Campagnes and Voyages Battles and Sieges with the Olive-branch of a Happy and Honourable Peace in his Hand and the Lord-Mayor and Citizens of London had made it their particular Request to receive His Majesty publickly to express thereby their Affection Duty and Gratitude upon such an Occasion in a manner suitable to the Wealth and Grandeur of that Famous and Renowned City in the Particulars of which Magnificent Reception 't is not my Business to enter at present as belonging properly to the History of England I shall only add that His Majesty receiv'd afterwards Congratulatory Addresses from all Parts of his Dominions for his safe Return after having Happily terminated a most Obstinate and Expensive War carried on for so many Years by our late Enemies chiefly and on purpose to bereave him of a Throne he fills with so much Fame and Renown and to deprive us of his most Just and Equitable Government and of what has a necessary Dependence upon it all that can be Dear and Precious to a People our Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties These are Exploits which require the utmost Gratitude of all True Patriots and Lovers of their Religion and Country which can do no less than express it self in hearty Prayers to the King of Kings that he would Bless His Majesty with a Long Happy and Prosperous Reign over us as a Just Reward of so many Glorious Atchievements for our Safety and Preservation All this while the French were not yet ready to Evacuate any of the Places they were oblig'd to restore to the King of Spain by the late Treaty of Ryswick being first by vertue of it to carry away all their own Artillery Ammunitions Provisions and Stores and leave behind them the Artillery and quantity of Stores they found in these places at the taking of them 'T is true the Evacuating of these Towns requir'd some time upon this account but 't is very probable that the French delay'd the fulfilling of this Article purposely till they saw what Success the Treaty they had Sign'd on the 22th of October with the Empire should have at Ratisbone where 't was likely to meet with a considerable Opposition from the Protestant Princes in the Ratification for if the Treaty instead of being Ratified there had been declar'd Illegal and Derogatory to the Treaty of Westphalia and to the Articles provided therein in behalf of the Protestant Religion it would not have been very convenient for the French King's Affairs that Luxembourg and other places to be restor'd by the Treaty of the Tenth of September should be in the King of Spain's hands The Plenipotentiaries of the Protestant Princes having refus'd to Sign the Treaty between the Empire and France on the 22th of October had still some Conferences with those of France to find a temper for the fourth Article so as they might Sign joyntly with the rest of the Empire but they were all to no purpose England and Holland had bor'n the Burden of a long and very Expensive War and their Trade and Commerce the very Springs of all their Wealth had been considerably impaird and therefore were not able to meddle at present in that Affair and vindicate the Interest of the Protestant Religion in Germany against these Incroachments upon it so contrary to the Westphalian Treaty so that the Protestant Princes wanting Power for this Reason to maintain and carry on their Opposition against the Treaty lately concluded between the Empire and France the Ratification was Sign'd in the Imperial Dyet at Ratisbone without any Alteration to the Fourth Article by which the Popish Religion is to continue in several Towns and Places of the Palatinate according as it was Establish'd by the French King whilst in his Possession where before the War were none but Protestant Churches to the great Oppression of the Protestants and the Violation of the Treaty of Munster in their behalf and France has gain'd this Advantage over the Empire as to Sow the Seeds of such Divisions in this Treaty between the Protestant and Popish States as may in time be very Fatal to Germany and increase very much the Greatness and Power of the Most-Christian Kings which for several Years last past has been found so Prejudicial to the Peace and Quiet of Europe The Treaty between France and the Empire being Ratified within the Term prefix'd in the Articles it was thereupon exchang'd at Ryswick the beginning of December and the French having secur'd this Point restor'd immediately after the Towns of Mons At h Charleroy and Courtray in the Low-Countries and Barcelona Gironne Roses and Belver in Catalonia to the Spaniards but they did not quit the Dutchy of Luxembourg till the Month of January following when la Roche and Arlon little Fortresses upon the Frontier towards the Pays de Liege were deliver'd up to Spanish Garrisons on the 17th and the 19th they took Possession of the Town of Luxembourg whereof the Count d'Autel General of the Palatine Troops had been appointed Governour by the King of Spain through the Queen's Interest being the Elector Palatine's Sister By this time all or most of His Majesty's National Forces Horse and Foot had left Flanders and were pass'd the Seas and got over into England Scotland or Ireland except six Scots Regiments of Foot which the States have taken into their Pay and Service being those of Lauder Murray Walter Collier Ferguson Strathnaver and George Hamilton and the three French Battallions of Refugies of la Meloniere Belcastel and Marton My Lord Gallway's Horse and the Marquis de Mirmont's Dragoons which are still kept in His Majesty's Service in Flanders And the French were then working to demolish the Works on the Rhine and elsewhere which are to be Raz'd by the Treaty and to evacuate those which they are to restore to the Empire but as yet have not perform'd it however we need not doubt but they will and News are daily expected of their having begun with Philipsbourg and deliver'd it up to an Imperial Garrison but these Affairs do not come directly within the compass of this History and therefore I need not speak any more about them lest that should swell this Account to too great a Bulk which is long enough already and longer than I would have made it if it could have been done conveniently without omitting some Material Passages I have no more to add but some few short Reflexions upon the Peace lately agreed upon at Ryswick which brings this History to a most happy Period and to it s wish'd for Conclusion the Negociations whereof have been carried on with more Calmness Tranquility and Expedition than any General Treaty we can read of before notwithstanding several Occasions which have offer'd themselves seasonably enough to take hold of them thereby to disturb or prolong this great Work We have seen the King of Sweden Charles the Eleventh who by his Mediation had so wisely manag'd Affairs as to bring the Plenipotentiaries of the
Religion they knew very well that if England and Holland had been left ingag'd in a War with the French King all the advantages he would have had by it would onely have made more firm and lasting Fetters for themselves and 't is therefore probable that the Emperour and King of Spain joyn'd in this Peace of Italy at the Popes most earnest Sollicitations who though his Mediation signified little on the other side of the Alpes yet was very desirous of seeing Peace at his own doors and us'd consequently all his Industry and Interest to bring it about And if such were the vain and groundless hopes of the Popish Bigots abroad our Jacobites were no less elevated at home upon this separate Treaty of Savoy and the consequent Treaty for the Peace of Italy they could imagine no less than that the French King would force every one of the Allies in the Continent of Europe one after another to make up an accommodation and thus that nothing would remain for him but to deal with England and bend all his Forces upon it for the reestablishment of the late King But they both have been very much deceiv'd in the event which does now convince the World that the French King aim'd particularly at coming by this means the sooner to a General Peace with all the Allyes and to have so much the better Terms for himself And indeed at that very time that these things were Transacting in Italy so much to the prejudice of the General Interest of the Allyes the French King had an Agent in Holland to make overtures of a General Peace and the Duke of Savoy made use of this very pretext to excuse the Treaty he had made apart with France in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenbourgh he was jealous or rather pretended to be so of the States having receiv'd an Agent from France to treat with them and therefore he thought that he might very well treat for himself Monsieur de Callieres as we have said it in our precedent History had come to Holland with a passe from the States at the very opening of the Campagne and resided privately at Delft the whole Summer to negotiate Affairs with some of the States Ministers in order to come to a General Treaty this occasion'd so many Journeys which Monsieur Dyckvelt made between Holland and the Camp in Brabant to give an account to the King and receive His Majesty's instructions But whether the uncertain state of the King of Spain's Health who had a most dangerous fit of sickness the latter end of the Summer made the French delay and spin away time in their Offers or that the Imperialists and Spaniards were unwilling to hear of reducing things no farther than the Treaty of Nimeguen the King of Swedens Mediation was not accepted in due Form by the French King and the Congress of the Allies at the Hague till the Campagne was over or rather till the beginning of the Winter upon which the Baron de Lillienroot the Swedish Minister at the Hague receiv'd full powers from Stockholme to manage the Mediatour's part in the Congress that should be held for the concluding of a General Peace between France and the Allies Things being brought thus far towards a Treaty the several Princes concern'd begun to appoint Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries for it of which I shall onely mention the Principal On the Emperours side were nam'd the Count de Caunitz his Ambassadour and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague Count Straatman and the Baron de Zeilern On his Majesty of Great Britains the Earl of Pembrook my Lord Viscount Villiers now E. of Jersey His Majesty's Ambassador to the States and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and Sir Jos Williamson to whom was joyn'd afterwards in Commission as third Plenipotentiary Ambassador my L. Lexinton His Majesties Ambassador at Vienna as 't were provisionally for during the whole Congress he did not leave the Imperial Court. On the French Kings behalf were nam'd M. de Harlay Boneuil Monsieur de Courtin who not being able to attend upon this great imployment by reason of his great age and a blindness that seiz'd him immediately after his Nomination Count de Crecy Verjus was appointed in his stead as second and the third Monsieur de Calliere before hand in Holland as his Most Christian Majesty's Agent to make the Overtures of a Treaty On the behalf of Spain were nam'd Don Barnardo de Quiros the King of Spain's Ambassadour to the States General and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and the Count de Tirimont to whom the Elector of Bavaria joyn'd the Baron de Preylmeyer to take care of his own particular Interest For the States General were nam'd Messieurs Boreel Dyckvelt and Van Haren all these had the Character of Ambassadours Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries as well as the Mediatour The rest I shall leave to those who write particularly the Account of the Negotiations of this Peace to account for After the accepting the Mediation of Sweden and the naming of Plenipotentiary Ambassadours by the Chief Powers concern'd Monsieur de Callieres who hitherto had kept up very privately in Holland and mostly at Delft took upon him the publick Character of the French Kings Minister and had very frequent Conferences with the Ministers of the States in the presence of the Mediatour or particularly among themselves to settle the Preliminaries in order to come to a place of Treaty Monsieur d'Avaux the French Ambassadour at Stockholm had made several offers to the Court of Sweden in order to open the way to a General Treaty by the Mediation of that Crown not onely during the Campagne of 1696. but also in the Winter 1694. which the Allies pretended to have been more advantagious than those given by Monsieur de Callieres at the Hague This created some contest about settling the Preliminaries and therefore retarded that Business for some time however the French Court having insisted upon Monsieur de Callieres offers as the onely authentick ones the Preliminaries were at last agreed upon and sign'd by the Mediatour in presence of Monsieur de Callieres and Messieurs Boreel and Dyckvelt the 31th of January old Style of which this was the Substance Monsieur de Callieres having communicated his full power from the French King for this purpose to the Mediatour did declare in the French King his Masters Name that in order to a General Treaty of Peace his Most Christian Majesty Consented and Agreed 1. That the Treaties of Westphalia and Nimoguen should be the Basis and Foundation of the Treaty to be made with the Allies 2. To Restore to the Empire the Town of Strasbourg in the Condition it was when taken by his Majesty 3. To Restore to the King of Spain the Town of Luxembourgh in the state 't is now in 4. The Towns of Mons and Charloroy as they are at present
