so many innocent Souls from imminent Danger To whose monitions he willingly consented and delivered the following things to be put in Writing out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace may be clearly explicated and demonstrated 1. First of all that the Hinge of the Business may be rightly discerned it is to be known that all those Factions with which all Christendom is at this Day shaken do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham of which four Orders abound throughout the World Of the First Order are Ecclesiasticks whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion Of the second Order are Politicians whose Office it is by any means to shake trouble reform the State of Kingdoms and Republicks Of the Third Order are Seculars whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes to insinuate and immix themselves in Court Businesses bargains and sales and to be busied in Civil Affairs Of the Fourth Order are Intelligencers or Spies Men of Inferiour condition who submit themselves to the services of great Men Princes Barons Noblemen Citizens to deceive or corrupt the Minds of their Masters 2. A Society of so many Orders the Kingdom of England nourisheth For scarce all Spain France and Italy can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits as London alone where are found more than Fifty Scottish Jesuits There the said Society hath elected to it self a seat of Iniquity and hath conspired against the King and the most faithful to the King especially the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and likewise against both Kingdoms 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self that the forenamed Society hath determined to effect an universal Reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland Therefore the determination of the end necessarily infers a determination of means to the end 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany the said Society dubbed it self with the Title of The Congregation of propagating the Faith which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College and Cardinal Barbarino his Substitute and Executor 5. The chief Patron of the Society at London is the Popes Legat who takes care of the business into whose Bosom these Dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences Now the Residence of this Legation was obtained at London in the name of the Roman Pontif by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarino to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom For none else could so freely circumvent the King as he who should be palliated with the Pope's Authority 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Pope's Legat an universal Instrument of the conjured Society and a serious promoter of the business whose secrets as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers the present good Man the Communicator of all these things did receive and expedite whither the business required Cuneus set upon the chief Men of the Kingdom and left nothing unattempted by what means he might corrupt them all and incline them to the Pontifician Party He inticed many with various Incitements yea he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures Antiquities Idols and of other Vanities brought from Rome which yet would prevail nothing with the King Having entred familiarity with the King he is often requested at Hamptoncourt likewise at London to undertake the cause of the Palatine and that he would interpose his Authority and by his Intercession persuade the Legat of Colen that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of Peace might be inserted into the Conditions which verily he promised but performed the contrary He writ indeed that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things yet he advised not that they should be consented to lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince In the mean time Cuncus smelling from the Arch-Bishop most trusty to the King that the King's Mind was wholly pendulous or doubtful resolved That he would move every Stone and apply his Forces that he might gain him to his party Certainly considing that he had a means prepared For he had a command to offer a Cardinal's Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the Name of the Pope of Rome and that he should allure him also with higher Promises that he might corrupt his sincere Mind Yet a sitting ocasion was never given whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop for the Scorpion sought an Egg Free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel likewise by Secretary Windebank The intercession of all which being neglected he did fly the Company or familiarity of Cuneus worse than the Plague He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank well known to him neither yet was he moved 7. Another also was assayed who hindred access to the detestable wickedness Secretary Cook he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits from whom he intercepted access to the King he entertained many of them according to their deserts he diligently enquired into their Factions by which means every incitement breathing a Magnetical attractive power to the Popish Party was ineffectual with him for nothing was so dear unto him that might incline him to wickedness Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy he was endangered to be discharged from his Office it was laboured for three Years space and at last obtained Yet notwithstanding there remained on the King's part a knot hard to be untied for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy interposed himself as a most hard Rock When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishop's part that he had laboured in vain his Malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot Soon after Ambushes began to be prepared wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken Likewise a Sentence is passed against the King for whose sake all this business is disposed because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion but especially when he had opened his Mind that he was of this Opinion that every one might be saved in his own Religion so as he be an honest and pious Man 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken the Criminal execution at Westminster caused by some Writings of Puritans gave occasion of the first Fire Which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans that if it remained unrevenged it would be thought a blemish to their Religion the Flames of which Fire the subsequent book of Prayers increases 9. In this heat a certain Scottish-Earl called Maxfield if I mistake not was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party with whom two other Scottish Earls Papists held correspondency He ought to stir up the People
