat they have none allowed them unless they pay for it but the pay is not much for five Sols which amounteâ—…h to six pence English a day they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their chambers These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity the Rector and other officers of the University having nothing to do in it To them alone belongeth the â—…mination of the â—…udents in the faculty the approbatioâ—… and the bestâ—…ing of the honour and to their Lectures do all such assidâ—… usly repair as are that way minded All of them in their 〈◊〉 discharge this office of reading and that by sixâ—…s in a day thâ—…e of them making good the Pulpit in the â—…noon and as many in the aâ—…noon These Doctors are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris the principal pillars of the French Liberty whereof inâ—…d they are excâ—…ding jealous as well in matterâ—… Ecclesiastical as Civil When Gerson Chancellor of Paris he died Anno 1429. had published a book in approbation of the Councell oâ—… 〈◊〉 where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope the Soâ—…ne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine Afterwards when Iewis the 11. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction the Sorlonnisis in behalf of the Church Gallâ—…an and the University of Paris Magnis obsistebant animis saith Sleidan in his Commentaries a Papa provocabant ad â—…cilium The Câ—…uncell unto which they appealed was that of Bâ—…sil where that sanction was made so that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis that the Councell was above the Pope And not lâ—…ng since anno viz 1613. casually meeting with a book written by â—…nus entituled Coâ—…troversia Anglicana de potesâ—…te regis papae they called an assembly and condemned it For though the main of it was against the power and suâ—…macy of the Kings of England yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Châ—…stian Kings by the bie which occasioned the Sentence So jealous are they of the least circumstances in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered As for the Government of the University it hath for its chief directâ—…ur a Rector with a Chancellor four Procurators or Proctors and as many others whom they call â—…es Intraâ—… to assist him besides the Regents Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts who are by the consent of the rest selected to read the publick Lectures of Logiâ—…k and Philosophy Their name they derive a regendo eo quod in artibus rexerint These are divided into four Nations viz. 1 The Norman 2 The Picarde 3 The German And 4 The French Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces under the third the Sâ—…udents of all forein natioâ—…s which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge It was heretofore called natio Aâ—…glica but the English being thought unworthy of the honour because of their separation from the Church of Roâ—…e the name and credit of it was given to the Germans That of the French is again subdivided into two parts that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris and that which containeth the rest of Gallia These four Nations for notwithstanding the subdivision above mâ—…ioned the French is reckoned but as one choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators so called quia negotia nationis suae procurant They choose four other officers whom they call les Iâ—…trantes in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations Aâ—…d here it is to be observed that in the French Nation the Procurator and Intrant is one year of the Diocese of Paris and the following year of the rest of France the reason why that Nation is subdivided These four Intâ—…antes thus named have amongst them the election of the Rector who is their supreme Mâ—…gistrate The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus of the Colledge of Harcourte a Master of the Arts for a Doctor is not capable of the Office The honour lasteth only three moneths which time expired the Intrantes proceed to a new election though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man haâ—…h the lease renued Within the confines of the University he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud and at the publique exercises of learning before the Cardinals otherwise he giveth them the 〈◊〉 Bâ—…t to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion It was not two moneths before my being there that there hapned a shrewd controvâ—…e abâ—…ut it For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning to consult about some Church affairs and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house when the first day of their sitting came a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them began his oration with Reverendissime Rector vos amplissimi praesules Here the Archbishop of Râ—…n a man of an high spirit
Treasure in that quarrell commanded the work not to go forward However he is to be commended in the attempt which was indeed Kinglike and worthy his spirit praise him in his heroick purpose and designe Quem si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit ausis But the principal beauty if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Louure is a low plain room paved under foot with bricks and without any hangings or tapestrie on the sides yet being the best set out and furnished to my content of any in France It is called La Salle des Antiques and hath in it five of the antientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdome For this Nation generally is regardlesse of Antiquity both in the monuments and studie of it so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time in the best of their Cities or Churches In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries that both neglects considered Si verbis audacia detuâ—… I dare confidently aver not only that the Earl of Arundels Gardens have more antiquities of this kind then all France can boast of but that one Cotton for the Treasury and one Selden now Mr. Camden is dead for the study of the like antiquities are worth all the French As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques they are I confesse worthy observation and respect also if they be such as our Trudgemen enforme us At the farther end of it is the Statua of Diana the same as is said which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Great is Diana of the Ephesians Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be Quantum quale latus quam invenile femur As Ovid of his Mistresse She is all naked save her feet which are buskin'd and that she hath a skarfe or linnen rowl which coming over her left shoulder and meeting about her middle hung down with both ends of it a little lower In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door was the Statua of one of the Gods of Ethiopia as black as any of his people and one that had nothing about him to expresse his particular being Next to him the Effigies of Mercury naked all except his feet and with a pipe in his mouth as when he inchanted Argus Namque reperta fistula nuper erat saith the Metamorphosis Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quight and most immodestly unapparelled in her hand her little son Cupid as well arraied as his mother sitting on a Dolphin Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth but that he had shooes on he was portraied as lately returned from a combate perhaps that against the Serpent Python Quâ—…m Deus arcitenens nunquam talibus armis Ante nisi in damis capreisque fugacibus usus Mille gravem telis exhausia paene pharetra Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra 〈◊〉 As Ovid. The Archer god who ere that prâ—…nt tide Nere us'd those armes but against the Roes and Deer With thousand 〈◊〉 the earth made to be died With Serpents bloud his quiver empâ—…ied cleer That I was in the right conjecture I had these reasons to perswade me the quiver on the Gods right shoulder almost emptied his warlike belt hanging about his neck his garments loosely tumbling upon his left armes and the slain Monster being a water Serpent as Python is fained to be by the Poets all of these were on the same side of the wall the other being altogether destitute of ornaments and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods in the same formes as they were woâ—…shipped in and taken from their severall Temples They were bestowed on the King by his Holinesse of Rome and I cannot blame him for it it was worthy but little thanks to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens who for his Holinesse satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans I believe that upon the same termes the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome Without this room this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure is the house of Burbon an old decayed fabrick in which nothing was observable but the Omen for being built by Lewis of Burbon the third Duke of that branch he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door signifying his hope that from his loiâ—…s should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families and it is acccordingly hapned For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being before the foundation of the House and the Garden the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language I was not so happy as to see and will not be indebted to any for the relation The End of the Second Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journy towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the II. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients The French Musick HAving abundantly 〈◊〉 our spirits in the â—…ink of Paris on Tuesday being the 12 of July we took our leave of it and prepared our selves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud save that they began to gather together about noon in the nature of a curtain to defâ—…nd us from the injury of the Sun The wind rather sufficient to fan the air then to diâ—…urb it by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey and he that did not put it to that use mis-spent it having therefore put our selves into our wagon we took a short farewell
had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater and so the corruption remaineth unalâ—…d This Town as it is sweetly seated in respâ—…ct of the air so is it finely convenienced with walks of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate having the wall on one hand and a rank of palm-trees on the other the second that near unto the Bridge having the water pleasingly running on both sides and a third which is indeed the principal on the east side of the City It is called the Palle Malle â—…rom an exercise of that name much used in this Kingdome a very Gentleman like sport not over violent and such as affordâ—…th good opportunity of discourse as they walk from one mark to the other Into this walk which is of a wonderful length and beauty you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town the aged peâ—…ple borrowing legs to carry them and the younger armes to guide them If any young Dame or Monsieur walk thither single they will quickly finde some or other to link with them though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle not minding the shutting in of the day till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing At all hours of the night be it warm and dry you shall be sure to finde them there thus coupled and if at the years end there be found more children then fathers in the Town this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L'Estapp a walk principally frequented by Merchants who here meet to conferre of their occasions It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix of the building of which Chuâ—…ch I could never yet hear or read of any thing but that which is meerly fabulâ—…us for the Citizens report that long since time out of mindâ—… thâ—…e appeared a vision to an holy Monk which lived thâ—…reabouts and bad him dig deep in such a place where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buâ—…d upon this warning the Church was founded but at whose charges they could not enform me so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie The Supâ—…stition is apparent in their woâ—…shipping of such rotten stickâ—… as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse their calling of it holy and dedicating of this Church unto it Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy daiâ—…s one in May and the other in September and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high waies with these words Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera Horrible blasphemy and never heard but under Antichrist Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas being the lesson of the Ancients As for the miracle I account it as others of the same stamp â—…qually false and ridiculous This Church in the year 1562. was defaced aâ—…d â—…ined by the Hugâ—…nots who had entred the Town under the conduct of the Pâ—…ince of Câ—…nde An action little â—…vouring of humanity and lesse of Religion the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches of those Towns which they had taken But in this action the Hugonots conâ—…ulted only with â—…ashnesse and a zealous sury thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scâ—…urge of Papists and the overthrowers of Popish Churches Quid facerent hostes capta crudelius â—…be The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more 〈◊〉 exercised their malice on the vanquished and this I 〈◊〉 my sâ—… had been the fate of most of our Churches 