5. All places in Catalonia in the Kings possession which have been taken since the Treaty of Nimeguen in the state they were when taken 6. To the Bishop of Liege the Town and Castle of Dinant in the state they were at the taking of them 7. All the Reunions made since the Peace of Nimeguen 8. Lorrain according to the Conditions of the said Treaty Monsieur de Callieres having made the said declaration to the Mediatour in the presence of Monsieur Dyckvelt they went afterwards to the Sieur Boreels House who because of his indisposition could not come to the Mediatours as it had been agreed and the Mediatour having follow'd them thither Messieurs Dyckvelt and Boreel did signifie to him in Monsieur de Callieres presence that they had agreed that upon the Conclusion and Signing of the Peace the Most Christian King should Recognize the Prince of Orange for King of Great Britain without any Difficulty Restriction Condition or Reserve which Monsieur de Callieres confirm'd to the Mediatour in the name of his Most Christian Majesty all which was accordingly Enter'd and Sign'd by the Mediatour in his * A Signing Book kept by the Mediatour Protocol the 31th January 10th February 1697. Most people especially those who are Well-wishers to the Kings Person and Government expected that His Majesty should have been acknowledg'd by the French for King of Great Britain in the Preliminaries as a necessary step without which no General Treaty could be thought of wherein His Majesties Ambassadours should not be receiv'd by the French as Ambassadours from the King of Great Britain but the French Court would not yield to this Point because if the Treaty should break off yet the King would gain thereby the onely difficulty that was to be regulated between England and France the other difficulties being but inconsiderable and easily accommodated and therefore offer'd that it was sufficient seeing the case was so that His Majesty should be acknowledgd for King of Great Britain at the Conclusion and Signing of the Treaty His Majesty preferring the Peace and Quiet of Europe to what at the bottom was but a meer Formality Consented that the Negotiations should be manag'd this way being satisfied with the Guaranty of Sweden upon this point in the Preliminaries And notwithstanding that the French King did not acknowledge His Majesty till the Signing of the Peace yet the whole Treaty was so manag'd at Ryswick that our Ambassadours and Plenipotentiaries met with nothing that might derogate in the least from the Honour due to Ministers of that Character from the Crown of England However his Majesties Domestick Enemies had some hopes upon this account and they thought themselves in no ill Condition by it As for the Imperial Minister the Count de Caunitz he was not present at the Signing of the Preliminaries because the French allow'd no other Conditions in them for the Duke of Lorrain but those of Nimeguen which had been protested against in due Form by the last Duke of Lorrain and which neither the Emperour nor the present Duke could ever accept of Affairs being brought thus far towards a General Treaty as to have the Preliminaries Sign'd by the Mediatour no other difficulty remain'd to hinder the opening of the Congress but the agreeing upon the Place of Treaty Breda Maestricht or Nimeguen were sometimes propos'd by the French other people talk'd of Vtrecht the Imperialists were for having the Congress in Germany either at Cologne or Aix la Chappelle but the Emperour was very backward in explaining himself upon this Article his Minister still insisted at the Hague to have the Business of Lorrain put in a way of accommodation before the Place of Treaty was nam'd for though the French made no other overture in the Preliminaries for the Dutchy of Lorrain but the Treaty of Nimeguen yet France gave hopes of better Conditions for that Duke when-once it should come to a Treaty the Imperial Court would have had these Conditions explain'd in the Preliminaries but France would not consent to it These Contestations took up a great deal of time and prov'd a great obstacle to the agreeing upon a Place to Treat in In the mean while the French and the Dutch pitch'd upon a place of Treaty which I dare say is the most convenient that can be met with in Christendom for such a Business and that was His Majesties Royal Palace at Ryswick so situated that it has the advantage of two large and populous Towns just by it being not above an English Mile from the Hague and two from Delft where consequently the Ambassadors on both sides could Lodge themselves conveniently without being press'd for Scarcity of Lodging or impos'd upon in the Excessive Rates of Houses both which inconveniencies must have been the Consequence of having the Treaty in any one Town of Holland besides or Germany and were sufficiently felt in the Congress of Nimeguen Besides the French were to come from Delft to Ryswick one way and the Allies from the Hague another directly opposite so that no unlucky meeting of Coaches and wrangling for precedency could ever happen to interrupt the Negotiations This Palace is call'd the House of Newbourgh built aside of the Village of Ryswick about two Bowes shot to the West by Frederick Henry Prince of Orange His Majesties Grandfather and is a Fabrick of Modern Architecture onely a little too low consisting of three Pavillons or Piles of Buildings upon a Line joyn'd together by two Galleries all of Free Stone and of an equal Height the Front of the House looks to the Hague Northwards and the back with the Gardens towards Delft Southwards and therefore it afforded all the Accommodations that could possibly be desir'd for a Congress to Negotiate a Peace an Apartment in the Center for the Mediator and one upon the Right and another upon the Left for the two different Parties whereby no manner of Dispute could happen about the going out or coming in and such other accidents which it has been very difficult to Regulate in other Places Most of the Allies agreed immediately that a Palace so conveniently situated and having such Accommodations to prevent any differences about the Ceremonial should be the Place of Treaty and accordingly His Majesty order'd it forthwith to be Repaired and the States had it handsomly Furnish'd for such an occasion and certainly it could signifie no less than a good Omen to his Majesties Affairs that after so long and cruel a War wherein the French had done whatever lay in their power to dispute his possession of the British Throne yet at last they very willingly came to Treat of Peace in his own House Whilst these advances were making towards a General Treaty there were no less preparations in the Frontiers between France and the Allies than if it had been the very middle of the War and indeed 't is very necessary to be more cautious than usual in such a Conjuncture because the
high pole which Signal was to be taken upon the right and left from post to post Cannon being to be fir'd at the same time where they had it or a Volley of small shot from the Guard and the Towns of Ghendt Bruges and Newport were to take or give the Allarm by having such Lights upon their highest Steeples or Towers where there is always a Watch Night and Day and Firing of so many Guns This was the Contrivance of Monsieur Ivoy Quarter-Master General of the Dutch Army in Flanders and the Experiment of it being made one Night it was found that the Allarm was given from Newport to Ghendt which is fourteen Leagues by the Canals in less than an Hours time The same Method was taken between Ghendt Dendermond and Willebrook by Lights and Firing of Cannon from whence it was to be carried by the Guards upon the Canal to Brussels all which could be done in Two Hours time being the distance of 24 Leagues This was sufficient to cover all the Countrey behind the Canals and the Scheldt during the Winter and to hinder our being surpriz'd in any of those Quarters but the great difficulty was about Namur for the Winter was very hard and the Meuse shut up very early with a Violent Frost insomuch that there was no getting of Convoys into the place from Maestricht and Liege by Water and the Frosty Weather continuing very obstinate till the Moneth of March all the Waggons between Liege Maestricht and St. Tron were summon'd to carry a great quantity of Provisions and Ammunition into this place which was happily executed accordingly before the breaking of the Frost under a strong Escorte compos'd of Detachments from all the Garrisons thereabouts without any Opposition from the French but then as soon as the Rivers were open and 't is observable that this great and long Frost went away without a drop of Rain another great Convoy of all manner of Stores and Provisions was sent thither by Water from Maestricht of which Count de Guiscard Governour of Dinant having Notice he drew out several Detachments of the Garrisons of the Meuse to indeavour to intercept it with which he came into the Condros but our Generals upon the Meuse were so watchful that Count de Guiscard miss'd his design and Namur was sufficiently provided with all manner of Stores for the whole Summer This is an Abstract of the most material Transactions of the Winter and Spring being now coming on we were resolv'd if possibly to be before hand with the French in the Field as the onely means to hinder them from making any considerable progress in Flanders with the great and Numerous Armies they were now like to have against the Allies His Majesty being desirous to have his own Forces to act under him in Brabant with Prince Vaudemont and that the Elector with the Prince of Nassau Sarbruck should Command in Flanders with the Spanish and Bavarian Troops and those of the States whereupon Orders were sent to have the Quarters chang'd according to this disposition The Duke of Wirtemberg had then been visiting the Winter-quarters when being return'd to his Head-quarter at Ghendt the last day of February he met with an Order from the Prince to meet him at Antwerp the next day where a great Council of War was held the Prince of Vaudemont the Duke of Wirtemberg the Prince of Commercy who had come from Vienna to Brussels this Winter to Visit the Prince and Princess the Marquess de Bedmar and Mr. Hill being present and the King's pleasure was signified by the Prince about the disposition of the two Armies we were to have in the Field the following Campagne the Exchanging of Quarters accordingly and the providing of things necessary for the English in Brabant and the same for the Dutch in Flanders After this Conference the Prince and the Prince of Commercy with the Marquess de Bedmar went back to Brussels and the Duke of Wirtemberg to Ghendt where he was no sooner come but he met with another Order to go to Brussels being arriv'd the Second of March in this Town a great Council of War was held in the Electors Presence and the Routes and Quarters were settled for the exchanging of the Troops between Brabant and Flanders and Patents dispatch'd accordingly and Monsieur Ivoy who acted as Quarter-master General for the Army of Flanders was sent immediately that very night after the Resolutions taken in the Council of War to the Magistrates of Ghendt and Bruges to provide Bilanders Waggons and other things necessary for the March of the Troops In the mean while the two French Plenipotentiaries Monsieur de Harlay and the Count de Crecy being come from Paris by the way of Lisle and Courtray arrived at Ghendt the 3d. in order to prosecute their Voyage for Holland Our Guard at Bruges Porte took no notice of March them because they had not yet acknowledg'd His Majesty for King of England but oblig'd them to produce their Pass at the Gate before they came into the Town the Magistrates receiv'd them on their side with all the Joy and Civility possible and seeing that our Forces Quarter'd there could not give them the Compliment of a Guard upon their quarter a Detachment of Spaniards was sent out of the Citadel with Colours Commanded by a Captain for this purpose The next day they went to the Sas of Ghendt where they went on Board of the States Yachts sent thither to carry them by Water to Delft where their third Colleague Monsieur de Callieres expected them Every thing being ready for the March of the Troops according to the above mention'd Resolutions the English Foot began to move towards Brabant on the 6th of March The Regiments of Churchill Seymour Webb and Frederick Hamilton March'd from Ghendt to Louvain under the Command of Major General Churchill The two Battalions of the Royal Regiment and the Regiments of Fairfax and Ingoldesby March'd from Bruges to Brussels being Commanded by Brigadier Fairfax and those of Saunderson Tiffin and Ferguson from Ostend to Malines under the Command of Brigadier Tiffin and were exchang'd by the Regiments of Weed Dohna Sparre and Groningue Guards from Brussels to Ghendt Fagel Carles la Mothe and Schack being the Regiment of the late Major General Holle from Louvain to Bruges and from Malines to Ostend came the Hanover Guards the Hanover Regiment of Cinqvilles and that of Willekens All the English Regiments the Guards excepted were to leave two Companies per Battallion in the Quarters from whence they remov'd in Flanders and all the Dutch one in their Quarters in Brabant or Frontier of Holland to have by this means the Garrisons kept during the Summer by detach'd Companies and consequently more Battallions in the Field though the less strong but reduc'd by this Method as near as could be to the Strength and Complement of those of the French this likewise made the Dutch Regiments equal with