St. Paul He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue speaks not unto Men for they understand him not yet he speaks to God and doubtless doth not mock him for he edifies himself and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries neither of which can stand with the mocking of God Now say they As there is no word of all this in the English Service so doth the Book in King Edward's Time give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture which yet gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book and even in Cassander his own Judgment a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind that he calleth them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus and would have them to be abhorred because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious ter-impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam As there is no word of all this in the English Service so neither is there in the Book for Scotland more or other or to other purpose than I have above expressed For the Book under Edw. 6. at the end of it there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter But it is only of some Gestures such as are there named Similes not of all But if any will extend it unto all then I humbly desire it may be Piously and Prudently considered whether this confusion which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice be not like to prove worse than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity And yet say they these Gestures for all this Liberty given gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 't is true Bucer did make some Observations upon that Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer And after he had made such Observations upon it as he thought fit he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches that which is given me to see and discern in this business I will subscribe This done your most Reveverend Father-hood and the rest of your Order that is the rest of the Bishops may judge of what I write Where we see both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him and his Christian Humility to leave what he had done to the judgment of the then Governours of this Church By which it appears that he gave his Judgment upon that Book not as being the Censurer of it as these Men call him but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it to that Authority which required it of him Much less was it such a Censure as must bind all other Men to his Judgment which he very modestly submits to the Church Howsoever this has been the common Error as I humbly conceive of the English Nation to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert and to the contempt or passing by at least of Men of equal worth of their own Nation which I have observed ever since I was of ability to judge of these things But be this as it may These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer For they say he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures But Bucer's words are Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Mass it self not to the Gestures in it of bowing the Knee or beating the Breast or the like which in themselves and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also are far enough from being Execrable As for that which follows and which are Bucer's words indeed That These Gestures or any other which confirm to the simple ter impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam as he there calls it the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass are to be abhorred there 's no doubt to be made of that Unless as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both they be such Ceremonies as Impeach not the free Justification of a Sinner by Faith in Christ and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them Now all this at the most is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies and in such time and place must be understood too as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me and Bucer must make his own Speeches good For my own part I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind as my Accusers here call him And he says plainly a little after in the same place concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things Quanquam est quod in istis viris desiderem though I approve them in many things yet there is somewhat which I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on 3. The Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is also to be found here For the Words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England and yet are taken in here Almighty God is in called that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here is made a work of God's Omnipotency The words of the Mass ut fiant nobis are Translated in King Edward's Book that they may be unto us which is again turned into Latin by Alesius ut fiant nobis They say the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is to be found in this Service-Book But they must pardon me I know it is not there I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment and yet suffer that to pass But let 's see their proof The words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Liturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England yet are taken into this Service-Book I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy fit for Bucer to censure sharply and therefore not tending to that purpose For did they tend to that they could not be censured too sharply The words it seems are these O Merciful Father of thy Almighty Goodness vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son Well if these be the words how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them Why first the Charge here is made a
CAP. IV. NOW follows Adam Blair the second with a Codicil or a Corollary to this Charge And this though it concerns my Brethren the Bishops as much as me yet because it charges upon the Calling and was delivered in with the Charge against me though under another date of December 15. I shall express what I think of that too For I think the Scotch Commissioners took another day in upon advice that they might have a fling at the whole Calling And I cannot but think it was upon design among them when I consider how eagerly the House of Commons hath followed Episcopacy ever since This Codicil to their last Will and Testament concerning me begins thus We do indeed confess that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper some of them more and some less inclinable to Popery yet what known Truth and constant Experience hath made undeniable we must at this Opportunity express And so must we For we as ingenuously confess that the Presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper And the more moderate for Temper and the more able for Learning among them have ever declared for the Episcopacy of England But whereas they say some of the Bishops of England are more and some less inclinable to Popery that may seem to imply that all of them are more or less inclinable to Popery which I dare say is a loud untruth Perhaps that which some of them call Popery is Orthodox Christianity and not one whit the worse for their miscalling it though they much the worse for disbelieving it But now you shall hear what that known truth is which constant experience they say hath made undeniable That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland not only after the coming of King James of Happy Memory into England but before the Prelates of England have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our Discipline and Government A little change in the words answers this For from the very first of the Reformation of the Church of England as