〈◊〉 tha 〈◊〉 had got the upper hand of us But this Church notâ—…anding is likely now to survive their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Henry the 4. began the repairing of it and his Son Lewis hath since continued so that the quire is now quite finished and the workmen are in hand with the rest What should move the Hugonots to this execution I cannot say unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name and perhaps that not unlikely We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings banished also Gollatinus their Consul a man in whom they could finde no fault but this that his surname was Tarquin tantum ob nomen genus regium saith Florus afterwards quam invisum regis nomen is very frequent in the stories of those times Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar there was one named Cinna a name so odious amongst the people that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends and hearing that his name was Cinna they presently murthered him in the place for which cause one 〈◊〉 which was also the name of one of the Conspirators published a writing of his name and pedegree shewing therein that he neither was the traytor nor any kin to him The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets betwixt Mont Martre and St. Denis though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified And what troubles the French party here in England have raised because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse Notius est quam ut stilo egeat and therefore I omit it This Church is the seat of a Bishop who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens for his Metropolitan The present Bishop is named Francisâ—…us d' Aubespine said to be a worthy Scholar and a sound Polititian though he were never graduated further then the arts Of his revenue I could learn nothing but of his priviledge this namely that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole though their crime be never so mortall For the original of this indulgence we are beholding to St. Aignan once Bishop here and who defended the City against Attila the Hunne At his first entrance into the town saith the story after he was invested Bishop he besought Agrippinâ—… the Governour that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos when the Governour had heard his request he denied it and presently a stone falleth upon his head no man knew from whence wounded and terrified with this the Governor granteth his desire
of the Citadell there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City The watchmen receive no pay of the King but discharge that duty amongst themselves and in turns every house finding one for that service twelve nights in the year The weapons which they use are pikes only and muskeâ—… there being not one piâ—…ce of Ordinance all about the Town or on the wals of it The Governor of this Town as it hath reference to the King is a Bâ—…illy who hath belonging to him all the auâ—…hority which belongeth to a siege 〈◊〉 Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall and particular seven Counsellors a publiâ—…k Notary and other infâ—…rior Officers and Magistrates As it is a Corporation the chief Governor of it is a Maior and next to him the Eschevins or Sheâ—…iffs as protectoâ—…s of the inhabitants and their liberties besides those of the Common-councell Another circumstance there is which ennobleth this Town of Amiens which is that it is a Visdamate or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility who is called the Visdame of Amiens This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune Governor of the Citadell together with the Lordship of Piquigni both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens and Lord of Piquigni anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother who also obtained for him of the King the title of Duke his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet by which name he was known here in England at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James This honour of Visdame is for ought I could ever see used only in France True it is that in some old 〈◊〉 Charters we meet 〈◊〉 this title of Vice-dominus As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lâ—…shire dated in the year 948. there iâ—… there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus but with us and at those times this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord and not as an honorary attribute in which sense it is now used in France Besides that with us it was frequently though falsly used for Vice comes Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame there are found no small resemblances For as they which did 〈◊〉 vicem Comitis were called Vicecomites or Vicounts so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus And as Viscounâ—…s from officers of the Earls became honorary so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop and became Signieural or honorary also The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops in matter of secular administration for which cause though they have altered their tenure they take â—…ll of them their denomination from the chieâ—…town of some Bishoprick Neither is there any of them who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine Mr. Glover otherwise alled Somerset Herald in his Discourse of Nobility published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury putteth it down for absolute that here are four only viz. of Amiens of Chaâ—…tres of Chalons and of Gerberâ—…y in Beauvais but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers there being besides those divers others as of Rheimes Mans and the like But the particular and exact number of them together with the place denominating I leave to the French Heralds unto whose prosession it principally belongeth CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dâ—…me in Amiens The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the â—…utside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick THere is yet one thing which addâ—…th more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the 〈◊〉 or the Citadel which is the Churâ—…h of Nostre Dame A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven a second in Paris a third in this City a fourth in Bouâ—…gne all Cathedrall so alsâ—… a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and another in Estampes the principal Church in those Towns also had I seen more oâ—… their Towns I had met with more of her Temples for of so many I have heard of that it there be more then two Churches in a Town one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her and that one of the fairest of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour ne gry quidem there was not so much as a word stirring neither could I marvail at it considring the honours done to her and those to her son betwixt which there is so great a disproportion that you would have imâ—…gined that Mary and not Jesus had been our Saviour For one Pater noster the people are enjoyned ten Aâ—…e Maries and to recompense one 〈◊〉 to Christs Sepulchre at 〈◊〉 you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto and whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated only four â—…stivals to our Saviour which are those of his birth circumcision resurrection and ascension all which the Enâ—…ish Church also observeth for the Virgins sake they have more then doubled the number Thus do they solemnize the seasts of her purification and annuntiation at the times which we also do of her visitation of Elizabeth in July of her dedication and assumption in August of her nativity in September of her presentation in November and of her conception in the womb of her mother in December To her have they appropriated set formes of Prayers prescribed in the two books called one Officium and the other Rosarium bâ—…atae Mariae virginis whereas her son must be contented with those oraisons which are in the common Masse-book Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent then those of her son And in her Chappel are more vowes paid thâ—…n before the Crucifix But I cannot blame the vulgar when the great mastâ—…rs of their souls are thus also besoâ—…ed The Officium before mentioned published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her Gaude Maria virgo tu sola omnes haereses 〈◊〉 in universo mundo Catharinus in the Councel of Trent calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam and he was moâ—…st if compaâ—…ed with others In one of their Councels Christs name is quite forgotten and the name of our Lady 〈◊〉 in the place of it For thus it beginneth Autoritate Dei patâ—…is beatae virginis omnium sanctorum but most horrible is that of one of their
to have them tire in the middle way and so the remainder of the Stage was to be meâ—…sured by our own feet Bâ—…ing weary of this trade I made bold to dâ—…smount the Postilion and ascended the trunk-horse where I sat in such a magnificent posture that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle before me a bundle 〈◊〉 cloaks a cloak-bâ—…g and a parcell of boots sure I wâ—…s if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides that I could not likely fall backwards nor â—…orwards Thus preferred I encouraged my companions who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity And certainly there was not any of them who might not more justly have said of me Tuas un meâ—…lleur temps que le Pape then poor 〈◊〉 master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes This circumstance I confesse might have well bâ—…n omitted had I not great example for it Phâ—…p de Comines in the miâ—…est of his grave and serious relation of the Bâ—…tail of 〈◊〉 Hâ—…rie hath a note much about this nature which gave mâ—… encouragement which is That himself had an old 〈◊〉 halfe 〈◊〉 and this was just my case who by chance thrust 〈◊〉 â—…ead into a pale of wine and dranke it off which made him lusâ—…er and frâ—…sher that day then ever bâ—…fore but in that his horse had better luck then I had On the right hand of us and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne we left the Town of Monstrueil which we had not leasure to see It seemeth daiâ—…tily seaâ—…ed â—…or command and resistance as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill It is well strengthned with Bâ—…stions and Rampartâ—… on the outside hath within it a Garrison of 〈◊〉 Companies of Souldiers their Governâ—…ur as I learned of one of the Paisants being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneâ—…h the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstruell â—…s being a border Town within two miles of Artoys and especially considering that the taking of it would cut â—…ff all entercourse between the Countries of Bolâ—…gne and Calais with the rest of France Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens and that the French Kings are not ignorant of Insomuch that those two only together with that of St. Quintain being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy to draw him from the party of the Enâ—…sh were redeemed again by Lewis XI for 450000 crownes an infinite sum of money according to the standard of those times and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis by which at the last he lost his life and hazarded his estate CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt-butter Boulogne divided inte two Towns Procession in the lowâ—…r Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconvenience of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois which though a part of Picardie disdaineth yet to be so accounted but will be reckoned as a County of it self It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne Estaples and Nâ—…uf-Chastell besides divers Villages and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies much after the nature of England the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France which we saw for the quantity Neither is it only a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary who is no question a very gracious Landladie For when King Lewis XI after the decease of Charles of Burgundy had taken in Boulogne anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town thus John de Serres relateth it he did homage without Sword or Spurs bare-headed and on his knee before the Virgin Mary offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold weighing 2000 crowns He added also this that he and his successors Kings after him should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight Since that time the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady have enjoyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt by reason whereof and by the goodnesse of their Pastures they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome I said partly by reason of their salt because having it at a low rate they do liberally season all their Butter with it whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price cannot afford it any of that deer commodity upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable then Turkies Capons and the like are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London As for the Town of Boulogne it is divided into two parts La haute Ville and La basse Vâ—…lle or the high Town and the low Town distant one â—…rom the other above an hundred paces and upwards The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill the low Town upon the declivity of it and towards the Haven Or else we may divide it into other parts viz. the Town and the City the Town that towards the water and the City that which lyeth above it It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne wâ—…s totally ruined by the Imperials and the Bishops seat was removed hither the Church of Nostre Dâ—…me being made the Caâ—…hedrall There came along hither upon the remove of the Bishop 20 Canons which number is here still retained their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly As for the present 〈◊〉 his name is Pierre d' Armè his intrado 2000 Livres his Metropolitan he of 〈◊〉 The Town or as they call it the low Town is bigger