1678. with a great deal of Ease just in the very midst of the Negotiations for the Peace at Nimeguen to save the Restoring of Ipres which the Spaniards insisted very much upon by the taking of this Place It is said that the French King had then promis'd King Charles who was Mediatour of that Peace the English being very jealous of the French Progresses so near them and the Parliament pressing the King to declare War against France that he would not push his Conquests any farther on that side and when the Spanish Ambassadour acquainted the King with the Siege of Ghendt his Majesty relied so much upon this Promise that he could not at first believe it however the Allies were surpriz'd by this Siege may be relying too much upon the Considerations which the French should have had for England in such a Conjuncture and thus neglected to provide for the Defence of the Countrey hereabouts more than they would otherwise have done to have a better Army in Brabant But to return from this short Digression Ghendt with this Inundation and Line before St. Peters and the Courtray Portes and the Line of Marykirk would have been cover'd on all sides from either Siege or Bombarding except between the Canal of Bruges and the Seheld where there was no great danger But this Design went no farther than the Inundation and the project of the Line was laid aside And may be 't was undertaken onely to give the Elector a plausible pretext to come to Ghendt in order to Execute our Designs upon the Camp of Deinse without giving any Jealousie to the French as I am now going to relate it The First of April the Elector of Bavaria lest Brussels and came April to Ghendt in order as 't was given out to see the Inundation made about it and to visit the other Frontiers of Flanders The Second his Highness took a view of the Waters which now overflow'd the flat Countrey all about Ghendt and the Third Major General Dopst Quarter-Master General of the States came there to confer with his Electoral Highness about the taking of the Field and dispositions were made for the securing of the Camp of Deinse the 10th in the mean while the Elector design'd to go to Bruges and Newport but on the 4th being inform'd that a great Patrouille of the French had been hovering about Deinse as if they had a design upon that Camp it was resolv'd immediately to secure it without any further delay and a Council of War being held thereupon orders were sent that very Night to all the Infantry in Quarters in Ghendt Bruges Ostend Damme and behind the Canals to March the next day Monsieur de Ribeaucourt was commanded out at the shutting of the Gates with 200 Spanish Horse to post himself at Petegem on the other side of the Lys opposite to Deinse at Midnight Major General la Meloniere with a Detachment of 3800 Foot of the Garrison of Ghendt march'd out of post himself in the Town of Deinse and secure that place a Bridge of Boats was likewise order'd to be made at Marykirk and another at Bellem for the passage of the Troops behind the Canal On the 5th the Electors Baggage march'd by times towards Bruges as if His Highness would follow soon after because the day before he had given out his Journey for Newport upon this day which if it had been Countermanded upon the marching out of the Spanish Detachement of Horse and of Major General la Meloniere with that of the Foot would have discover'd the Design upon Deinse whereas now it pass'd only for an Escorte to cover the Canal and hinder the French from coming near it during the Elector's Journey His Highness having notice very early in the Morning that the Posts about Deinse and Nevel were secur'd order'd his Baggage to go no farther than Marykirk only for a Blind and so to come back again and got on Horseback himself about Seven not to go Bruges but Deinse and Nevel where his Baggage follow'd and all the English Cavalry had orders to march that way immediately without Baggage under the Command of Monsieur Auerquerque only with two or three dayes Forrage The 16 Battallions in Ghendt march'd the same day and incamp'd about half a League of the Town behind the Canal within the Retrenchment of Marykirk and the 12 Battallions of Bruges with that of Damme according to the Orders they had over Night came this Day and incamp'd at Bellem being joyn'd by the Battallions of the Queen of Denmark Zeland and young Holstein which had Quarter'd upon the Countrey behind the Canal of Bruges The same day the Three Battallions in Garrison at Ostend and the Three Quarter'd in the Pays de Nort came to incamp between Bruges and Steinbrughe upon the Canal The 6th the Infantry incamp'd at Marykirk and Bellem pass'd the Canal upon the Bridges made at these two Places and came to form the Camp between Deinse and Nevel being in all 32 Battallions and the Six incamp'd at Steinbrughe march'd to Bellem and came to the Camp the 7th which was now form'd of 38 Battallions with the Right at Nevel where the Elector had his Quarter and the Left upon the Lys at the Church of Bachtem between Deinse in the Front and the Castle of Oydonck in the Rear And because the Cavalry could not yet incamp in this Season all the Battallions to fill up the Ground between Nevel and the Lys incamp'd with the Companies in half depths by which means every Battallion took up the space of two from Right to Left and this Method was observ'd in the Elector's Army most part of the Campagne following The English Cavalry having march'd out of Ghendt the 5th to secure this Camp till the coming up of the Foot went back on the 7th into the Town but all the Foreign Horse upon English pay Quarter'd at Bruges the Dutch Cavalry Quarter'd upon the Canal and the English Dragoons Quarter'd between Ghendt and the Sas and about Bruges had orders to come and Cantoon in the Villages in the Rear of the Electors Army between Deinse Nevel Ghendt and the Canal from whence they were to furnish 500 Horse and Dragoons daily for the Out Guards of the Army The 8th the Prince of Nassau Sarbruck Velt Mareschal General of the States Army arriv'd at Ghendt being to Command the Army under the Elector and came the 10th to the Camp where he took his Quarter at the Castle of Oydonck The 12th the Elector with a detachment of 1200 Horse and Dragoons went to view all the Approaches to his Camp from the Pays Conquis as far as Denterghem Wouterghem Gothem Arseel Canneghem and Thilt The 11th all the Horse and Dragoons Quarter'd upon the Canal of Bruges being come to Cantoon behind the Electors Army the Battallions of Fagel and Reinardt had orders to post themselves upon this Canal between Ansbeck and Bruges and the Elector had now
40 Battallions in his Army 18 Squadrons of Horse and 33 of Dragoons Cantoon'd just in his Rear besides 24 Squadrons of English Horse in Garrison at Ghendt ready to joyn him upon occasion being according to this disposition 22000 Foot 6300 Horse and 3300 Dragoons strong in all 31600 Men for the defence of Flanders which by the Securing of this Camp put us now in a Condition to subsist on the French side of the Canal without being pen'd up behind it as we were the last year and subsisting upon dry Forage at the Charges of the Pays de Waes and Free of Bruges by the Enemies being before-hand with us at this Camp of Deinse Flanders being thus very well secur'd by the Elector's having the Camp of Deinse it was necessary to take the same Care for the Countrey between the Scheldt and the Meuse where we were resolv'd to be before hand with the French as well as in Flanders but which could not be so effectually put in a posture of defence the last being cover'd by a good Canal from Ghendt to Newport but this very weak because At h and Audenarde were now too far advanc'd and in a manner within the very Barriere of the French since they had Mons Charleroy and Courtray The most that could be propos'd to be done on this side was to secure Namur and Brussels which by our taking the Field first we could very well pretend to and therefore in order to it the Count de Noyelles Lieutenant General had orders from the Prince to march out of Brussels on the 12th with the four Battallions commanded by Brigadier Fairfax and 8 Dutch from the same Garrison to post himself at Waterlo just without the Bois de Sogne towards the plain of Braine la Leu and Bois Seigneur Isaac and to intrench himself there with the Wood upon the Right Left and Rear a little space being left here where was the Village of Waterlo as 't were on purpose for such a design The same day Count Nassau Lieutenant General and Major General Ramsay with the Troops Cantoon'd under their Command had orders to come and incamp at the Fauxbourg of Ixelles between the Namur-porte at Brussels and the Bois de Sogne where they were follow'd the next day by the Six Regiments commanded by the Marquess de Mirmont making in all 17 Battallions the Prince left Brussels at the same time and took his Quarter in the Fauxbourg of Ixelles in order to command them All the Infantry of Brandenbourg and most of the Horse being now come to the Meuse from Winter-quarters pass'd it about this time at Maestricht and went to Cantoon about Arschot and Diest in the Villages along the River Rupelle the Garrisons of Malines and Louvain and all the Dutch Foot Cantoon'd upon the Frontier hereabouts continued in their Quarters in order to take the Field upon the first Command By this disposition we were in a readiness to secure either the Camps of Masy or Bois Seigneur Isaac as there should be occasion for our own Affairs or as it should be necessary according to the Motions of the French to take the Field on this side and although 't was yet very early for the Cavalry to move out of Winter-quarters by reason there was yet no manner of Forrage upon the Ground yet all the Cavalry of the States Quarter'd in Holland had Orders to march part to Cantoon towards Flanders and part about Hasselt Tongres and St. Tron towards Brabant according as it was design'd to serve the Campagne following The rest being in Quarters upon the very Frontier was near enough at hand to be in a readiness upon occasion But the Foot upon English pay did suffer something in the Camps of Waterlo and Ixelles in being so early in the field because the Cloathing was not yet come from England which several Regiments wanted extreamly neither was this the only Misfortune but they also came to want pay occasion'd by an obstinate Easterly Wind which lasted about five Weeks till the King came over and hinder'd any Pacquets from coming from England whereby Mr. Hill was reduc'd to the last week at our taking of the Field which he was forc'd to divide into half pay for a Fortnight This was but a bad beginning of the Campagne for the Soldiers which caus'd some Desertion amongst them but nothing answerable to that mighty noise made about it in the Paris Gazette to Counterpoize the advantage we had gain'd in taking the Field first and Care was taken in England to dispatch the Centurion to Ostend with Bills for the Army where