well before as after the coming in of King James of Happy Memory the Presbyters of Scotland have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of Episcopacy our Discipline and Government As appears most manifestly in Archbishop Bancroft's Works So then either this is a loud untruth if our Prelates did not so practise against them Or if it be truth our Bishops had altogether as much reason if not more the justice of the Cause considered to work the overthrow of their Discipline than they had of Episcopacy But they tell us It hath come to pass of late that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought Vs to Subjection in point of Government and finding their long-waited-for Opportunity and a rare Congruity of many Spirits and Powers ready to co-operate for their Ends have made a strong Assault upon the whole External Worship and Doctrine of our Kirk Surely for their Doctrine 't is too large a Field to beat over at this time Yet many Doctrines are on foot amongst them which are fitter to be weighed than swallowed would they permit them to be brought to the Sanctuary and Balanced there And for the whole External Worship which they speak of I have heard it said they have none at all and out of doubt 't is very little they have if any And therefore if the Prelates of England had gotten an Opportunity and a Congruity of Spirits and Powers to co-operate which yet is not so they had been much to blame if they had not pursued it till they had brought both the one and the other to a better Condition than they stand in at present And if they had such an Opportunity they were much to blame that deserted it And if they had not these Men are unworthy for asserting it But what End had the Prelates of England in this Why sure By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England but to make Scotland first whose weakness in resisting they had before experienced in Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship and therefore England conform to Rome even in those matters wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the time of Reformation These Men out of doubt have or take on them to have a great insight into the Hearts and Souls of the Prelates of England They know that we did not aim to make them conformable to England but to make Scotland first and then England conformable to Rome But I know the contrary and will leave the Book it self to be judged by the Learned in all parts of Christendom for it is carefully Translated into Latin whether it teach or practise Conformity with Rome or not which trial is far beyond their unlearned and uncharitable Assertion And if any other of my Brethren have had this aim they should do well to name them But they are so void of Charity that they cannot forbear to say that we aim to make them Conformable to Rome even in those things wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the Reformation Which is so monstrous an untruth that I wonder how Impudence it self dare utter it considering what the Bishops of England have written in defence of their Reformation against Rome and how far beyond any thing which the Presbyters of Scotland have written against it As for the Reason which is given why we began with Scotland namely because we had experience of their weakness in resisting Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship I know not what they mean by their weakness in resisting unless it be That they did not prevail against King James of Blessed Memory for resist they did to their power when he brought in Bishops which it seems they call Novations in Government and the Articles of Perth which they stile Novations in some Points of Worship And if this be that which they mean there is no Novation in the one or the other And for their weakness in resisting you may see what it is For no sooner have they gotten the Opportunity which they speak of in the beginning of this Codicil but they cast out all their Bishops reversed all the Articles of Perth all the Acts of Parliament which confirmed both brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and Buchanan saving that they have made it much worse by admitting so many Lay-Elders with Votes in their General Assemblies as may inable the Lay-men to make themselves what Religion they please A thing which the Church of Christ never knew in any part of it Nor have they stayed here but made use of the same Opportunity to cry down the Bishops and Church-Government in England As you will see by that
ready again in my great Business And Wednesday at Night Januar. 3. I received an Order for my Appearance and to Answer to the Impeachment against me on the Munday following Januar. 8. This Summons seem'd sudden after so great an Intermission Yet I could not Petition for more time till Saturday Januar. 6. because as the Messenger told me the House sat not again till then Then I Petitioned for more time in regard my Councel were not in Town And I had time given till Tuesday Januar. 16. and that Day set peremptorily Notwithstanding the shortness of this time my Councel being out of Town as not expecting it I was on Sunday Januar. 7. Ordered again to appear in Mr. Smart's Suit the next day The Warrant bare date a Fortnight before yet partly to Sanctifie the Sabbath and partly to shew his great Civility to me in giving me Warning I was not served with it till Sunday night at Seven of the Clock The next Morning I went to Westminster as I was commanded But I was sent back and not so much as called upon So beside the Charge I was at that Day was lost and taken from me and my Business as short time as I had given me Then Tuesday came on Januar. 16. And whereas I was Ordered to appear at the Lords House at Nine in the Morning I was by another Order put off to One of the Clock in the Afternoon Then I appeared The Committee that were to press the Evidence against me began to proceed upon the former general Articles as well as upon the latter But to the first Articles I had never been called to Answer nor ever joyned Issue Upon this there was much looking one upon another as if they meant to ask where the Failure was But by this means there could not then be any Proceeding So I was there peremptorily Ordered to put in my Answer on Munday Jan. 22. both to the Original and to the Additional Articles and in Writing At this day and time I appeared as I was Ordered to do but could not obtain of the Lords either to take my former Answer off from the File if I must put in another nor to distinguish the Articles which were Treason and which Misdemeanour Nor leave for my Councel to speak to the Generality and Uncertainty of the Original Articles which they professed were such as no Man living could prepare Answer for But I must put in my Answer presently or be taken Pro Confesso So in these Streights I put in my Answer to both Articles which follows in haec verba THE Humble Answer of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to the first and farther Articles of Impeachment brought up by the Honourable House of Commons against him and by Order of the Right Honourable the Lords in Parliament of the 16th of this Instant directed to be put in As to the 13th Article of the said first Articles and the Matters therein charged and all Matters or Things in the same or any of the rest of