with a violent tempest makâ—…th it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the imâ—… thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and saâ—…ty of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisonâ—…d True it is that Henry VIII did erâ—…ct Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we wâ—…re 〈◊〉 garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story 〈◊〉 gloriâ—…sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neiâ—…her will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a â—…ull view of my dearest England from which sor want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pâ—…st-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently sâ—…ut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the 〈◊〉 â—…ondition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' esâ—…ue not to be 〈◊〉 he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our â—…alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came â—…lfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty 〈◊〉 then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odâ—…ombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not 〈◊〉 distant and some old women dry 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a bank adjoyning the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then 〈◊〉 But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmiâ—…ies That done I turned my face toward England whâ—…ch afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dâ—…ver Castle Eâ—…stward to the West of 〈◊〉 an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bâ—…num est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there lâ—…nger if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indâ—…ed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatâ—…st part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distâ—…nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I conâ—…esse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Bâ—…gage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 hâ—…rses True it is thâ—…t his dâ—…signes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with 〈◊〉 he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure câ—…ncerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much â—…arvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affâ—…ction and duty to his
Qâ—…een seeing that it is as his late Majâ—…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fiâ—…h to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desiâ—…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they beâ—…ought him that he wâ—…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogns and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incautus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater thâ—…n he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the nâ—xt morning we took boat â—or England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon hiâ—… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commoditâ—… much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to requiâ—…e as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France agâ—…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill Statâ—… The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of Kiâ—…g Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisâ—…ers all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise
this Lady both by her Fathers side and alâ—…o by the Mothers who was of the family of Mâ—…rtiques being a stock of the old Ducall tree is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly both these were borne unto the King by Madam Galriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle Dutchesse of Beauforte a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe and one who never abused her power with him So that one may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly spake of Livia the wife of Augustus Ejus potentiam nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis The third of the Kings naturall brethren is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden which make a large revenue His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards which is the remainder of 6000 the rest being pauned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof who was of that Family The mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchionesse of Verneville who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the Prison and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane and hath as yet not fully out 6000l a year when his mother dyeth he will be richer The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston born the 25 of Aprill anno 1608 a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit as the King doth of his Crown He is intituled Duke of Anjou as being the third Son of France but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur This title is different from that of Daulphin in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Son living this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving if there be neither Son nor Brother then the next Heir Apparent is â—…tyled only Le primier Prince du sang the first Prince of the bloud This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also but with some addition of place or honour The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans quene as the French use to say that is simply Monseiur This young Prince is as yet unmarryed but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpenster whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived he had espoused her long ere this but it is generally believed that this Prince is not so affected he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse himself the next heir to the Crown and it is likely he will look on a while and expect the issue of his fortune Some that speak of the affairs of the Court holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons a Prince of the bloud and a Gentleman of a fine temper the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match neither will the King not be inclinable unto him as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction for not performing a Court promise made unto him as some say about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons both issuing from the house of Burbon partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate and partly by gaining all the friends aâ—…d allies of that Ladies kindred to his the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde the difference between them standeth thus Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two wives amongst other children two Sons by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde by the second Charles Count of Soissons Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers by whom he had no children To his second wife he took the Lady Katharine of Tremoville sister to the Duke of Thovars anno 1586. Two years after his marriage he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup which was given him anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son which is the now Prince of Conde Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legitiâ—…ation whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud to belong to the Prince of Conde And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title 24 Physitians of good faith and skill made an open protestation upon oath in the Court that it was not only possible but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth On this it was awarded to the Prince This Decree of Parliament not withstanding if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse it is said that the young Count of Soissons his father died anno 1614 will not so give over his title He is Steward of the Kings house as his Father also was before a place of good credit and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly In case it should come to a tryâ—ll quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which God prohibit he is like to make a great party both within the Realm and without it Without it by means of the house of Savoy having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazo the second son of that Dukedome now living a brave man of armes and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree next heir of his father after the death of Don Amadeo yet childlesse Within the Realm the Lords have already declared themselves which hapned on this occasion In the year 1620 the month of March the King being to wash the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud and on the other side the Count of Soissons seized on it as appertaining to his office of Steward and Prince of the bloud also The King to decide the controversie for the present commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother yet did not this satisfie for on the morning the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke of Luynes
and Guise in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrâ—…w themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open faction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas the Prince though at this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but â—…mbled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Pâ—…ians bâ—…th weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Phyâ—…tians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty 〈◊〉 a professour of Montpellier in Langueâ—… in his â—…xcellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or â—…lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they hâ—…d gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duâ—…us sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedâ—…i adâ—…tur aliquod od perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris Thâ—… lâ—…st time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papiâ—…us a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance 〈◊〉 open Court though his Mother confessed 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Coâ—…ba reâ—…eth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had sâ—…n a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the furthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time alter the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but maliciously caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures for it but being but conj ctures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Fâ—…bure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agi to become a Catholick Third y The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navarre in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned he is believâ—…d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices iâ—… her husbands life time had found her self agrievâ—…d it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—…ian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vind core And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissâ—…ns and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for â—…ny oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conâ—…erred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we câ—…ll them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Legrand 〈◊〉 the esteem of which place recompenseth the empâ—…inesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kiâ—…s sword sheathed before
of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pâ—…ntificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the salling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of Kâ—…ng Henâ—…y IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of Dâ—…cember 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in consession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Dâ—…ocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tuâ—…elam divi Petri admitteâ—…entur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popâ—… power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quâ—…d qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vicâ—…s in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legaâ—…s thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Dâ—…ans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pighinus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their own Sâ—…d tanquam a sede Apostolica delegati But as for the Orders of Fryers the Pope would not by any means give way to it They are his Janizaries and the strongest bulwarke of his Empire and are therefore called in a good Author 〈◊〉 Romanae curiae instrumenta So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome This meer dependence on his Holinesse maketh this generation a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour then otherwise it would be though since the growth of the Reformation shame and fear hath much reformed them they have still howsoever a spice of their former wantonnesse and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship and to say truth of them I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey but not for acquaintance They live very merrily and keep a competent table more I suppose then can stand with their vow and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends had us into the hall it being then the time of their refectory a favour not vulgar there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side and every one a pretty distance from the other their severall commons being a dish of pottage a chop of Mutton a dish of cherries and a large glasse of water this provision together with a liberall allowance of ease and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking and maketh them having little to take thought for as I said before passing good company As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us 〈◊〉 of these mortified sinners two of the Order of St. Austin and one Franciscan the merryest crickets that ever chirpâ—…d nothing in them but mad tales and complements and for musick they would sing like hawkes When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine Vivamus ut bibamus bibamus ut vivamus And for courtship and toying with the wenches you would easily believe that it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted of all men when I am marryed God keep my wife from them till then my neighbours On the other side the common Priests of France are so dull and blockish that you shal hardly meet with a more contemptible people The meanest of our Curates in