he got time enough notwithstanding the contrary Winds to set every thing to rights and prevent any farther want of pay in the Army During these Transactions in Brabant the Elector was taking all the care possible to put his Camp in a posture of defence in Flanders the Foot at the first taking of this Camp had been imploy'd in Fortifying of it with good Retrenchments between Nevel and the Lys but this not being thought sufficient it was propos'd to Fortifie Deinse for which reason a Council of War was held the 13th and the day following the Ingeniers were sent to trace an Exagone about it in order to maintain this Post being design'd only for this purpose and not for a standing Fortification according to the Agreement made when the French demolish'd this place and Dixmuyde in the Year 1695. The 17th the Elector dispatch'd Patents for the forming of the Detach'd Companies left in Quarters into Battallions and disposing of them into the Frontier Garrisons of Flanders Twelve Scots Companies were sent to Newport under the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Davison another Battallion of ten Companies of the same Nation under Lieutenant Colonel Murray of Walter Collier's Regiment four Companies of Hanover cmmanded by Lieutenant Colonel Vittingehoffe of Hulsen and a Dutch Battallion of eight Companies commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Maurenault of Zoutland's Regiment in all four Battallions in Newport at Oslende ten English Companies commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Foxe of Collingwood eight Companies of the same at Bruges under the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Lucy eight Companies at Ghendt and seventeen in Audenarde divided in two Battallions besides the Dutch Regiment of Losecoct left here with several Italian and Walloon Regiments for the Security of this place Of the Detach'd Companies in these two last places those in Ghendt were all English and those in Audenarde all Forreigners but two Companies of the Fusiliers and two of Colonel Frederick Hamilton's Regiment all the Detach'd Companies of the Dutch were posted at Louvain Brussels Maestricht Liege Huy and Namur in the last of which places a special care was taken to have a strong Garrison The 19th Major General Dopft came again from Brussels to the Elector's Camp to concert the Methods that should be taken in case the French should bend the chief of their Forces upon Flanders either to attack Newport or to come to
Convoy and as if all the Ministers concern'd in this great Congress had onely waired for His Majesty's coming to begin their Conferences the first was held at Ryswick the 29th being the I hursday following the Emperour having at last consented to Treat in this place without insisting any longer to have the Business of Lorrain agreed upon in the Preliminaries and the Palace of Ryswick made up very Commodious for the Congress There was before but one Gate upon the Center of the Court towards the Hague which was appointed for the Mediatour leading up to the great Stairs of the House in the middle Pavillon or Apartment but to prevent disputes in the going out or coming in there was a Gate made at each end That at the West being appointed for the French and that the East for the Allies which is the Right according to the facing of the Palace North towards the Hague The States appointed a Guard to be kept here upon Congress days with an equal number of Sentinels upon each Apartment where the Allies were receiv'd and introduc'd in this first Congress by a Gentleman Commission'd thereto from the States and the French by another having cast Lots for their Post to prevent any manner of distinction in this matter The Conferences were contriv'd by the Mediatour and not Personally there being large Antichambers on each side of the Mediatours Room where the Plenipotentiaries came the Allies on one side and the French on the other and the Mediatour communicated the Writings and Memorials from one side to another In this first Conference the Ambassadours produc'd their full Powers which were reciprocally communicated and authentick Copies deliver'd The full Powers of the French directed them to Treat with the Emperor and Empire the King of Spain and the States of Holland and their Allies which caus'd some Contestation because the Elector of Brandenbourg's Ministers alledg'd that the Elector their Master had declar'd War personally against the French King and therefore that it was necessary the French Plenipotentiaries should be directed in their full Powers to Treat with his Electoral Highness by Name The English Plenipotentiaries made no Objection against it because the King not being to be acknowledg'd by the French till the Concluding and Signing of the Peace it was not necessary they should produce full Powers to Treat with England till then which they accordingly did before the Ratification This Affair took up some of the first Conferences and afterwards the Congress proceeded to regulate the Ceremonial which I shall not meddle withall resolving to say nothing more of those Negociations than what relates to the Operations of War or the Forwarding of the Peace The King having assisted at the Assembly of the States General and Council of State at the Hague to conferr upon the present State of May. Affairs intended to have gone the first of May for Loo but His Majesty having met with an Indisposition the over-night was oblig'd to deferr it and to be Let-blood the next Morning which had so good an effect that the King rid that very Evening in his Coach about the Voorhout the third His Majesty being recover'd set out from the Hague for Loo and came this day to Zuylenstein beyond Vtrecht it prov'd an extraordinary hot day and for about nine or ten days together about this time the Weather was as hot and settled as it has been the whole Summer this made the King hot and restless in the Night but was again pretry well the next Day however His Majesty thought it convenient to tarry some Days in this place where the Herons afforded very good Divertisement in this set of fine Weather But in the mean time the French began to be very busie upon our Frontier and were like to allow His Majesty but a short stay here the French and Swiss Guards had been come to Tournay ever since the 22d of April where the Marechal of Bouflers being Colonel of the French Guards came from Lisle to re-view them all the other Troops were come by the beginning of May to their general Rendezvous upon the Sambre Tournay and about Courtray and wanted only the Presence of the Marechals of Villeroy and Catinat who were expected at this time from Paris with the last Resolutions of the Court concerning the Operations of the Campagne to march and take the Field as for the Marechal of Bouflers his Government of the French Flanders kept him upon the Frontier We have shew'd above that our being in the Field before the French quite broke their Measures which as we have given very good Presumptions for were laid against Namur else why must our being first in the Field bring the Marechal of Catinat from his Department assign'd upon the Moselle and the Lower Rhine clear to the Lys as for the Germans they were still in their Winter-Quarters and not likely yet to take the Field and therefore there was as good a Prospect on that side for the Marechal of Catinat as when the French King appointed him to command an Army there But the Marechal of Catinat was thought necessary for Flanders whatever reason there was for this Change though France had onely At h and Audenarde left open to feel the Efforts of its Arms and indeed they have been so most part of the War since the French have broke in upon the Barriere given to the Spanish Territories on this side in the Treaty of Nimeguen by the taking of Mons and Charleroy their having secur'd and fortify'd Courtray and made a Line from thence to the Scheld which has brought these two Towns especially the first in the very Line of their Conquests for this reason we have been forc'd to leave them expos'd almost every Campagne without being able to cover them and yet the French themselves have seemd to neglect them having incamp'd and march'd backward and forwards about At h several Campagnes for in Truth the taking of At h or Audenaerde could not extend their Contributions an inch farther which since the taking of Mons they have rais'd every where between the Scheld and the Canal of Brussels and by their having Courtray all the Countrey between the Scheld and the Lys and Ghend and Bruges has been brought under Contribution and therefore Audenarde could not give them a farther advantage upon this account Neither could At h and Audenarde do much mischief in raising Contribution upon them because onely a small and inconsiderable dependance of Tournay Conde and Mons remain'd expos'd on this side of the Scheld and the Haisne and all the rest was cover'd by these two Rivers as for the Countrey between the Scheld and the Lys it was cover'd with a strong Line from the one River to the other From whence it appears that in relation to Contributions and advantage of the Countrey neither At h nor Audenarde could do them much harm whilst in the Hands of the Allies nor much good by their taking of them However the French
Plenipotentiaries arriv'd at Delft went to pay them the first Visit at their own Houses and afterwards the French Plenipotentiaries return'd the same Complement to the Counts of Caunitz and Straatman at the Hague and paid at the same time the first Visit to the Baron of Zeilern the third Imperial Plenipotentiary being come into Holland after them and the same Method was observ'd in the Visits of the rest After the adjusting of the Ceremonial the French Ambassadours were requir'd by the Mediator to give in their Project of a General Peace with the Allies in pursuance of the Overtures already made in the Preliminaries and so to enter upon more Essential Business than had hitherto been handled in the Congress The French on their side were delaying to give it in putting of it off from Congress day to Congress day which made People generally believe they had first a mind to know the Issue of three great Undertakings which France had now in hand and of which News were daily expected with a great deal of Impatience on all sides to model their Project accordingly and that was first Monsieur de Pointy's Expedition in the West-Indies against the Galleons having sail'd from Brest the beginning of January last with a Squadron of about twelve Men of War having Troops and Transport-Ships along with him and other Necessaries for a Landing not without giving us some Jealousie in England at first especially for Ireland The second was the Election of Poland for which the Prince of Conti stood Candidate and was now so fair for the carrying of it that the Election of Marechal of the Dyet met at Warsaw to chuse a King was carry'd by the French Party which shew'd but too much the Superiority of it against any other Pretenders which gave them very great Hopes on that side The third was the Siege of Barcelona form'd by the Duke of Vendome General of the French Army in Catalonia since the beginning of this Month and which was now carrying on with a great deal of Vigour Several People thought that Pensionary Heinsius's Journey to the Camp was concerning the Retardments which the French made in giving in their Project and to concert thereupon some Methods of carrying on the War with more Vigour than we had done hitherto and oblige the French not to be so backward in giving reasonable Terms for a General Peace as they were reported to be at present others imagin'd that it regarded the Forwarding of the Negociations at Ryswick where there seem'd to be a certain Slowness among some of the Allies and especially the Imperialists These were the publick Discourses about this Journey but one may rather imagine from what follow'd that it was to make way for the Conferences that happen'd few days after between the Earl of Portland and the Marechal of Bouflers and that may be the French Plenipotentiaries had made some Overtures about it to those of the States by the French King's order because His Majesty being not yet acknowledged by the French as King of Great Britain there could be no Conferences in the Congress between the Plenipotentiaries of England and those of France But whatever was the occasion of Pensionary Heinsius his coming to the Camp these were only Conjectures and I do not pretend to dive farther into the Matter The 24th Prince Cerclas of Tilly was commanded with the Liege Horse and Dragoons and the German Cavalry lately come from the Rhine to march towards Namur where he incamp'd at Masy the German Horse was under the