the said Articles contained which concern any Act of Hostility whether between the King and his Subjects or between Subject and Subject or which may be conceived to arise upon the coming of any English Army against Scotland or the coming of the Scottish Army into England or upon any Action Attempt Assistance Counsel or Device having relation thereunto and falling out by the occasion of the late Troubles preceding the late conclusion of the Treaty and return of the Scottish Army into Scotland This Defendant saith That it is Enacted by an Act made during the Sitting of this present Parliament that the same and whatsoever hath ensued thereupon whether Trenching upon the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Kingdom or upon his Majesty's Honour and Authority in no time hereafter may be called in question or resented as a Wrong National or Personal and that no mention be made thereof in time coming neither in Judgment nor out of Judgment but that it be held and reputed as though never such things had been thought or wrought as by the said Act may more at large appear With this that this Defendant doth Aver that he is none of the Persons Excepted by the said Act or the said Offences charged upon this Defendant any of the Offences excepted by the said Act. And as to all the rest of the said first and farther Articles this Defendant saving to himself all Advantages of Exception to the said Articles Humbly saith He is not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Articles charged in such Manner and Form as the same are by the said Articles charged against him This day the Thames was so full of Ice that I could not go by Water It was Frost and Snow and a most bitter day I went therefore with the Lieutenant in his Coach and twelve Warders with Halberts went all along the Streets I could not obtain either the sending of them before or the suffering them to come behind but with the Coach they must come which was as good as to call the People about me So from the Tower-gate to Westminster I was sufficiently railed on and reviled all the way God of his Mercy forgive the misguided People My Answer being put in I was for that time dismissed and the Tyde serving me I made a hard shift to return by Water And now notwithstanding all this haste made to have my Answer in Mr. Pryn cannot make this broken Business ready against me Therefore to fill up some time I was Ordered to be at the House again on Munday Jan. 29. about Mr. Smart's Business But being put to this Trouble and Charge and shewed to the People for a farther Scorn I was sent back again and had nothing said to me All February passed over and Mr. Pryn not yet ready he had not yet sufficiently prepared his Witnesses But on Munday Mar. 4. an Order passed to call me to the House to answer my Charge of High-Treason on Tuesday March 12. following And on Saturday March 9. I received a Note from the Committee which were to press the Evidence against me what Articles they meant to begin with which had a shew of some fair Respect but the Generality and Uncertainty of the Articles was such as rendred it a bare shew only no Particular being charged concerning which I might provide for any Witnesses or Counter-proof CAP. XXI AND now being ready to enter upon the Hearing and the Tryal it self I hold it necessary for me to acquaint the Reader with some General things before that begin Partly to the end he may see the course of this Tryal and the carriage which hath been in it and partly to avoid the often and tedious Repetition which else must necessarily be of some of them and especially that they may not be mingled either with the Evidence or my Answers to it to interrupt the Current or make any thing more obscure 1. The
been lately made Secondly That to effect this Trayterous Design they have not only secretly erected some Monasteries of Monks Nuns in and about London but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtile Jesuits incorporated into a particular new Society whereof the Pope himself is Head and Cardinal Barbarino his Vicar which Society was first discovered and some of them apprehended in their private College at Clerkenwel together with their Books of Account Reliques and Massing Trinkets about the beginning of the Second Parliament of this King yet such Power Favour Friends they had then acquired that their Persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any Prosecution to prevent the Parliament's Proceedings against them Since which this conjured Society increasing in Strength and Number secretly replanted themselves in Queenstreet and Long-Acre and their Purses are now so strong their Hopes so elevated their Designs so ripened as they have there purchased and founded a new magnificent College of their own for their Habitation near the fairest Buildings of Nobles Knights and Gentlemen the more commodiously to seduce them Thirdly That these Jesuits and Conspirators hold weekly constant uninterrupted Intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals and have many Spies or Intelligencers of all sorts about the King Court City Noblemen Ladies Gentlemen and in all Quarters of the Kingdom to promote this their Damnable Plot. Fourthly That the Pope for divers late Years hath had a known avowed Legat Con by Name openly residing even in London near the Court of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the Obedience of the Church of Rome and the Queen at least another Leger at Rome trading with the Pope to facilitate the Design to wit one Hamilton a Scot who receives a large Pension out of the Exchequer granted to another Protestant of that Name who payeth it over unto him to palliate the business from the People's knowledge by which means there hath been a constant allowed Negotiation held between Rome and England without any open interruption Fifthly That the Pope's Legat came over into England to effect this Project and kept his Residence here in London for the better Prosecution thereof by the King 's own Privity and Consent And whereas by the ancient Law and Custom of the Realm yet in force even in Times of Popery no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome ought to cross the Seas or land in England or any the King's Dominions without the King's Petition Calling and Request and before he had taken a Solemn Oath or Protestation to bring and attempt nothing in Word or Deed to the Prejudice of the Rights Priviledges Laws and Customs of the King and Realm This Legat for ought appears was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath which would have crossed the chief End of his Legation to prejudice all of them and our Religion too Yea whereas by the Statutes of the Realm it is made no less than High Treason for any Priests Jesuits or others receiving Orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome to set footing in England or any the King's Dominions to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery And no Popish Recusant much less then Priests Jesuits and Legats ought to remain within Ten Miles of the City of London nor come into the King's or Prince's Courts the better to avoid such traiterous and most dangerous Conspiracies Treasons and Attempts as are daily devised and practised by them against the King and Commonweal Yet notwithstanding