England for spirit and discourse are very Popes to them for learning they may safely say with Socrates Hoc tantum scimus quod nescimus but you must not look they should say it in Latine Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book of which last they can make no use except the book be open and then also the book is fain to read it self For in the last Romanum Missale established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII anno 1600. every syllable is diversly marked whether it be sounded long or short just as the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris and wanted French to enquire homeward I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit But O seculum insipiens infacetum you might as easily have wrung water out of the flint as a word of Latine out of their mouths Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix a fellow that wore his Surplice it was made of Lawn and lace with as good a credit as ever I saw any and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap he might have been a Metropolitan perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue for it was Latine he very readily asked me this question Num potestis loqui Gallia which when I had denyed at last he broke out into another interrogatory viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice To conclude having read over my Letter with two or three deadly pangs and six times rubbing of his temples he dismissed me with this cordiall and truly it was very comfortable to my humour Ego negotias vestras curabo A strange beast and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance that I ever met with in mans apparrell Such being the Romish Priests it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion If the eye be blinde the body cannot choose but be darkned And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation then the blockishnesse of their own Clergy An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers could they but well humor it and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party if well husbanded Besides this the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy To deal with them by main force of argument and in the servent spirit of zeal as the Protestants too often do is not the way men uncapable of opposition as this people generally are and furious if once thwarted must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell he quickly threw down and mischiefed Alexander came otherwise prepared for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow he spake kindly to him and gently clapped him on the back till he had left his flinging and wildnesse he lightly leapt into the saddle the horse never making resistance Plutarch in his life relateth the story and this is the morall of it CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paâ—…is A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairely managed Their 〈◊〉 and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First forsaken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministeries c. WE have seen the strength and subtility as also somewhat of his poverties at home Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of Beeri the Romish Hittite the daughter of whose abominations he hath marryed And here I find him to hold good correspondency as being the eldest son of the Church and an equall poise to ballance the affaires of Italy against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewn himself very favourable to the French side well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party only would one day bring the State Ecclesiastick As in the generall so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him As 1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin till his Sonne of France might settle himself in some course to recover it 2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard during the last wars in Italy And 3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madams marriage notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the deniall or at least the delay of it To speak by conjectures I am of opinion that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage of which his Papacy was so large an Omen so far a prognostick Est Deus in nobis agitante calescimus illo The Lar or angell guardian of his thoughts hastned him in it in whose time there was so plausible a Presage that it must be accomplished For thus it standeth Malachi now a Saint then one of the first Apostles of the Irish one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation left behind him by way of Prophesie a certain number of Mottoes in Latine telling those that there should follow that certain number of Popes only whose conditions successively should be lively expressed in those Mottos according to that order which he had placed them Messingham an Irish Priest and Master of the Colledge of Irish fugitives in Paris collected together the lives of all the Iâ—ish Saints which book himself shewed me In that Volume and the life of this Saint are the severall Mottos and severall Popes set down Column wise one against the other I compared the lives of them with the Mottos as far as my memory would carry me and found many of them very answerable As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come and when just so many Popes are joyned to them they are of opinion for so Malachie forefold that either the world shâ—…uld end or the Popâ—…dom be 〈◊〉 Amongst the others the Motto of the presenâ—… Pope was mâ—…st remarkable and sutable to the action likâ—…ly to happen in his time
Towns of Cauâ—…n being then in the hands of the Protâ—…stants On the other side the Protestants assembled â—…t Loudun strictly commanded all their Governors Maiors and Sheriffs not to suffer any Jesuits nor any of any otheâ—… Order to preach in their Towns although licenced by the Bishop of the Diâ—…se When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the Kâ—…g had dâ—…clared 〈◊〉 meeting to be unlawfull and contrary to his peace and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliamâ—…nt they 〈◊〉 would not separate 〈◊〉 but stood still upon terms of capitulation and the justifiableness of their action again Whereas it â—…apned that the Lord of 〈◊〉 a Town full of those of the Religion dyed in the year 1620 and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane a Catholick this new Lord according to law and right in his own Town changed the former Garrison putting his own servants and dependanâ—…s in their places Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it draw themselves in troops surprise many of the Towns about it and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance an action which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at 〈◊〉 made the King more doubtfull of their sinceâ—…ity I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises being the effects of too much felicitie and of a fortune which they could not govern Atqui animus meminisse horret luctuque refugit These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobediâ—… made the King and his Counsell suspect that their designes tended further then Religion and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State aâ—…ter the example of Geneva and the Low-countreymâ—…n The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations was a strong argument of their purpose so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith At the Synod of Gappe called by the permission of Henry the fourâ—…h on the first of October anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours and received Letters from 〈◊〉 Princes but also importuned his 〈◊〉 to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries 〈◊〉 assisting at their Councels a matter of espâ—…cial imâ—… and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers wisely prohibited them to goe to any Aâ—…mblies without a particular Licence upon pain to be dâ—…clared Traytors Since that time growing into greater strength whensoever they had occaâ—…n of businesse with King Lewis they would never â—…reat with him but by their Ambassadours and upon â—…speciall Articles An ambition above the quality of those that prosâ—…sse themselves Subjects and the only way as 〈◊〉 Seirres noteth To make an Estate in the State But the answers made unto the King by those of 〈◊〉 and Mâ—…ntauban are pregnant prooâ—…s of their intent and meaning in this kinde the first being summoned by the King and his Aâ—…my the 21 of July Anno 1621. returned â—…hus That the King should suffer them to â—…njoy thâ—…ir Liâ—…erties and leave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they were for the saâ—…ety of their lives and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would deâ—…lare themselves to be his Subjâ—…cts They of Montauban made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience which was That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches had they said 〈◊〉 the service of the King it had been spoken bravely but now 〈◊〉 This Union and Confederacy of theirs King Leâ—…is used to call the Common wealth of Rochell for the overthrow of which he alwayes protested that he had only taken armes and if we compare circumstances we shall â—…nde it to be no other In the second of Aprill before he had as yet advanced into the field he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion which would contain themselves within dâ—…ty and 〈◊〉 And whereas some of Tours at the beginning of the wars had tumultuously molâ—…sted the Prâ—…testants at the buriall of one of their dead five of them by the Kings commandement were openly 〈◊〉 When the war was 〈◊〉 abroad those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meetiâ—…gs at Charâ—…nton so had also those of other places Moreover when tidings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayâ—…ns death slain before Montauban the rascall French according to their hot headed dispositions breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their â—…ouses and the streets to be safely guarded After when this rabble had burnt down their Temple at Chareâ—…ton the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner and that at the Kings charge Add to this that â—…nce the ending of the wars and the reduction of almost all their Towns we have not seen the least alteration of Religion Besides that they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine against the errours of Arminius professour of Arminius in Holland All things thus considered in their true being I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did for not giving them assistance I cannot but say that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in Had he been a medler in it further then he was he had not so much preserved Religion as 〈◊〉 Rebellion besides the consequence of the example He had Subjects of his own more then enough which weâ—…e subject to discontent and prone to an aposâ—…asie from their alleagiance To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence and to have trod the path of his own hazard He had not long before denied succour to his own children when he might have given them on a better ground and for a fairer purpose and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another For that other deniall of his helping hand I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him though certainly he was a good Prince and had been an happy instrument oâ—… the peace of Christendome had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature and the turbulency of his latter dayes he â—…ell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian Miserrimum est cum 〈◊〉 aut natura sua excedenda est aut minuenda dignitas Add to this that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France four of them never giving them incouragement The three which accepted