Command of Major General Bulau and the Prince of Tilly was joyn'd in this Camp by two Battallions of the Liege Troops the rest being to follow upon occasion for we were strong enough without them at present and the sending of them that way spar'd so much the more Forrage about Brussels where the Army was like to continue long enough to want it and besides the Marquis de Harcourt was marching back to repass the Sambre in order to incamp at Bossu upon this River with the Forces he had brought from the Moselle where at his coming he receiv'd six Field pieces from Philipville and though Harcourt was posted here upon no other account but for the Security of Convoys from the Meuse to the Sambre against the Garrison of Namur and thence to be sent to Mons for the use of the Armies yet it was necessary to have a proportionable Body near Namur to observe him especially now that the Marechal of Bouflers was incamp'd conveniently enough to march that way as soon as the Allies The 25th Pensionary Heinsius went back for Holland and in the Evening at the Orders His Majesty was pleas'd to declare the Hereditary Prince of Hesse Major General of his Forces The 26th the Princess of Vaudemont attended with most of the chief Ladies of Brussels came in the Evening to see the Camp going at the Head of the Line with a Train of about a dozen Coaches with six Horses the Electrice was near her Time and could not go abroad The 27th the Marechal of Villeroy's Army came to Forrage about Zellich and his Out guards advanc'd pretty near our Camp which gave us the Allarm His Majesty immediately rid out being follow'd by the Prince to observe the Motions of the French and Haxhausen's Brigade of Danes incamp'd upon the Height between Ganshoren and Berchom was order'd to march with the Dragoons we had in the Camp on this side of Brussels all the Cavalry receiv'd Orders to mount on Horse-back and Belcastel's Brigade at Laacken took Arms. About thirty Squadrons of Horse were commanded to attend His Majesty who rid to the Height on the other side of the Abbey of Dilleghem and it being found that the French had no other Design but to Forrage between Zellich and Asch it was not thought expedient to attempt any thing which might have ingag'd us in a General Battle without our Retrenchments but only to watch and observe their Motions and His Majesty came back to the Camp The 29th the Dragoons of Tiviot Rosse and Jedborough which at our first coming to this Ground had been posted at the Burnt-bridge upon the Canal receiv'd Orders to march and joyn the Main Body of English Horse and Dragoons incamp'd at Diegom under General Auerquerque and Scheltinga's Regiment of Anhalt's Brigade was commanded in their place to cover the Canal from thence to Willebrook as Colonel Murray's did on the other hand to Vilvorde and the Fort des trois Trous The same day was the first Interview between the Marechal of Bouflers and My Lord Portland in the open Field on this side of Halle the Marechal of Bouflers had sent a Trumpet into our Camp to attend his Lordship who went in his Coach without any other Escorte and the Marechal of Bouflers who was come to the place of Rendezvous with some Squadrons of Horse order'd them all back to his Camp when he saw My Lord come without any Guard and only the Trumpet that
The Elector left the Army to go in Relays to Antwerp this day where Prince Vandemont was to meet His Electoral Highness the day following from Brussels and the Command of the Army in Flanders fell thereby to the Count d' Arco General of the Bavarians The Seventh Prince Vaudemont came accordingly from Brussels to wait upon the Elector at Antwerp and conferr together upon the present State of Affairs the Prince went back the same day to the Army at Brussels but the Elector remain'd in that Town The Term prefix'd by the late Memorial given in by the French drawing near His Electoral Highness was more conveniently here than in any other Town of his Jurisdiction to send Expresses to or receive them from Don Bernardo de Quiros the first Plenipotentiary of Spain at the Congress of Ryswick who had receiv'd express Orders from the Court of Spain alarm'd by the Loss of Barcelona to Sign then upon the Conditions offer'd by the French Sign who will for the rest and as 't was reported had had a Reprimand for not Signing the 20th of August the Term given before in the Project which was a Tune many Notes lower than at the beginning of these Negociations when Spain as well as the Empire were so unwilling to Treat upon the Foot of the Peace of Nimeguen The Prince at his return to Brussels began to review the Army Brigade by Brigade not so much to be sati fied of the Strength of the Regiments as to see them Exercise there being little to do at present for them The Ninth Selwyn's Brigade posted at Laacken exercis'd before him and the Tenth the half Brigade of Guards of the first Line continued the same Pass-time The 11th The Prince being inform'd that the Marechal of Villeroy had advanc'd with his Army from Ste Marie Oudenhove nearer to Ghendt and was come to incamp at St. Lievens-Houthem order'd Selwyn's Brigade and the Regiments of Columbine and Granville of Fairfax's to send for their Baggage-Horses from Grass in order to march the next day being design'd for a Reinforcement to the Brandenbourg Foot incamp'd at Heusen for the Defence of the Scheld between Ghendt and Dendermonde for if the Peace had not been Sign'd the over-night of which there could be no News as yet in our Camp it was expected that the War would begin again with more Vigour and Animosity than ever and that Villeroy thereupon might have endeavour'd either to Bombard Ghendt or pass the Scheld But it pleas'd God at length to put an end to a War which for nine Years together had Harass'd and severely Chastis'd most Parts of Christendom and the Peace was Happily Sign'd the 10th at night between England Spain and Holland on one part and France on the other The Spanish Plenipotentiaries Sign'd about Midnight and after them those of the States General which being done the French were now oblig'd according to the Preliminary Articles to acknowledge His Majesty for King of Great Britain without any Restriction Condition or Reserve our Plenipotentiaries were thereupon introduc'd by the Mediatour and receiv'd by the French with all the Civility that was due to the Plenipotentiaries of the Crown of England after which the Articles were Sign'd between England and France in the presence of the Mediatour and the Plenipotentiaries on both sides embrac'd one another with all the Demonstrations of Friendship Esteem and an intire Reconciliation and the Conversation soon fell upon the Panegyrick of the two Most Powerful Monarchs in Christendom whose great Actions must hereafter make the best part of the History of these Times the French especially spoke of the great Veneration that all Brave French-men had for so Renown'd a Prince as King William the Third and of the great Esteem and Value the King their Master had for him As for the Imperialists they still stuck out and refus'd to Sign alledging that they had not time enough given them to have Instructions from the Emperour and Empire about the Matters in Debate and especially one of such Consequence as the Dismembring of Strasbourg from the Body of the Empire was and insisted still upon the full Restitution of Lorraine without the Reservation of Saar-Louis and Longwy to the French After this second Refusal of the Emperour 's Plenipotentiaries those of England Spain and Holland Sign'd without them according to the Instructions they had receiv'd but a Separate Article was added at the end of every one of these three several Treaties in which it was stipulated between the Mediatour the Powers that had Sign'd and the French that a farther time should be allow'd to the Emperour and Empire till the 22th day of October inclusive next ensuing being six Weeks time to regulate the Affairs relating to the Empire during which time all manner of Hostilities should cease between the Germans and the French for the Performance whereof the Powers that had Sign'd ingag'd themselves as Guarrantees but if by that time the Peace was not Sign'd between the Empire and France that nevertheless the Treaty concluded at Ryswick should stand good and the Powers that had Sign'd should remain Neuter in the War between France and the Empire I will not pretend to advance that there was a Design in the refusing to Sign by the Emperour 's Plenipotentiaries both the former Term and this but this may be said for Truth that the refusing to Sign the time before put it out of the Empires Choice to take Strasbourg or the Equivalent and their refusing to Sign now left them to Treat with the French among themselves which has brought in the Fourth Article of the Treaty for the Empire so Prejudicial to the Protestant Religion in Germany and Derogatory to the Treaty of Munster in its behalf which may be look'd upon as the Fundamental Constitution of the Empire as 't is now divided between the Protestant and the Romish Religion which Article 't is very probable would not have been so easily gain'd to the Prejudice of the Protestant Interest if the Imperialists had acted and sign'd in Conjunction with the rest of the Allies I need not give an account of the three several Treaties Sign'd at Ryswick the Tenth because they are already Printed by themselves to which I shall referr the Reader only I shall mention something concerning Luxembourg and the Equivalent offer'd to Spain in lieu of it namely That the Equivalent offer'd by the French being Maubeuge Condé Menin and Ipres was much more Advantagious for the Spanish Dominions in the Low-Countries because it made them more united and gave them a better and more defensible Frontier and for the same reason was so to England but the French restoring Lorrain it was better for the Common Interest of Europe to have Luxembourg back again for a Communication between Lorrain the Empire and the Low-Countries for otherwise without it the French might still have over-aw'd the Empire upon the Lower-Rhine and have had an In-let into Holland for which reason Luxembourg
has been preferr'd to the Equivalent and the French who to be sure expected that it would be so and therefore were aware of it resolv'd to retain Saar-Louis and Longwy to have still a Bridle upon the Empire and Luxembourg and also for a Defence to France it self in case of such another Alliance against it as the last Immediately after the Signing of the Peace at Ryswick the 10th or rather 11th of September Expresses were dispatch'd to all the Courts in Christendom to give notice of it and our Plenipotentiaries at the Hague thought it convenient to send one to Prince Vaudemont at Brussels who commanded all His Majesty's Forces and Armies in Chief in the Low Countries the Express pass'd by Antwerp at Nine of the Clock at Night and Mr. Hill His Majesty's Envoy at the Court of Brussels who was then at his Pay-Office at Antwerp had the first News of it before the Elector about Twelve the Express came to the Prince at the Camp and the good News were all over the Army next Morning our Express was follow'd by two Spanish Couriers going to Madrid the first with the News of the Signing and the second with the Treaty in due Form to be Ratified who both receiv'd the Elector's Orders at Antwerp in their way And as if Providence had design'd this to be mark'd for a Happy day in the Calender the Elector receiv'd soon after the passing of the first Spanish Courier an Express from the Emperour with the News of the Great and Glorious Defeat which Prince Eugene of Savoy had given the Turks at Zanta near the Theysse in Hungary on the First of September which as it appears by the Accounts of it was as compleat and entire a Victory as has been gain'd for many Ages and so much the more Welcome that it was gain'd in a time when Men were very apprehensive for the Emperour's Affairs in Hungary the Grand Seignior having a much more powerful Army with which he had already driven the Imperialists from Titul and was now passing the Theysse to march towards Peter-Waradin when his Army being imprudently divided by the River either for want of Boats to make several Bridges or Conduct Prince Eugene attack'd that part which had pass'd under the Command of the Grand Visier and gave it an entire Rout and in the Pursuit over the Bridge which occasion'd the loss of most of the Infidels put that part which was commanded by the Grand Seignior on the other side into no less Confusion and Disorder The Elector having receiv'd this joyful News by the Express dispatch'd immediately the Count de Milan to the Electrice and Prince Vaudemont at Brussels with the Letter he had receiv'd from the Emperour