this Pope's Legat and his Confederates have not only kept Residence for divers Years in or near London and the Court and enjoyed free Liberty without Disturbance or any Prosecution of the Laws against them to seduce his Majesty's Nobles Courtiers Servants Subjects every where to their Grief and Prejudice but likewise have had familiar Access to and Conference with the King himself under the very Name and Authority of the Pope's Legat by all Arts Policies and Arguments to pervert and draw him with his three Kingdoms into a new Subjection to the See of Rome as Cardinal 〈◊〉 the last Pope's Legat extant in England before this in Queen Mary's Reign reconciled her and the Realm to Rome to their intolerable Prejudice An Act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm with his Majesty's many ancient and late Remonstrances Oaths Protestations to maintain the Protestant Religion without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest Times of Queen Elizabeth c. as may well amaze the World which ever looks more at real Actions than verbal Protestations Sixthly That the Popish Party and Conspirators have lately usurped a Sovereign Power not only above the Laws and Magistrates of the Realm which take no hold of Papists but by the Parliament's late Care against them here but even over the King himself who either cannot or dares not for fear perchance of Poysoning or other Assassination oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions and Court but hath a long time permitted them to prosecute this Plot without any publick Opposition or Dislike by whose Powerful Authority and Mediation all may easily divine Alas What will become of the poor Sheep when the Shepherd himself not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish Wolves but permits them free Access into and Harbour in the Sheepfold to assault if not devour not only his Flock but Person too Either St. John was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepherd and in prescribing this Injunction against such Seducers If there come any unto you and bring not this Doctrine receive him not into your House neither bid him God speed for he that biddeth him God speed is Partaker of his evil Deeds And the Fathers and Canonists deceived in this Maxim Qui non prohibet malum quod potest jubet Or else the Premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any who profess themselves Enemies or Opposites to the Pope Priests or Church of Rome Seventhly That these Conspirators are so potent as to remove from Court and Publick Offices all such as dare strenuously oppose their Plots as the Example of Secretary Cook with other Officers lately removed in Ireland evidence and plant others of their own Party and Confederacy both in his Majesty's Court Privy Council Closet Bed-chamber if not Bed and about the Prince to corrupt them And how those who are thus environed with so many industrious potent Seducers of all sorts who have so many Snares to entrap so many Enticements to withdraw them both in their Beds Bed-Chambers Closets Councils Courts where-ever they go or come should possibly continue long untainted unseduced without an omnipotent Protection of which none can be assured who permits or connives at such dangerous Temptations is a thing scarce credible in Divine or Humane Reason if Adam's Solomon's and others Apostacies by such means be duly pondered
like a Damned Rogue between two Theeves c. Glocester C. R. I must bee satisfyed that the Occasions were very necessary otherwaies he shall Answer itt Hereford Oxford Chichester Peterborough Canterbury London Lincoln Bath and Wells Norwich Oxon. Sarum Ely Chichester St. Asaph Bristol Landaff Hereford Winton Peterburgh Rochester Exeter St Davids Glocester The Account of my Province of Canterbury for the Year 1636 presented to his Majesty Jan. An. Praed Canterbury C. R. Informe mee of the Particulars and I shall command the Judges to make them Abjure London C. R. What the High Commission cannot doe in this I shall supply as I shall finde Cause in a more powerfull way Winchester Bath and Wells Norwich C. R. Let him goe Wee are well ridd of him C. R. I approve your Judgment in this I only add that care must be taken that even those Qualified by Law keepe none but Conformable Men. C. R. Bishops Certificates in this Case must be most unquestionable Evidence C. R. His Sute is granted and assuredly his negative Consequence shall followe Oxford C. R. If this be not upon Composition I understand itt not Ely 〈◊〉 C. R. This may prove a bold Part in the Bishop and the poore Preist in noe Fault as the other Day his information proved concerning the Ship Business at the Council-Board therefore examine this farther C. R. Try your way for some tyme. Sarum 〈◊〉 Exon. Chichester Peterborough Hereford C. R. Which ye shall not want if you need St. Davids C. R. Since he hath beene at the Charge and hath so good Testimonie lett him have his desire with those restrictions mentioned Landaff St. Asaph C. R. Itt is done Bangor C. R. I doubt not but by the Grace of God to agree these Differences by my hearinge of them Rochester Glocester Bristol Coventry and Lichfield C R. For the Bishops of Gloster and Coven and Lich I must know why they have not made other Account Whythall the 21 of Feb 1637 Cant. C. R. Keepe those particular Persons fast untill ye thincke what to doe with the rest London C. R. Itt is most fitt Winton C. R. I desire to know the certaintie of this Ely Rochester Sarum Peterburgh Bath and Wells Lincoln Norwich C. R. Let him proceed to Deprivation C. R. Let him doe his Duty and I shall take care that no Prohibition shall trouble him in this case C. R. Herein I shall not faile to doe my Part. Exon. Oxford C. R. Lett mee see those exemptions and then I shall declare my further Pleasure Bristol C. R Doe soe C. R. I shall Chichester Hereford St. Asaph Landaff Bangor Worcester St. Davids C. R. Cale for them Canterbury C. R. Demand theire helpe and if they refuse I shall make them assist you London Winton Lincoln Oxon. Worcester Exon. Hereford Ely Bristol C. R. In this ye have very great reason for it is not fit that the Sentence of Excommunication should stand longer then it needs must Landaff St. Davids C. R. It is no wonder that this Relation is imperfect since the Bishop's Sicknes gives him an excuse for absence Bangor Glocester C. R. This is well enough if he have left his desire of further absenting himselfe Norwich C. R. I doe soe Lichfield C. R. I shall Chichester Peterborough Sarum Bath and Wells Rochester S. Asaph Canterbury C. R. It were not amisse to speake with the Keeper about this London Winton Oxford C. R. Command him in my name to doe soe Conventry and Lichfield C. R. I am content Norwich Ely C. R. It must not bee You are in the Right for if faire meanes will not power must redresse it C. R. Cotting on would bee spoken withall concerning this Hereford Bristol Peterburgh C. R. Soe that Catechizng be first duely performed let them 〈◊〉 a Sermon after that if theye desire it C. R. It is most necessary that the Bishop observe this that you mention strictly Lincoln Exeter Asaph Bath and Wells Sarum Worcester Gloucester Rochester St. Davids Landaff Bangor Chichester C. R. I hope it is to be understood that what is not certified here to be amisse is right touching the