of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisgâ—…ier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majeâ—…ies commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well â—…ortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neiâ—…her fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenâ—…ble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their â—…elicities had been immortall O faciles dâ—…re summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to â—…right them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and enâ—…gne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the side Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liturgie of our Church was tâ—…anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to sâ—…e such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there â—…rtly sleeping and partly stâ—…oaking of their beards enaâ—… laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of coâ—…ferring places of charge and even of the severesâ—… censuâ—…e of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensiblâ—… articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Ut ad â—…pus relictum festinasse vidâ—…atur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very
not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is 〈◊〉 but a meer formality It is the â—…rtel est nostre pâ—…aisir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Jusâ—…inian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiseita Senatusconsulta 〈◊〉 Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaâ—…uerit legis habet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerâ—…ulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' esâ—…u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolies So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monsâ—…iur neither are his gifts lâ—…ssened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompianed by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites soveo Coelestia dona 〈◊〉 pacis prospera 〈◊〉 gerens From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad 〈◊〉 and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants â—…ut of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings eare is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot
withall but affirme that the Princes and Nobles of France do for as much as concerneth themselves upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined let the poor Tenant starve or eat the bread of carefulnesse it matters not so they may have their pleasure and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty And certainly this is the issue of it the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions An equality little answering to the old platformes of Republicks Aristotle Genius ille naturae as a learned man calleth him in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion In that Chapter his project is to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City that neither the one might be over rich nor the other too miserably poor They saith he which are too happy strong or rich or greatly favoured and the like can not nor will not obey with which evill they are infected from their infancy The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base so that the one cannot but command nor the other but serve And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government Ubi veneratur protentem humilis non timet antecedit non contemnit humiliorem potens as Velleius But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable their Lords being Kings and their Commons Villains And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are the Princes of this Countrey are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty to any King abroad and by consequence little respective in matter of obedience to their own King at home Upon the least discontent they withdraw themselves from the Court or put themselves into armes and of all other comforts are ever sure of this that they shall never want partizans Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully and at distance but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration and think the King much indebted to them if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement they will please to put themselves again into his obedience Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaâ—…nted and uncontroulable a spirit as ever any of his predecessors and one that loved to be obeyed yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets and at the last dyed in an affront The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady began to grow jealous of him for which reason he retired unto Bruxells the King offended at his retreat sent after him and commanded him home The Prince returned answer that he was the Kings most humble Subjâ—…ct and servant but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence A stomachfull resolution and misbecoming a Subject yet in this opposition he 〈◊〉 his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted But these tricks are ordinary here â—…therwise a man 〈◊〉 have construed this action by the term of Rebellion The 〈◊〉 means whereby these Princes 〈◊〉 so head stâ—…ng are an immunity given them by their Kings and a liberty 〈◊〉 they have taken to themselves By thâ—…ir Kings they have been absolutely exâ—…mpted from all Tributes Tolles Taxes Customes Impoâ—…tions and Subsidies By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces with a power of haute aâ—…d mâ—…n Justice as the Lawyers term it passed over to 〈◊〉 the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them To this they have added much for their strength and security by the insconcing and fortifying of their 〈◊〉 which both oftâ—…n moveth and afterwards inableth them â—…o câ—…ntemn his Mâ—…jesty An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville which in the long Civill wars endured a 〈◊〉 of 5000 shot and yet was not taken A very impâ—…tick course in my conceit of the French to bestow honours and immunities upon those Qui as the Historian noteth eâ—… suo arbitrio aut reposituri aâ—…t retenturi videantur quique modum habent in sua voluntate For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars as having suffâ—…nt means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings au hority aud disobey his Justice In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome can seldome be arraigned or executed in person and therefore the Lawes condâ—…mn them in their images and hang them in their pictures A pretty device to mock Justice If by chance or some handsome sleight any of them are apprehended they are put under a sure guard and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse Neither is it unus alter only some two or three that thus stand upon their dâ—…stance with the Kâ—…ng but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disordeâ—…ed unconfined and numberlesse that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the â—…eckoning I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse but of Titulados men only of titular Nobility of the degree of Baron and above Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable Quot Coelum Stellas take quantity for quantity and I dare be of the opinion that heaven hath not more Stars then France Nobles You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit This I think I may safely affirme and without Hyperbole that they have there as many Princes as we in England have Dukes as many Dukes as we Earls as many Earls as we Barons and as many Barons as we have Knights a jolly company and such as know their own strength too I cannot therefore but much marvell that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours considering this that every Noble man he createth is so great a weakning to his power On the other side I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation who have murmured against our late Soveraign and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness in bestowing the dignities of his Realm with so full and liberall a hand Certainly could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State I could have been as impatient of it as another But with us titles and ennoblings in this kind are only either the Kings favour or the parties merit and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them rather reverenced then powerfull Raro eorum honoribus invidetur quorum
vis non timetur was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus and may for ought I know be as good still Why should I envie any man that honour which taketh not from my safety or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency when that favour cannot make them exorbitant Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies and the glory of the Kingdome when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar Add to this the few Noble men of any title which he â—…ound at his hâ—…ppy coâ—…ing in amongst us and the additiâ—…s oâ—… power which his comming brought unto us and we shall â—…de it proportionable that he should enlarge our Nobiliâ—…y with our Empire neither yâ—…t have we indeed a number to be talked of comparing us with our neighbour 〈◊〉 We may sâ—…e all of the three first ranks in the books of Milâ—…s Brooke and Vincent and we are promised also a 〈◊〉 of the Creations and successions of all our Barons Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited Wâ—…e this care takâ—…n by the Heralds in France perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse sure I am not so consused But this is the main vice of that profession oâ—… six Heralds which they have amongst them viz. Montjoy Normandy 〈◊〉 Val ys Bretagne and Burgogne not one of them is repoâ—…ed to be a Genealogist neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families all ancient and of the bloud in which he hath excellently well discharged himself But whâ—…t a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude The Nobles being so populous it cannot be but the Noblesse as they call them that is the Gentry must needs be thick set and only not innumerable Of these Nobles there are some which hold theiâ—… estates immediately of the Crown and they have the like immunities with the Princes Some hold their Feâ—…es or feuda of some other of the Lords and he hath only Basse Justice permittâ—…d to him as to mulct and amerce his Tenants to imprison them or give them any other correction under death All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents to Tax his Subjects on occasion and to prohibit them such pleasures as they think fit to be reserved for themselves By Brettaul in Piâ—…ardy I saw a post fastned in the ground like a race-post with us and therein an inscription I presently made to it as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten but when I came at it I â—…und it to be nothing but a Dâ—claration of the Prince of Condes pleasure that no man should hunt in those quarters afterwards I observed them to be very frequent But not to wander through all particulars I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here The first is Proict de bailli age power to keep Assize or to have under him a Bailli and a Superiour seat of Justice for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons Robberies Murders Protections Pardons Faires Markets and other matters of priviledge Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice for the dâ—cision of smaller businesse as Debts Trespasses breach of the Kings peace and the like In this the purse is only emptied the other extendeth to the taking of life also for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feife hath also his peculiar Gibbet nay which is wonderfully methodicall by the criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars that of the Chastellan three the Barons four the Earls six the Dukes eight and yet this difference is rather precise then generall The last of their jura râ—galia which I will here speak of is the command they have upon their people to follow them unto the wars a command not so advantagious to the Lord as dangerous to the Kingdom Thus live the French Princes thus the Nobles Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them they do not sheer but fleece and which is worse then this having themselves taken away the Wooll they give up the naked carkasse to the King Tondi oves meas volo non deglubi was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius but it is not currant here in France Here the Lords and the King though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves will be sure to agree in this the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant Ephraim against Manasseh and Manasseh against Ephraim but both against Judah saith the Scripture The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons is as they pretend the safety of the State and their owne particulars Were the people once warmed with the feeling of case and their own riches they would presently be hearkning after the warres and if no imployment were proffered abroad they would make some at home Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind it being impossible for this hot-headed and hare-brained people not to be doing Si extraneus deest domi hostem quaerunt as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards a prety quality and for which they have often smarted CHAP. V. The base and loâ—… estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The French forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No Demaine in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant or Countreymen of whom we will not now speak as subjects to their Lords and how far they are under their commandment but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse or an outside of that nature As for Cloth it is above their purse