upon this occasion Several People wish'd that this Victory had happen'd a little sooner for the sake of the Allies who if the Turks had been brought to make a Peace which would have been much more Honourable than what they at present can expect could then have given the Law in the Congress of Ryswick and oblig'd the French to much greater Restitutions or else have carried on a War that must have been Fatal to them but the French Court has known so well how to manage the Turks upon this Point in all the Misfortunes they have had for these seven or eight Years last past that there was no more reason to expect the Turks would seek for a Peace after this Defeat than after that of Salankement or the Losses of Guyla and Great-Waradin The 12th in the Evening the Elector follow'd the good News and came to Brussels and the next day he sent the Marquis d'Vsiés a Serjeant General de Battaille in the Spanish Troops to the Marechal of Villeroy and Baron Simeoni to the Marechal of Bouflers to give them an account of the Signing of the Peace on the Tenth at Night and to know what Orders they had from the French Court about their Armies between this and the Ratification which was to be made within three Weeks after Count Monasterol was sent at the same time by Count d'Arco from the Army near Bruges to the Marechal of Catinat upon the same account they were receiv'd with great Civilities in the French Camps and nobly entertain'd but return'd with this Answer That no Orders were yet come from Court to them upon the Signing of the Peace but that as soon as they did receive any they would give an account of it to His Electoral Highness thereby to regulate Affairs on both sides accordingly The 14th all the Artillery was drawn out before the Camp upon the Height uear the Wind mill of Ganshoren and all the Army drew out in the Evening to fire three Volleys for the great Victory obtain'd over the Turks by Prince Eugene of Savoy but it fell a Raining very hard and all the Troops were dismiss'd to their Tents and the Artillery commanded back to its former Post which may be was not the true Reason but rather it was not thought convenient to have any publick Rejoycing about it the Peace being Sign'd between England and France which made England to have no Interest in the Emperour's Affairs that way For I do not remember that there were any publick Rejoycings in England for the raising the Siege of Vienna in King Charles the Second's Reign or even for the taking of Buda in King James's though a Popish Prince But Te Deum was Sung this Evening in the Elector's Chappel and all the Cannon fir'd thrice round the Ramparts of Brussels with abundance of Illuminations and Fire-works and Count d'Arco the Bavarian General who commanded at present the Army of Flanders in Chief had Te Deum Sung in his Quarter by the Chaplains of the Spanish and Bavarian Troops and the Army and Artillery being drawn out fir'd three rounds for this Victory The 17th Prince Vaudemont left the Camp to go and wait upon His Majesty at Loo not only to regulate the Marching of the English Troops out of the Country but chiefly to Thank His Majesty for the great Honours he had receiv'd in commanding of his Armies in Flanders the three last Campagnes and to pass as much time as he could with the King before His Majesty went for England now that the parting would be for some time the Prince being appointed by the King of Spain for Governour of Milan in the Room of the Marquis de Leganés where we may expect from so Brave and Wise a Prince that he will manage Affairs so as to conserve the Peace and Repose of Italy and contribate thereby to maintain that of Christendom in General The Prince being now gone to Loo the Duke of Wirtemberg became in course General in Chief of the Army near Brussels The 19th the Marechal of Bouflers sent Monsieur de Pracontal a Merechal de Camp or Major General of his Army to the Elector of Bavaria at Brussels to give His Highness an account that the French King had sent Orders for his Armies
incamp'd as before the Infantry of the Brabant Army at Cockelberg the English Horse and Dragoons at Wavre under General Auerquerque the Dutch with Tiffin's Belcastel's and Oxenstern's Brigades of Foot at Judoigne under the command of the Earl of Athlone and our Flanders Army in the Retrenchments of Bruges where it was commanded by the Count d'Arco till the coming back of the Prince of Nassau-Sarbruck from the Baths of Aix la Chappelle which was on the 23d when he arriv'd at Bruges and took his Quarter as it had been mark'd at the coming of the Army to this ground in the Abbey of St. André The 25th all the Bavarian Cuirassiers and Dragoons left the Camp to march towards the Rhine and Winter in Bavaria being design'd for the Emperors Service in Hungary the next Campagne but the Foot march'd into the Spanish Guelderland to Quarter in that Countrey till the evacuation of Luxembourg where they were appointed by the Elector to Garrison in this and other places of that Dutchy as La Roche and Arlon and went this day by water from Bruges to Ghendt Count d'Arco left the Camp at the same time and went to Brussells with all the Spanish Court and Generals The 27th all the Brandenbourg Cavalry and Dragoons left the same Camp to go and joyn General Heyden and the Brandenbourg Foot in the Pays de Waes in order to march from thence towards the Meuse and the lower Rhine The 29th the Prince of Nassau's Adjutant General came from Loo with the Patents for the March of all the States Troops in Flanders to go and Garrison some in the States Brabant and Flanders and others to go from the Sas of Ghendt by Water into Holland Guelderland Zutphen Friseland c. but 15 or 16 Battallions of them were order'd to continue in Flanders under the command of Major General Lindeboom being to enter in the King of Spain's Service for the Garrison of the Spanish Frontiers in that Countrey towards France On the First of October being the time specified by the Treaties October Sign'd at Ryswick the 10th of September between England Spain and Holland on one part and France on the other the said Treaty was Ratified and Exchang'd in due form between France and Holland that of England under the Broad Seal could not come over time enough by reason of the contrary Winds and therefore was ratified under the Kings Signet in the Interim and the Instruments were to remain in the hands of the Mediatour but the Ratification under the Broad Seal coming over that very day the Treaties between England and France were exchang'd some few days after As for the Ratification of the Spanish Treaty from Madrid it could not come time enough but the French were satisfied to stay for it which was not long After this the Marechals of Villeroy and Catinat went to Court and the French Armies in the Netherlands were distributed into Quarters only the Marechal of Bouflers remain'd in his Government at Lisle some time after to forward the Evacuation of those Towns which were to be restor'd by the French to the King of Spain The Confederate Armies in this Countrey begun to separate at the same time all the Troops we had receiv'd this Campagne from the Rhine march'd off the first to go back into Germany and the Infantry incamp'd at Cockelberg decamp'd Brigade by Brigade the English went all into Flanders there to be in a readiness to imbark and were quarter'd in Ghendt Bruges Newport and Ostend which for this reason were at the beginning more crowded with Troops than ever The English and Dutch Guards came to Ostend in order to imbark the first for England and all the Foot were to go there on Board of such Men of War as should be appointed to carry them over All the English Horse and Dragoons left Wavre after the Ratification and were sent to Quarters the first to Ghendt and the 2d to Bruges in order to march from thence to Willemstadt one after another as Transport Ships could be got ready to bring them into England and the Life-Guards being the first to go over march'd directly to this place The Dutch Infantry incamp'd at Cockelberg separated to go into Quarters in the Frontiers of Holland as Maestricht Boisleduc Breda and Bergen-op-Zoom except 7 or 8 Battallions which with those of the Flanders Army above-mention'd were to go into Spanish Garrisons The Danes were Quarter'd at Dendermonde Alost and Ninove where they remain'd till their accounts were made up and clear'd out of His Majesty's Service in order to march from thence overland by the Meuse and the Rhine and so through Germany into Denmark The four Battallions of Hanover in the Flanders Army left the Camp near Bruges on the 5th and were to be joyn'd in their march by the Regiments of Wolfembuttle Guards and Hering then in Garrison at Audenarde to go into their own Countrey and those of Nassau and Brandenbourg out of the Brabant Army and Willekens out of that of Flanders which had been upon English pay all this War march'd into Holland and were taken back in the States Service All the Dutch Troops began to break up at the same time on all sides the Cavalry under the command of Lieutenant General Opdam march'd towards Ghendt on the outside of the Canal in order to march into the States Dominions The English and Dutch Guards and some other English Battallions came down the Canal in Bilanders the 6th from Ghendt to Bruges and the 7th all the Dutch Foot that was to march to Garrison in the Frontiers of Holland were sent to Ghendt by Water in the same Bilanders that brought the English to Bruges being the Regiment of Nassau Walloon to go to Boisleduc Marquet and Willekens to Heusden and Bommel Nassau-Friseland consisting of two Battallions were to imbark at the Sas of Ghendt to be carried by Water through Holland and over the Zuyder Sea to Leewarden c. Keppel being the Regiment which lately was Lieutenant General Tettau's was to go to Zutphen the two Battallions of Cappol and one of Lochman and the Regiment of young Holstein to Maestricht and that of Fagel to the Grave The 9th the Prince of Nassau Saarbruck went to Holland and left the Command of the Forces remaining about Bruges to Major General Lindeboom or in his absence to the Duke of Holstein-Norbourg consisting of 17 Battallions which were all to enter into the King of Spain's Service except two or three that were to Quarter in the Holland-Flanders as Sluys the Sas of Ghendt Hulst and the Fort of Lillo of these 17 Battallions Four were incamp'd at Plassendale being those of Weed Rantsaw Obergen and Schack Four at Newport viz. Soutlandt St. Amand Beyma and Swansbeck Six in the Retrenchments of Bruges being the Regiments of Lindeboom Holstein-Norbourg Dedem the two Battallions of Swerin and that of Carles and Three more incamp'd behind the Canal of Bruges viz. the Regiments of
Harsolt Dona and La Mothe All these Regiments were soon after dispers'd to Cantoon up and down in the Neighbourhood of the Towns that were to be restor'd by the French in order to Garrison there except those two or three Regiments which were to Quarter in the Holland Flanders My Lord of Athlone's Camp at Judoigne was the last to break up either to subsist the Dutch Cavalry upon the Countrey hereabouts as long as was possible or else to provide for the security of the Meuse whilst Harcourt was on the other side with a considerable Army to Forrage the Pays de Liege and did not go into Quarters but between the middle and latter end of October when Tiffin's and Belcastel's Brigades were order'd to march into Flanders to quarter in Ghendt and Bruges with the rest of our English Forces The Elector continued all this while with His Majesty at Loo and Dieren sometimes at the one and sometimes at the other where among their Divertisements they settled the Routes and Marches of the Allies out of the Spanish Netherlands and his Highness did not come back to Brussells till the 13th of October by which time all the Confederate Forces had clear'd the Countrey except His Majesties National Troops which were to pass over into England Scotland or Ireland with as much expedition as the Season would permit and the Danes which did not begin their March homewards till the November following But the King still remain'd sometimes at Loo and sometimes at Dieren where His Majesty had pass'd the time in Hunting and such other Countrey Divertisements from his first leaving of the Army to this time except two or three dayes that His Majesty went to Soestdyke to have an Interview with the Czar of Muscovy at Vtrecht which was on the first of September His Majesty coming to the Czars Lodgings was first Harangu'd by the Muscovite Embassy to express the great Esteem and Value their Master had for his Person and how much he admir d the great reputation of his Government the fame whereof had fill'd all Russia