observation of my Instructions which granted this is no ill Certificat 10 Feb. 1617 40. C. R. * Who I believe is the Author of this Tract * And would be then disclose it to me if I were in any degree a Promoter of it or a Favourer of the Religion * This is not so For I gave not any Vote at all for his Censure * If a stranger were thus affected at the hearing of this Plot how should we our selves be sensible thereof * I have not looked upon these 〈◊〉 these two Years and 〈◊〉 half Yet if my memory fail not here are some 〈◊〉 left 〈◊〉 * The Jesuits Plots are never ended till they obtain their 〈◊〉 ends in all things * The Pope and Cardinal Barbarino His Majesty and the Realm may be soon be trayed by such false Attendants I beseech Your Majesty read these Letters as they are endorsed by figures 1 2 3 c. Ye had reason so to doe It is an unanswerable Dilemma I concur totally with you in opinion assuring you that no body doth or shall know of this businesse and to shew my care to conceale it I received this but this afternoon and now I make this dispatch before I sleepe Herewith I send his warrant as you advise which indeed I judge to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 way I like your answer extreame well and doe promise not to deceive your confidence nor make you break your word I have sent all back I thinke these Apostyles will bee warrant enough for you to proceed especially when I expresly command you to doe so In this I am as far from condemning your judgment as suspecting your fidelitie C. R. * The King's hand and date * The Arch-Bishop's Postcript * A very good Argument of truth and reality * Therefore a man of note and imployment * The quality of the discoverer and means inducing him to reveal this Plot. * The Popes Nuncio then in England Four sorts of Jesuits * A good Caveat to Nobles and Gentlemen to beware they entertain not a Jesuit or Romish Spie in their Houses instead of a Servant * We had need 〈◊〉 about when so many active 〈◊〉 are harboured among us even perchance at this present Therefore 〈◊〉 Kingdoms need 〈◊〉 to themselves Strange that such a Society should be 〈◊〉 under the Desender of the Faith A strangeWorld when a Popes Legat shall be openly 〈◊〉 boured so 〈◊〉 the King and Court and have free access to 〈◊〉 without controul If the King truly hate the Pope it will make his Instruments less effectual if they come in his Name Popes Instruments are ever very active Strange it was that the chief Men should not set themselves gainst him and his to send them packing hence especially that the King himself did it not when hethus tempted and assaulted him That a Popes
Legat should be so familiar with the King and the King make much of him instead of banishing him is a Riddle * The Archbishop therefore and he had some familiarity and acquaintance at first * This offer appears under the Arch Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value than an Italian Cardinalship But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven Jesuits cannot indure neuters If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage and greatest advancement of Popes designs * He means the Scottish Prayer-book the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy under the Arch-Bishop's own hand when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him †Now practised in Oxford Wales and the Northern parts by open toleration * The more shame and pity and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it †The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings †The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned belike by some of their Instruments * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers if not their Confederates All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome * A meet Guerdon for such a Service Jesuits will not give over acting till they 〈◊〉 their Designs Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland lying in the midst between both The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards for being seducing Instiuments The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome from hence can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 There are more Popish Chapel in and about London than are 〈◊〉 known Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion should make us liberal to defend it Jesuits are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope made her frequently to visit his Legat The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 No wonder theEarls Debts be so great A School of Nunns Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber now keeper of the great Seal Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more Papists spare no cost The other Conspirators Names A sit Cover for such a Dish It seems their Purses were strong and their hopes great A good Caveat for England now †Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes it s a Miracle that they should favour them or harbour any of their Agents now neer them a I did all I could and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords his Majesty being present And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 or one employed from him b Yet by 〈◊〉 c Most false d This is added * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither f Most false g I could not prosecute him Nor the Author of this Tract had he been in my place h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume if any thing i These Words are not mine Besides take the whole Sentence and then c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. 4. ‖ See the English Pope k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 And if they were yet c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees There it is Hoc est corpus meum c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 p I hope I shall not answer for other Men if they prove not as they should * See the Articles against him in Parliament q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids s My Chaplains have answered their Faults or may when 〈◊〉 t Who told you so u Vtterly False x I helped on that Parliament And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it for ought I know y When 't is prepared it shall be welcome to me to have any end * 〈◊〉 Eccles. 〈◊〉 p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit ult p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 4 5. * See 1 2 Phil. Mary c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 11 12 13. †2 Joh. 10 11. * Gratian. caus 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out * Gen. 3. †1 King 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 peribit in co * Chamberlain Cardinal Richelieu his Agent * Now a Prisoner in the Tower and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland * Grimston in his Life Fox Speed †General History of France * 〈◊〉 Grimston †See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 * It should seem that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person then a Member of the Vniversity who perhaps being absent at that time might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford For from Dr Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully or that he was in the least inclined to Popery * His Name is Weale Ethic. l. 1.