equally and their ambitiâ—…n iâ—… they can aspire unto Fustian they are as happy as â—…heir wishes and he that is so arrayed will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish even unto that of the Church-waâ—…den When they go to plough or to the Church they have shooes and stockins at other times they make bold with nature and wear their skins Hâ—…ts they will not want though their bellies pinch for it and that you may be sure they have them they will alwayes keep them on their heads the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune that ever I met with and which already hath had my blessing As for the women they know in what degree nature hath created them and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives which they wear every day for indeed they are very durable The goodnesse of their faces tell us that they have no need of a band therefore they use none And as concerning Petticoats so it is that all of them have such a garment but most of them so short that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures and that commonly is till the rottennâ—…e of them will save the labour of undressing they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children Search into their houses and you shall finde them very wretched destitute as well of furniture as provision No Butter salted up against Winter no powdring tub no Pullein in the Rick-barten no flesh in the pot or at the spit and which is worst no money to buy them The defcription of the poor aged couple Philemon and Baucâ—… in the eight book of the Metamorphosis is a perfect character of the French Paisant in his house-keeping though I cannot affirme that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them they should have so hearty an entertainment for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacâ—…a Minervae Intybaque radix lactis massa coacti Ovaque non aâ—…i leviter versata favilla Prunaque in patulis redolentia mala canistris Hic nux hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis Eâ—… de purpureis collectae vitibusâ—…vae Omnia fictilibus nitide They on the table set Minerva's fruit The double-colour'd Olive Endive-root Radish and Cheese and to the board there came A dish of Egges rear-roasted by the flame Next they had Nuts course Dates and Leâ—… figs And Apples from a basket made of twigs And Plumâ—… and Graps cut newly from the tree All serv'd in earthen dishes Housewifely But you must not look for this cheer often At Wakes or Feasts dayes you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty but at other times Olus omnepatella the best provision they can shew you is a piece of Bâ—…con wherewith they fatten their pottage and now and then the inwards of Beasts killed for the Gentlemen But of all miseries this me thinketh is the greatest that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do they should not yet be so fortunate as to eat white bread or drink wine for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords and such innumerable taxes to the King that the profits arising out of those commodities are only sufficient to pay their duties and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine The bread then which they eat is of the courseft flowre and so black that it cannot admit the name of brown And as for their drink they have recourse to the next Fountain A people of any the most unfortunate not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell This man planted a Vâ—…eyard and doth not drink of the fruit thereof Nec prosunt domino quae prosunt omnibus artes Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable if there were but hopes left to them of a better if they could but compasse certainty that a painâ—…ull drudging and a thrifty saving would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage In this questionlesse they are intirely miserable in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes and dare not labour nor expect an alteration If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high that he is but 40 s. or 5 l. richer then his neighbour his Lord immediately enhaunceth his Rents and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches by which means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest A strange course and much different from that of England where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy On the other side those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes who laying hands upon all he met cast them upon his bed if they were shorter then it he racked their joynts till he â—…ad made them even to it if they were longer he cut as much of their bodies from them as did hang over so keeping all that sell into his power in an equality All the French Lords are like that Tyrant How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war and the examples of other Countries For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot or aâ—… the Martialists term it the Infanâ—…ery Now to make a good Infantery it requireth that men be brought up not in a slâ—…vish and needy fashion of life but in some free and liberall manner Therefore it is well observed by the Vicounâ—… St. Albans in his History of Henry VII that iâ—… a State run most to Nobles and Gentry and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges or else simply Cottagers that that State may have a good Cavallery but never good stable bands of foot Like to Coppice woods in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles they run to bushes or bryers and have little clean under-wood Neither is this in France only but in Italy also and some other parts abroad in so much that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their â—…attalions of foot whereby it cometh to passe that in those Countries they have much people and few men On this consideration King Henry VII one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome for the increase of the military power of his Realm that though it be much lesse in territory yet it should have
infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces then its neighbour Nations For in the fourth year of his Reign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars The Act was That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up for together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them c. By this means the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a dweller and that dweller becaâ—…se of the proportion of Land not to be a begger but a man of some substancâ—… able to keep Hinds and Servants and to set the plough a going An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury and by consequence to prepare them for service and encourage them to higher honours for Haud facile emergent quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi As the Poet hath it But this O dinance is not thought oâ—… such use in France where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them As sor the French foot they are quite out of all reputation and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world Besides should the French people be enfranchised as it were from the tyranny of their Lords and estated in freeholds and other tenures after the manner of England it would much trouble the Councell of Fraâ—…ce to find out a new way of raising his revenues which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject Antiâ—…ntly the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty without being burden some unto the Countrey Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse and the tedious Civill wars which have lasted in this Countrey almost ever fince the death of Henâ—…y II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged in so much that the people are now become the Demaine and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed and the Souldier paid and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them it is almost a point of treason not only to deny but to question Apud illos vere regnatur nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare as one of them The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks and yet have no straw allowed them Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people Sir John Fortescue Chancellour of England in his book intituled De Laudibus legum Angliae concludeth them to be un fit men for Jurors or Judges 〈◊〉 the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals For having proved there unto the Prince he was son to Henry VI. that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law by 12 Juâ—…ates was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lâ—…wes by the deposition only of two wiâ—…esses or the forced confession of the persons arrained the Prince seemed to 〈◊〉 Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam fâ—…ugi optabilis est non sit toti mundo câ—…mmunis To this he maketh answer by shewing the â—…ree condition of the English Subjects who alone are used at these indictments men of a fair and large estate such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed men that are of ingenuous education such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted and afraid of infamie Then he sheweâ—…h how in other places all things are contrary the Husbandman an absolute begger easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty the Gentlemen living far asunder and so taking no notice of the fact the Paisant also neither fearing infamie nor the losse of goods if he be found faulty because he hath them not In the end he concludeth thus Ne mireris igitur princeps si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiâ—…itur alias non pervagetur nationes ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas The last part of the latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyâ—…r the word Juratas being put there to fignifie a Jury To go over all those impositions which this miserable people are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I will therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto fix Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were veâ—…y advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 1581. being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out to others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay-salt and imposed on the
Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bâ—…shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Quercu Xaintogne and the County of Boulonnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady 〈◊〉 Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Boviâ—…on The Bretâ—…gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Beâ—…ides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictoâ—… and 〈◊〉 have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—…gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the 〈◊〉 the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish peopâ—…e very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Bisâ—…anes liberty and spirit from whom they are descended Le droict de foâ—…age the priviledge of levying a certain piecâ—… of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long â—…nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldâ—…rs to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Tailâ—…e or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being â—…reed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being fain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Câ—…m privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis 〈◊〉 quae non semelaut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir Fortesâ—…ueâ—…bserved â—…bserved in his time To redresse this mischief King Heâ—…ry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancaâ—…te comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sâ—…ts and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX annâ—… 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—…e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of