and Muscovy and had brought the powerful Monarch of those vast Countreys to visit a Prince so renown'd for his undaunted Valour and Courage joyn'd with a most profound and consummated Prudence and who has gone through so many Dangers and expos'd himself to the greatest hazards for the Defence and Liberties of all Europe which none but himself could keep and secure from becoming a Prey to an overgrown formidable Power And to convince the King that all these Protestations of the Czars Esteem and Admiration of so great a Monarch were no formal Complements they acquainted His Majesty that the Czar their Master was in the next Room himself having come so far out of his Dominions to assure His Majesty of it in Person After which they introduc'd the King into the Czar's Chamber where they were together above an Hour His Majesty being attended by the Earls of Albemarle and Jersey and Three or Four more Persons of Quality but the Czar who Travell'd Incognito in the Retinue of his own Embassy could not accept of the Invitation to dine with the King but went back after the Interview to Amsterdam The Czar had contriv'd this way of Travelling in the Train of his own Embassy as a private Person on purpose to see England and Holland the most flourishing and wealthy Countreys in the World and the most famous for Trade and Navigation being very desirous to improve his own Subjects that way especially now that being Master of Afoff upon the Mouth of the Tanais he had a very good Harbour open to the Black Sea by which if he could gain any Strength on those Seas he may not onely increase very much the Trade and Wealth of Muscovy but cut himself a way at the same time to the Greek Empire and become Master of Constantinople These are thoughts worthy of so great a Prince and to put himself thereupon in the best way of compassing such great ends he came with his Embassy to the Baltick Shore about the beginning of the last Summer where he imbark'd to come to Coningsberg the Capital City of the Ducal Prussia belonging to the Elector of Brandenbourg where his Electoral Highness was then with all his Court to be near Warsaw during the time of the Election for the Crown of Poland The Czar and his Embassy were nobly entertain'd here and pursued their Travels over-land afterwards through Prussia Pomerania Brandenbourg Westphalia c. to come to the Rhine and Embark there for Holland and after a considerable stay in Amsterdam the greatest Town for Trade and Navigation in the World unless this mighty Character be most deservedly due to London his Czarish Majesty is at length come himself privately to England to see our Shipping and Docks where the most stately curious and perfect Models for Building of Ships in the World are to be seen and to instruct himself in Navigation and Maritime Affairs now that he has the Sea open to him in a milder Climate than Archangel whereby he may at once make his Subjects considerable for their Trade and become a Terrour to the Turkish Empire which may one day be subdued by his power on the Black Seas and Visit the greatest and the most wealthy City in Christendom and Imperial Seat of a Great Monarch who has all the Power which the Purses of the wealthiest Nations of the World can afford without any Arts of Tyranny Oppression or Arbitrariness to have them who has had Vast Fleets at Sea and Numerous Armies in the Field and the People not oppress'd by those heavy Burdens which always attend an Absolute Power and without which even Arbitrary Power it self can never be great and who Rules the most Flourishing States in the Universe so happily and with such Justice Equity Gentleness and Wisdom that notwithstanding the vast difference of Governments one may find in the Commonwealth all the duty and respect of Subjects without any derogation to its Liberties and in the Monarchy all the Liberty of a Free People consistent with the Fealty and Allegiance due to a Sovereign These are Master peices of Government altogether peculiar to our great Monarch and which were there no other reason must raise his Name above all Princes that have Reign'd before him This Voyage of the Czar's to Holland England will make so considerable a Figure in History hereafter that I could not well pass it over without omitting one of the Chiesest Ornaments of this Account After this Interview the King went back to Loo where the D of Holstein Gottorp came to wait upon His Majesty and the Prince Vaudemont from Brussells being follow'd about a Week after by the Elector of Bavaria But notwithstanding that the Three Treaties Sign'd on the 10th of September were Ratified and Exchang'd and that the Peace had been proclaim'd upon it first at the Hague then at Paris the 13th of October and at London the 19th
following yet the King was resolv'd not to come to the Hague till the Imperialists and the French had made an end of the Treaty depending between them and therefore still kept at Loo and Diercn where Prince Vaudemont remain'd after the Elector's going back for Brussels and His Majesty named here his Excellency the Earl of Portland for his Ambassadour Extraordinary to go to the Court of France The 22th of October being the Term allow'd in the Separate Article of the 10th of September the Peace was Sign'd between the Empire and France according to the Project given by the French Ambassadours and the Memorial of the 21th of August and by it the French quitted to the Empire all Brisgow and Alsatia on the Right side of the Rhine with the Towns of Brisach and Fribourg the Fort of Kehl opposite to Strasbourg and the Town of Philipsbourg all on the same side of the Rhine together with the Territories belonging to the Electorate of Treves and the Palatinate on the left side of the Rhine and oblig'd themselves farther to demolish all the Forts they had upon that River on the right side of it and moreover Montroyal and Traerbach upon the Moselle after which they were to be restor'd to the Elector of Treves together with the Town of Treves in the Condition it was then They likewise ingag'd to restore the Dutchy of Lorrain and Barre in the Condition wherein Charles the Fourth enjoy'd it in the Year 1670 only they reserv'd to themselves the Town of Saar-Lonis with a district of half a League about it and the Town and Provostship of Longwy upon the Frontier of Lorrain towards Luxembourg for which Towns the French promis'd to give an Equivalent of the same Extent and Value in one of the three Bishopricks as it should be agreed upon between Commissioners appointed by the French King and the Duke of Lorrain for that purpose and farther to give back the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts to the King of Sweden the County of Mont-belliard to the Dukes of Wirtemberg with all the Mannors and Feudships belonging to the said Family in the Dutchy of Burgundy and Franche-Comte the Towns and Bishopricks of Wormes and Spire the first to the Grand Master of the Teutonick Order and the latter to the Archbishop of Treves And the Elector Palatine re-entering in the Possession of all his Territories and Revenues on both sides of the Rhine by this Treaty according as they were restor'd at the Peace of Westphalia the Emperour and the French King were nam'd to be Arbitrators of the Dutchess of Orleans's Pretensions in which if they did not agree that then the Pope should decide that Matter according to the Laws and Constitutions of the Empire and in the mean while that the Elector Palatine should allow the Dutchess of Orleans a Yearly Pension of 200000 Livers French Money Lastly The French promis'd to deliver up the Town and Castle of Dinant to the Elector of Cologne as Bishop of Liege in the Condition they were at the taking of them before the Treaty of Nimeguen And in Consideration of the Equivalent given by the French the Emperour and Empire consented that Strasbourg should be dismembred for ever from the Empire and annex'd to the Most Christian King's Dominions with a Sovereign Property and Jurisdiction over it that the Bridge of Philipsbourg should be broke down and the Fort which covers it on the left side of the Rhine demolish'd that the new Town of Brisach on the same side of the Rhine should be dismantled and that hereafter the Rhine should be the common Barriere in Alsatia between France and the Empire so that France should have no Forts upon the Rhine nor right side of it nor the Empire upon the left And as a common Article that this Treaty should be Ratified by the Empire and the French King within six Weeks after But there was a Clause in the Fourth Article whereby the Roman Catholick Religion was to be maintain'd in all the Places restor'd by the French in the Condition and State it was at the Signing of it which created very hot Contestations between the Protestant and Bopish Deputies of the Empire as being expresly contrary to the Treaty of Westphalia this made all the Protestant Deputies and the Mediatour himself as Deputy for the Dutchy of Deux-Ronts in the King of Sweden's Name refuse to Sign it as Derogatory to the Treaty of Westphalia except the Deputies of the House of Wirtemberg and of the Imperial Town of Franckfort There was not the least mention made of this Clause in the General Project given in by the French nor in their new Memorial of the 20th of August but England and Holland having Sign'd before without the Empire or rather the 10th of September seeming to have been laps'd on purpose to bring this about the French and Popish Members of the Empire took hold of such an Opportunity to gain Ground upon the Protestants in Germany The Treaty being Sign'd between the Empire and France and consequently a General Peace establish'd among all the Parties concern'd the King came then to the Hague on the 29th attended by the Prince of Vaudemont where his Princess came to wait upon His Majesty to Complement him upon the Peace and take her leave before her parting for Italy with the Prince her Husband who were lodg'd together in the Oud Hoff one of the King's Palaces at the Hague All the Plenipotentiary Ambassadours and Forreign Ministers went to Complement the King upon his Arrival and the Conclusion of the Peace and among them the three French Plenipotentiaries came there the next day in a Body by the French King's order and had an Audience in Form as his Ambassadours Extraordinary to make the first Complement to His Majesty The Fourth of November being the King's Birth day was kept at the Hague with a great deal of Solemnity the Court was throng'd Nov. with Forreign Ministers upon this occasion and the French Plenipotentiaries especially made their Complement to His Majesty upon his Birth-day and in the Evening a Magnificent Ball was given by the Prince and Princess of Vaudemont at the Oud Hoff. After this the King waited only for a fair Wind to bring him over to England and went some few days after to Oranje-Polder to imbark but the Wind coming about contrary His Majesty went back to the Hague At last the Wind coming fair the King imbark'd at Oranje Polder the 13th in the Morning and happily arriv'd at Margate on Sunday the 14th of November between Ten and Eleven in the Morning and went to lay that Night at Canterbury The 15th His Majesty came to Greenwich in order to make his Publick Entry the next day in the City of London where His Majesty was then receiv'd with all the Solemnity and Magnificence that Loyalty and Affection accompanied with an Universal Joy could be capable of to see His Majesty return Safe to his Kingdom after so many Fatigues and Dangers so many