full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palsie Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie O were the same As dear to you as me that very word Would make you dance and caper over board Dull shipmen how they move not how their houses Grow to the planks yet stay here 's sport enough For see the sea Nymphs foot it and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish Triton doth sound his shell and to delight me Old Nereus bobleth with his Amphitrite Excellent triumphs But curs'd fates the main Quickly divides and takes them in again And leaves me dying till I come to land And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand Hail happy England hail thou sweetest Isle Within whose bounds no Paganrites defile The purer faith Christ is by Saints not mated And â—…e alone is worship'd that created In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth Not subject to his Lords rape or the stealth Of hungry Publicans In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling But is himself and by his awfull word Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake Such as outgo report and make same see They stand above her big'st Hyperbole And yet to strangers will not grutch the blisse Of salutation and an harmelesse kisse Hail then sweet England may I breath my last In thy lov'd armes and when my dayes are past And to the silence of the grave I must All I desire is thou wouldst keep my dust The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey THE SECOND JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey With the ISLES appending According to their Politie and Formes of Government both Ecclesiasticall and Civill THE SIXTH BOOK LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey c. The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this Work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our Voyage with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre WHen fiâ—…st I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship I resolved also to do somewhat for my self and iâ—… possible unto the places For my self in bettering what I could my understanding if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing to which I was a stranger At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity as being not a little emulous of this kind of living Multorum mores hominum qui vidit urbes which had seen so much of men and of their manners It was also not the last part of mine intention to do something in the honour of the Island by committing to memory their Antiquities by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government by representing as in a Tablet the choycest of their beauties and in a word by reducing these and the Achievements of the people as far as the light of Authors could direct me into the body of an History But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble The Churches naked of all Monuments and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window for fear as I conjecture of Idolatry No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends in their remembrancers whereby to ennoble them in time to come unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles The Countrey indeed exceeding pleasant and delight some but yet so small in the extent and circuit that to speak much of them were to put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant For being in themselves an abridgement only of the greater works of nature how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume Having thus failed in the most of my designes I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government in which I must needs confesse I met with much which did exceedingly affect me Their Lawes little beholding in the composition of them to Justinian and of no great affinity with the laws of England which we call Municipall or common The grand Customarie oâ— Normandy is of most credit with them and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince for the conveniency of this people Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli bâ—…ves But what had I a Priest of the Church of England to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans Had I gone forward in my purpose I deny not but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws amongst other my Collections but failing in the main of my intent I must only make such use of them as shall be necessary for this present argument An Argument not fo much as in my thoughts when fiâ—…st I resolved upon the Journey as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands or that those alterations could afford one such variety An Argument more sutable to my profession as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England your most indulgent and in you most happy mother No marvail therefore if those little Chappels even those two Tribes and a half which are on the other side of the flood most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet and by me â—…ay open their estate unto you Which that I may the better do in discharge of the trust reposed in me and for your Lordships more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following First I shall lay before your Lordship the full successe and course of our Navigation till we were setled in those Islands that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall may receive no interruption in the processe of it Next I shall briefly as in a map present your Lordship with the situation quality and story of the Islands with somewhat also of their Customes of their Government but this as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires in ordine tantum ad spiritualia the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their
thus fortified if not for the safety of the Island yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever sailed upon the Ocean fenced from the â—…ury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey Jet-how Serke and Arvie by which it is almost encompassed and of so sure an anchorage that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour Other Havens they have about the Island viz. Bazon L' Aucresse Fermines and others but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people A place not to be neglected in the defence of it and full of danger to the English State and Trafick were it in the hands of any enemy Upon the notable advantage of this harbour and the conveniency of the Peer so neer unto it which is also warranted with six peece of good Canon from the Town it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St. Malos and the Islands as thosâ—… of Jarsey but are Masters of good stout Barks and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom The principall commodity which they use to send abroad are the works and labours of the poorer sort as Wast-cotes Stockins and other manufactures made of wool wherein they are exceeding cunning of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes But there accreweth a further benefit unto this people from their harbour then their own trafick which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither especially upon the noise or being of a War For by an antient priviledge of the Kings of England there is with them in a manner a continuall truce and lawfull it is both for French men and for others how hot soever the war be followed in other parts to repair hither without danger and here to trade in all security A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IV. the 10 year as I remember of his Popedom Edward IV. then reigning in England and Lewis XI over the French by virtue of which Bull all those stand ipso facto excommunicate which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guernzey or any which resort unto their Island either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever A Bull fiâ—…st published in the City of Constance unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day The copy of this Bull my self have seen and somewhat also in the practise of it on record by which it doth appear that a man of war of France having taken an English ship and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey made prize and prisoners of the English but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own And now at last after a long passage and through many difficulties we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey known in the former ages and to Antonine the Emperor by the name of Cesarea An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square which the Geometricians call Oblongum the length of it from West to East 11 miles the breadth 6 and upwards the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest which they call Les Settembers The soil sufficiently fertile in it self but most curiously manured and of a plentiâ—…ull increase unto the Barn not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island but sometimes also an ample surplusage which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks under which lie pleasant Vallies and those plentifully watered with dainty Rils or Riverets in which watery commodity it hath questionlesse the precedency of Guernzey Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure every man in each of them having somewhat to live on of his own Only the difference is that here the mounds are made with ditches banks of earth cast up well 〈◊〉 and planted with several sorts of apples out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider which is their ordinary drink whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones about the height and fashion of a Parapet A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances and shall be forced to pay deerly for every â—…oot of ground which there he purchaseth For other strengths this Island is in part beholding unto Nature and somewhat also unto Art To Nature which hath guarded it with Rocks and Shelves and other shallow places very dangerous but neither these nor those of Art so serviceable and full of safety as they be in Guernzey Besides the landing places here are more and more accessible as namely the Bay of St. Owen and the Havens of St. Burlade Boule St. Katharines with divers others There is indeed one of them and that the principall sufficiently assured on the one side by a little Blockhouse which they call Mount St. Aubin and on the other by a fair Castle called the Fort Elizabeth The Harbour it self is of a good capacity in figure like a semicircle or a crescent and by reason of the Town adjoyning known by the name of the Haven of St. Hilaries On that side of it next the Town and in a little Islet of it self is situate the Castle environed with the Sea at high water but at an ebb easily accessible by land but yet so naturally defended with sharpe Rocks and craggy clistes that though the accesse unto it may be easie yet the surprizall would be difficult It was built not long since by our late Queen of famous memory at such times as the Civill warres were hot in France about Religion and the Kings Forces drawn downwards towards Normandy Furnished with 30 pieces of Ordinance and upwards and now upon the preparations of the French there are some new works begun about it for the assurance of that well On the East side just opposite and in the view of the City of Constantia there is seated on an high and craggy rock a most strong Castle and called by an haughty name Mount Orgueil of whose founder I could learn nothing nor any other thing which might concern it in matter of antiquity save that it was repaired
faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and wiâ—…hall to hold his vâ—…ations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the liâ—…le Isâ—… of Lehu of which in the laâ—… Chapter and when the â—…ouses of Reâ—…gion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tiâ—… I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure diffeâ—…ent from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or 〈◊〉 The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tiâ—…hes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body liâ—…nced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tiâ—…hes rather were called Appropriated to digresse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annats there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowes not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disme or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Co. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman 〈◊〉 who had taken such a speciall survey of his nâ—…w 〈◊〉 that there was not one hide of Land in all the Râ—…alme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures â—…nnes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmâ—…s and Tâ—…nements were in 〈◊〉 shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomesdâ—…y bâ—…ok aâ—… that as some suppose because the judgemâ—…nt aâ—…d 〈◊〉 of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta suerit 〈◊〉 de â—…is rebus quae 〈◊〉 continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 nâ—…n poteâ—… vel impune declinari so mine Authour O hers conceive it to be corruptly called the â—…ook of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the 〈◊〉 laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his 〈◊〉 es Exchequer not to be lookâ—…ed into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a 〈◊〉 Tanta est authoritas vetustatis So grâ—…at respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Pâ—…iories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the supâ—…rstition of their Patâ—…ons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islâ—…ds were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the 〈◊〉 of some greater Abby or Monastâ—…ry in France In this condition they continued â—…ill the beginning of the Râ—…ign of Kinâ—… Henâ—… the V. who purposing a war agaiâ—…st the French thâ—…ught fit â—…o cut of all â—…lpes and succours as they had â—…om England at that time â—…ull of Priors Aliens and strangers posseâ—…d of Beneficâ—…s To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aâ—…ns and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm exceâ—…pt only Priors Conventuals such as have instiâ—uâ—ion and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Vergil ad Reip. commodum 〈◊〉 est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullus Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3. Hen. 5. cap 3. By this means the Priors Aâ—…ens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islâ—nds and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 2â—… l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Proirs of any Monastery