Affairs enough to keep France quiet and to make it observe the Terms of the last Treaty unless it would run the Risk of an Alliance which hereafter would be more fatal to it than ever My last Reflexion shall be about the Advantages which England has gain'd by the present Peace As for the King he has rais'd an Eternal Monument of Fame and Glory to himself by it in bringing of a War in which he had already gain'd an Endless Renown in exposing his Person so freely to all the Dangers and Fatigues of it every Campagne to so happy a Period in spight of all the difficulties which seem'd rather to intail it upon himself and his Dominions in steering all along so justly and nicely among all the different Parties Nations Religions and Interests that made up the Body of the Allies as to bring them to joyn and Center together in effecting his Peaceable and quiet Settlement upon the Throne of these Realms even notwithstanding too many ill Successes in the Course of the War both for his and their Affairs and by this Union among the Chief Powers of the League so strictly carried on and so happily manag'd of which the French themselves when Enemies gave the * Father la Rue his Funeral Oration upon the Marechal of Luxembourg Applause to our Great Prince to compass an Honourable Peace for his Allies as well as for himself But the Glory of Kings does not alwayes make the Happiness of Subjects this would not amount to so much for us if the welfare of England was not joyn'd with it and here it is that we must take a view of the Advantages which England reaps at present by that Peace it owes to the Wisdom and Valour of our Good and Gracious as well as Great Sovereign in which case it would be enough to say that England has gain'd its cause by it and compass'd the great and noble design it did chiefly aim at in the War of recovering under His Majesty's Government its Rights Priviledges and Liberties which had been so notoriously violated before and of securing thereby the Protestant Religion not onely amongst us but in the rest of Christendom which was then in so manifest and apparent a danger by the violent Irruptions of a Popish Government so as for the future we might intail both our Religion and Liberties to Posterity upon a surer and more solid Foundation then they could have when in the reach of Tyranny and Arbitrary Power But over and above which indeed is but a necessary consequence of the former England is again re instated in its prerogative of holding the Ballance of Europe and keeping a due aequilibrium among the contending Powers of Christendom as it is its true interest for Popery nor Arbitrary Power can hardly be introduc'd amongst us but by a pernicious Adherence or rather Servility to one side or t'other to render it formidable thereby to the rest of the World by this means to compass such Tyrannical designs under the shelter of it and I think we have had but too much experience already to vouch for the Truth of this Assertion And as England has so gloriously recover'd itself and is reinstated in the Umpireship of the Affairs of Europe by gaining of our Cause in the happy Conclusion of a War in which we were so necessarily ingag'd so consequently is it in our Power to make the present Peace Solid Lasting and Durable for neither side will think it their advantage to be troublesome whilst a powerful Umpire is resolv'd to maintain the Ballance of Affairs Whilst England is in this Condition it is in its true Posture and as it should be but in order to keep and maintain our selves in it these two things seem to be absolutely necessary The first is a Careful regard to the State of Affairs abroad not to look upon them with an indifferency because we are in an Island happily divided from the rest of the World which frees us from a great many of its Commotions and Disturbances but whenever this point of the Umpireship in which our own Safety as well as Glory is so nearly concern'd lies at Stake then to ingage heartily and freely for the Liberty of Europe for otherwise we must at length become a Prey our selves or be involv'd in a War at last which will then cost us more Millions than in taking things at the beginning it would have cost us Hundred Thousands of Pounds for the Truth of which I need but appeal to the vast Expences of the late War The Second is Peace and Unity among our selves for besides that this Umpireship of the Affairs of Christendom wholly depends upon it which will always shelter us from Enemies abroad at the same time that it makes us great in the World it is the onely bottom that the present Government and with it our Religion Priviledges and Liberties can stand upon for their Fate is at present inseparable and I may boldly venture to say that as Affairs are now in Europe if our unhappy Divisions should work to that height as to produce a Change which God forbid no Revolution can happen in England from the present Government but for Popery and Tyranny without a very great Miracle to prevent it which is a Risk no wise Protestant can expose the Common Interest of all that call themselves Reformed to And therefore whatever Designes too many people amongst us may directly propose to themselves in carrying off of Factions and Divisions to work a Change of Affairs either in Church or State to their own Advantage of what side soever they may be yet in effect they onely work for their own Destruction and must of Course be involv'd in the Ruines of that very Fabrick which they endeavour to pull down and thus open the only remaining Inlet to Popery and Slavery And I pray God that all that call themselves Protestants may lay these things seriously to their Hearts that so our own Divisions may not one day effect what all the Power of France prompted and incouraged by the Treacherous and base Contrivances of an Unnatural Party of Men at home has not been able to perform and to this End may the God of Peace guide our judgements in all things and endow our Hearts with a healing Christian Charity among our selves which is the onely Bond of Peace so that though we cannot bring Matters to an exact Uniformity of Sentiments in Matters of Religion yet thereby we may at least be hinder'd from biting and devouring one another which cannot end otherwise but in a Common Ruin and united in the Methods of a mutual defence as we have at present more than over an Unity of Interest against the Common Adversary FINIS Books printed for Matthew Wotton at the Three Daggers in Fleet-street Numb 7. Shewing the Usefulness of Humane-Learning in Matters of Religion Numb 8. Shewing the Necessity of such a Christian Discipline as is Consistent with Civil Power in Opposition to the Extreams on both sides Books printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleet-street THE Honourable Hugh Hare Esq has Charge at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey held at Darking The Second Edition Corrected Dr. Falle's Account of the Isle of Jersey with a new Map dedicated to the King His Three Sermons on several Occasions Sir Francis Bacon's Essays A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays Or The Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth By Mr. Tim. Nurse The Anatomy of the Earth By Thomas Robinson Rector of Baâ—by in Cumberland
Tedious Cruel and Destructive War that has been known for many Ages in Christendom if we consider the Universalness of its Extent with the Duration of it and wherein his Thoughts could be entertain'd with nothing but Toilsom and Fatiguing Marches and Countermarches between Opposite Armies some to Execute others to Frustrate Designes and others barely to subsist at the Cost and Charges of the Poor Husbandmen and of a Miserable Countrey For what else makes up the Subject of such Histories can contain little besides the unwelcom account of the Effusion of but too much Christian Blood in Cruel Battles Bloody Sieges and Barbarous Bombarding Burning and Destroying of Towns and Villages some to satisfie and others to withstand the Ambition of Princes I have thought I could do no less than bring those Accounts to that happy Period we find in the present Blessings of a General Peace especially when for this very reason the History of the last Campagne must yet be the most acceptable that has been given to the Publick concerning the late War I must Confess nevertheless that little can be said in this Relation to the Advantage of the Allies for the most that could have been expected during the last Campagne from them considering how much they were over power'd of the French by the separate Peace of Savoy and Italy had been to have stood effectually upon their Defence which I believe could yet have been done if the Germans had taken the Field as early upon the Rhine as we did in Flanders or that the Spanish Government were capable of any manner of Vigour to have provided by times for the Defence of Barcelona the only place they had to look after in Catalonia by which they could have baulk'd at once the whole designes of the French for the Campagne on that side However this very thing includes more Real Glory than all the Triumphs and Victories our Great Monarch could have reap'd in the Bloody Fields of War besides the great Happiness it is attended with for all his People that at the End of it we can see the most Formidable Power of Christendom a Power that for many years had resisted the Confederate Attempts of most of the Princes and States of Europe a Power that seem'd to have tir'd the Allies more than it self by a long and expensive War a Power that with all these Advantages design'd no less than our Kings Ruin with that of our Religion Lawes and Liberties oblig'd to seek Peace with us and yield to his Majesty the just and quiet possession of the Crown 's he wears to the great Comfort and Happiness of His People under his Easie and Auspicious Government which with the security of all that can be dear to a Nation must promise us all the Blessings that can be expected from Peace abroad and a great and flourishing Trade at home And that even all the advantages which this great and formidable power has had over the Allies in the Course of the last Campagne have only serv'd as a means to procure it a quicker and more speedy accommodation with them instead of prolonging a then unsuccessful War on their side This is what I am now to Relate and which must give much more Satisfaction to the Honest Reader than if I were to speak of Battles won and other Warlike Triumph's and Victory 's and therefore a Subject which without any farther preface I shall enter immediately upon The Campagne of 1696. had produc'd nothing extraordinary besides the extraordinary though not new proceedings of the Court of Savoy in making an underhand Treaty with France separate from the Allies expresly contrary to the Tenour of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance the Duke had enter'd in with them besides other Obligations he had to them And though the Conditions offer'd him by the French were very Advantagious yet it has so evidently appear'd since in the whole Course of Affairs that France wanted Peace all its Successes during the last Campagne having been made use of to no other purpose than to oblige the Allies to this very thing that we need not doubt but the Duke of Savoy would at least have had as good Terms in a general Treaty and the Allies certainly much better when France by the diversion of the War of Italy would have been frustrated of those Successes it has had in Catalonia and Flanders which have inabled it in a manner to give the Law in the General Treaty of Ryswick But 't is not the first time the Court of Savoy has made use of such Politicks we shall find the same Management in the War about the Succession of Mantua and the putting of Pignerol in the hands of the French contrary to the Treaty of Quierasque which place has now been rescued out of their hands by the very same Methods when as the event has shew'd it 't is plain enough he could have had the same Condition by sticking to the Obligations of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance and leaving things to the fair and just Issue of a General Treaty And yet notwithstanding this separate Treaty 't is the Opinion of several people that France would not have been much the better for it but certainly Savoy much the worse if the Emperour and King of Spain had continued the War in Italy as it seems to have been their Interest especially at a time when there were Overtures of a General Peace The most that France could have done in such a Case would have been the taking of Valence whereas the Spaniards would have had the whole Winter before them in putting the Milane's in a posture of Defence in getting Forces from the Empire and increasing their own Troops by the help of England and Holland who t is to be presum'd would have given the same assistance upon the account of Milan as they had done before to the Duke of Savoy By this means Italy would have had a greater share in the Burden of the War and whatever Success the French could have propos'd to themselves the Campagne following on this side yet 't is evident that Spain would have had this advantage by it that it would have sav'd Barcelona and warded that great blow it has receiv'd at home and the Allies would have been able by the diversion of Italy to have acted offensively both upon the Rbine and Flanders These were the visible Consequences of a War in Italy and therefore because the Emperor and King of Spain agreed to the Peace on that side contrary to their Interest and that of the Allyes in General several persons begun to suspect the Popish Princes as if they had a design to leave the Protestants in the Lurch and the Bigots of the Church of Rome fed themselves with hopes of a Religious War in which they thought of nothing less than the Extirpation of what they are pleas'd to call Heresie But the Emperour and King of Spain could not be impos'd upon by this pretext of