d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage To the Dean 3 s For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations To the Dean 2 d. ob To the Notary 1 d. qa To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. qa For absolution from the minor excommunication To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob To the Apparitor 2 d. ob For absolution from thâ—… major excommunication To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d ob To 〈◊〉 Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers and for the authentick writing To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors oâ—… the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors nor any of his officers either directly or indirectly shall demand exact or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle any other fees or duties then such as are specified in the table above written And it is further ordained that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle on any causes and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be forthwith abrogated to the end that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean or any of his successors in the times to come contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate Given as before said under our signet at our Court at Greenwich on the last day of June in the year of our Reign of England France and Ireland the one and twentieth and of Scotland the six and fiftieth CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration My scope and project to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attainâ—…d to with his Majesty in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it â—…ormerly was guided and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England Bâ—…e I enter on with argument I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Mâ—…jesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island not in both and being resolved to try his forces on the one only why he should rather fort out Jarâ—…ey A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared For had his Majesty attempted both at once the Ministers of bâ—…th Islands had then communicated counsels banded themselves in a league and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire Divide impera and well noted by the State-hâ—…storian that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger Ita dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur And on the other side his Majesty foresaw for certain that if one Island once were taken off the other might with greater ease be perswâ—…d to conforme Being resolved then to attempt them single there was good reason why he should begin with jaâ—…ey first as unto which he was to send a new Governour not yet â—…ged unto a party and pliable to his instructions Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Platforme could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels But not to lose my self in the search of Princes counsels which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes let us content our selves with knowing the event which was that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England and thereby an easie way for the reforming also that in Guernzey For the accomplishment of which designe may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following by which it is within my hopes your Lordship possibly may be perswaded to deal in it A Jove principium And here as in a Christian duty I am bound I propose unto your Lordship in the first place the honour which will 〈◊〉 unto the Lord in this particular by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest 〈◊〉 of his Church which you 〈◊〉 your â—…lt to be most 〈◊〉 to his holy word and to the practice of those blessed spirits the 〈◊〉 For why may not I say unto your Lordship as Mardâ—…aeus once to Hester though the case be somewhat different Who 〈◊〉 whether you be câ—…me unto these dignities for such a time as this And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment That unto wâ—…m so much is given of him also shall much be required Private exployts and undertakings are expected even from private persons But God hath raised up you to publick honours and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in publick And certainly if as I verily perswade my self your counsels tend unto the peace
Col. and on Wednesday March the 11. went unto St. Oen where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed and not unpractised in their Armes but such as never saw more danger then a Training came to On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall attended by Sir John Palâ—…r the Deputy Governour Sir Philip de Carteret the Justices Clergy and Jurors of the Island with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging where being set as in a Parliament or Sessions and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men Money Armes and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen Officers and common Souldiers who were resolved to expose themselves for defence of them their Wives and Children to the utmost dangers And finally advising the common Souldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation This said the Assembly was dissolved to the great satisfaction of all parties present the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town and now exposed to open sale were for the most part bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre whom they had hired to be their Convoy Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people that of all men living I should never desire to have any thing to do with them unlesse they might be made use of as the Gibeonites were in hewing wood and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under On Saturday March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Flâ—…t which found better imployment in the Seas then they could in the Haven we went aboard the Merchants ship which before I spake of not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships were all stowed in her Before night being met by the rest of our Fleet we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet where we presently landed The Castle divided from the Town and Haven by the inter-currency of the Sea in which respect we were fain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises On Monday March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe taking the Charles with them for their greater strength which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts and Ports and other places of importance taking a view of the severall Musters of the naturall Islanders distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters receiving the services of the Gentry Clergy and principall Citizens and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island as had before been held in Jarsey Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday March 25 which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration celebrated in the Castle by the Divine Service for that day and after by a noble â—…east made by him for the chief men of the Island and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot made from the Castle the Fleet the Town of St. Peters Port and the severall Islands all following one another in so good an order that never Bels were rung more closely nor with lesse confusion Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage I shall next present you with the sight of such observations as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure and that being done hoise sail for England CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney 4 and Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lehu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of Justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey TO begin then with the places themselves the Scene and Stage of our discourse they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy unto which Dukedome they did once belong Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert these Islands as a part of Normandy were annext unto the English Crown and have ever since with great testimony of â—…aith and loyalty continued in that subjection The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France agâ—…st King John nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces could be no â—…swasion unto them to change their Masters Nay when the French had twice seized on them during
the Reign of that unhappy Prince and the state of England was embroyled at home the people valiantly made good their own and faithfully returned unto their first obedience In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy and sometimes also were attempted by them but with ill successe And certainly it could not be but an eye sore to the French to have these Isles within their sight and not within their power to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English a Nation strong in shipping and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade For if we look upon them in their situation we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern parâ—…s unto the West and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine the only trafick of the Normans and Parisians At this St. Malos as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation as not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage if the French hereafter stir against us Sure I am that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell that a squadron of eight Ships viz five of the Whelpes the Assurance the Adventure and the Catch might be employed about these Islands for that purpose An advice which had this Summer took effect had not the Peace between both Realms been so suddenly concluded Of these four only are inhabited and those reduced only unto two Governments Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self but that of Guernzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it Hence it is that in our Histories and in our Acts of Parliament we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey this last comprehending under it the two other The people of them all live as it were-in libera custodia in a kind of free subjection not any way acquainted with Taxes or with any levies either of men or money In so much that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes there is alwayes a proviso in the Act That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey or any of them of for or concerning any Mannors Lands and Tenements or other possessions Goods Chattels or other moveable substance which they the said Inhabitants or any other to their uses have within Jarsey and Guernzey or in any of them c. These priviledges and immunities together with divers others seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion have been a principall occasion of that constancy wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France For howsoever the language which they speak is French and that in their originall they either were of Normandy or Britagne yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French but call themselves by the names of English-Normans So much doth liberty or at the worst a gentle yoak prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people To proceed unto particulars we will take them as they lie in order beginning first with that of Alderney an Island called by Antonine Arica but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 52 minutes of that degree just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii called at this time by the Mariners the Hague Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England The aire healthy though some imes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and grasing A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families and not far off an haven made in the manner of a semicircle which they call Crabbie The principall strength of it are the high rocks with which it is on every side environed but especially upon the South and on the East side an old Block-house which time hath made almost unserviceable The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain then Governour of Guernzey by whose valour it was recovered from the French who in Queen Maries dayes had seized upon it Neer unto the Fort or Block-house afore mentioned a great quantity of this little Island is overlâ—…id with sand driven thither by the fury of the Northwest-winde If we believe their Legends it proceeded from the just judgement of God upon the owner of those grounds who once but when I know not had made booty and put unto the Sword some certain Spaniards there shipwracked Four leagues from hence and to the Southwest and by west lyeth another of the smaller Islands called Serke six miles in circuit at the least which yet is two miles lesser in the whole compasse then that of Alderney An Isle not known at all by any name amongst the Antients and no marvail for till the fifth of Qâ—…een Elizabeth or thereabouts it was not peopled But then it pleased her Majesty to grant it for ever in Fee farme to Helier de Carteret vulgarly called Seigneur de St. Oen a principall Gentleman of the Isle of Jarsey and Grandfather to Sir Philip de Carteret now living By him it was divided into severall estates and leased out unto divers Tenants collected from the neighbour Islands so that at this day it may contain some forty housholds whereas before it contained only a poor hermitage together with a little Chappell appertaining to it the rest of the ground serving as a Common unto those of Guernzey for the breeding of their Cattell For strength it is beholding most to nature who hath walled it in a manner round with mighty rocks there being but one way or ascent unto it and that with small forces easie to be defended against â—…he strongest power in Christendome A passage lately fortified by the Farmers here with a new platforme on the top of it and thereupon some four pieces of Ordinance continually mounted In this Island as also in the other there is a Bailiff and a Minister but both of them subordinate in matter of