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
Epiphaniae dies Veneris nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse deductis paululum stragulis hilarem in me aspexisse laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum quem ego dum vixit novi amavi Jacuisse videbatur ille humi laetus satis sed rugoso vultu Nomen ei Grove Dum paro salutare evigilavi Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum quam dedit ei Mater Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae c. Januar. 14. Die Solis versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit abiit nec assequi potui Januar. 16. Die Martis Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 quòd quum esuriit abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei Dum parat comedere ego dum alii aberant Calicem ei de more porrigebam Potum attuli non placuit Iterum adduxi sed poculo argenteo Dicit Serenissimus Rex Tu 〈◊〉 me semper è vitro bibere Abeo iterum evigilavi Januar. 17. Die Mercurij Ostendi Rationes Regi cur Chartae Episcopi Winton defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino praelo tradendae sint contra illud quod miserè in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae Episcopus Lincoln significavit Regi sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall Feb. 9. Die Veneris nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ vix digito me retinere potuisse donec opem peterem c. Feb. 20. Die Martis Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum ubi tum Rex fuit Martij 3. Dies Saturni erat Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae Cancellario istius almae Academiae alijs Comitibus Baronibus Incorporatus ibi fui sic primus qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci tum sedenti in domo Congregationis ipse fui Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis Academicè celebriter Redimus Martij 6. Die Martis Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato ego versùs Londinum Martij 8. Die Jovis Veni Londinum Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae Hoc anxiè me habuit miratus sum 〈◊〉 unde accidit Nec solum mihi molestus fui propter Errores illius Ecclesiae sed etiam propter scandala quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent Sic turbatus insomnio dixi apud me me statim iturum confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam voluit impedire Sed indignatione motus me in viam dedi Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus evigilavi Tales impressiones sensi ut vix potui credere me somniâsse Martij 12. Die Lunae cum Rege concessi Theobaldas Redij die proximo Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum Horâ noctis ferè mediâ sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius ferè quatuor mensium Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday D. B. sent me to the King There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses which c. His Majesty thanked me March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House both by himself and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Palace at White-Hall He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham c. In the Convocation held that Day there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding being the fifth Sunday of Lent April 5 Wednesday The King sent in the Morning commanding the Bishops of Norwich Litchfeild and St Davids to attend him I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country We received the King's Commands about c. and returned April 12. Wednesday at 9. in the Forenoon we met together viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester Durham and St Davids being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon which Dr Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th Sunday in Lent last past We advised together and gave this Answer to the King That some things were therein spoken less cautiously but nothing falsely That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England That the best way would be that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again at some time to be chosen by himself and should then shew how and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors That Night after 9. a Clock I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th of April and of other things relating thereto Among the rest concerning restoring Impropriations The King spoke many things very graciously therein after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it April 14. Friday The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever April 19. Wednesday The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords It was very sharp and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties April 20. Friday King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby to the House of Parliament April 21. Saturday the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer and he to the Duke Lord be merciful to me thy Servant April 22. Sunday The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon We waited upon him 14. in number Then his Majesty chid us that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church and did not make known to him what might be Useful or was Prejudicial to the Church professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church He then commanded us that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences being led by Proofs
Bed and drawing aside the Cloaths a little looked pleasantly upon me and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man long since deceased whom while alive I both knew and loved He seemed to lye upon the ground merry enough but with a wrinkled Countenance His Name was Grove While I prepared to salute him I awoke Januar. 8. Munday I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham He was glad to see me and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints which his Mother had given to him a certain Priest to me unknown had given it to her Januar. 13. Saturday The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham c. Januar. 14. Sunday towards Morning I Dreamed that the Bishop of Lincoln came I know not whether with Iron Chains But returning loosed from them leaped on Horseback went away neither could I overtake him Januar. 16. Tuesday I Dreamed that the King went out to Hunt and that when he was hungry I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank While he prepareth to eat I in the absence of others presented the Cup to him after the usual manner I carried Drink to him but it pleased him not I carried it again but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said You know that I always drink out of Glass I go away again and awoke Januar. 17. Wednesday I shew my Reasons to the King why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester concerning Bishops that they are Jure Divino should be Printed contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully and to the great detriment of the Church of England signified to the King as theKing himself had before related to me Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday I Preached at Court at White-Hall Febr. 9. Friday The following Night I Dreamed that I was troubled with the Scurvey and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose that one of them especially in the lower Jaw I could scarce hold in with my Finger till I called out for help c. Febr. 20 Tuesday John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch c. Febr. 22. Thursday I began my Journey towards New-Market where the King then was March 3. Saturday I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham Chancellor of that famous University and other Earls and Lords I was there incorporated and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke then sitting in the Congregation House The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner yet splendidly We returned March 6. Tuesday The King returned from New-Market and I with him toward London March 8. Thursday I came to London The Night following I dreamed that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome This troubled me much and I wondred exceedingly how it should happen Nor was I aggrieved with my self only by Reason of the Errors of that Church but also upon account of the Scandal which from that my fall would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England So being troubled at my Dream I said with my self that I would go immediately and confessing my fault would beg pardon of the Church of England Going with this resolution a certain Priest met me and would have stopped me But moved with indignation I went on my way And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts I awoke Herein I felt such strong impressions that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream March 12. Munday I went with the King to Theobalds I returned next day March 13. March 17. Saturday the Eve of Palm-Sunday about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham the Eldest and then only Son of George Duke of Buckingham He was then about a year and four months old He died on the Friday before Anno 1627. Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis Concionatus sum in Aulâ c. Martij 27. Die Martis sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur 〈◊〉 quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright viduae Georgij W. Militis familiaris mei Legatae erant 430 minae ampliùs Datae à Consanguineo quodam Viduae Filiis Nomine Farnham Ad instantiam Viduae quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae Dux enim erat Magister Equitum dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem daturusque eram Viduae ut mitteret in Hiberniam ubi Executor degebat hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis Dixi quid pro Viduâ Liberis ejus tum egi Cogitabundus paulisper respondit Executorem sibi dum in vivis esset satisfecisse pro Legatis illis Et statim inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente addidit iterum ita esse Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit me causam esse cur Episcopus Lin. non iterum admitteretur in gratiam in Aulam Apr. 4. Die Mercurij Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit literis nunquam delendis cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo Regi in corde scripsi Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni Dum Aulam petij ut Regiae coenae servus intersim è Rhedâ exeuns titubante pede praeceps ruebam graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus sed miserante Deo contusâ 〈◊〉 Coxendice idque leviter evasi Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis 〈◊〉 ad me missae sunt Exceptiones quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp quae sequuntur Apr. 29. Die Solis Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus In honorem 〈◊〉 bonum Regni Ecclesiae oro 〈◊〉 Deus Maij 13. Die Pentecostes Concionem habui coram 〈◊〉 c. Anno 1627. March 25. Easter-day I Preached at Court c. March 27. Tuesday That Night I had the following Dream Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham to the Widow and her Children When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy I had at the desire of the Widow obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham for the Duke was Master of the Horse and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service when I had now those Letters in my Hands and was about to deliver them to the Widow that she might send them into Ireland where the Executor dwelt this Night Sir George Wright appeared to
King and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person Aug. 7. Wednesday An absolute Settlement between me and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large God bless me in it Aug. 14. Wednesday A Report brought to me that I was Poisoned Aug. 17. Saturday I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday Aug. 21. I acquainted his Majesty with it But my answer again was that somewhat dwelt within me which would not suffer that till Rome were other than it is Aug. 25. Sunday My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock Septemb. 19. Thursday I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury The Lord make me able c. The Day before viz. Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth my Coach Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat which was over-laden but I Praise God for it I lost neither Man nor Horse A wet Summer and by it a Casual Harvest The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time There was Barley abroad this Year within 30 Miles of London at the end of October Novemb. 13. Wednesday Richard Boyer who had formerly named himself Lodowick was brought into the Star-Chamber for most grosly Misusing me and Accusing me of no less than Treason c. He had broke Prison for Felony when he did this His Censure is upon Record And God forgive him About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November And a little after that one Green came into the Court at St. James's with a great Sword by his Side swearing the King should do him Justice against me or he wou'd take another course with me All the wrong I ever did this Man was that being a poor Printer I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life God preserve me and forgive him He was committed to Newgate Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son James Duke of York at St. James's Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me by L. T. c. This brake out then Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me though my Wealth be small And I hope God will bless me in it because it was his own Motion in me For this way never came into my Thoughts though I had much beaten them about it till this Night as I was at my Prayers Amen Lord. Anno 1634. March 30. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now and somewhat before great Fractions in Court And I doubt many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service Good Lord preserve me Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix and what I said at that Censure in which he hath many ways mistaken me and spoken untruth of me Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber shewed him the Letter asked him whether it were his hand Mr. Prynn said he could not tell unless he might read it The Letter being given into his hand he tore it into small pieces threw it out at the Window and said that should never rise in Judgment against him Fearing it seems an Ore tenus for this Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him for this into the Star-Chamber where all this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn I there forgave him c. Julij 26. I received word from Oxford that the Statutes were accepted and published according to my Letters in the Convocation-House that Week Aug. 9. Saturday Mr. William Noye his Majesties Atturney General dyed at Brainford circa Horam Noctis Decimam And Sunday Morning August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon before I was out of my Bed I have lost a dear Friend of him and the Church the greatest she had of his Condition since she needed any such Aug. 11. One Rob Seal of St Albans came to me to Croydon told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People And a Hand appeared unto him and Death and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth and made him swear he would do so and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie So I troubled not my self further with him or it Aug. 30. Saturday At Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate address to her when I had Occasion Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took and it held me above three weeks Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November save three days frost the dryest and fairest time The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December The Waters so low that the Barges could not pass God bless us in the Spring after this green Winter Decemb. 1. Munday My Antient Friend E. R. came to me and performed great Kindness which I may not forget Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches it was Thursday Decemb. 10. Wednesday That Night the Frost began the Thames almost frozen and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after Dec. 15. X. E. R. Januar. 8. Thursday I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham in the Closet at White-Hall Januar. 5. Munday-night being Twelfth-Eve the Frost began again the Thames was frozen over and continued so till February 3. 1634. A mighty Flood at the Thaw Feb. 5. Thursday I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue c. March 1. Sunday The great business which the King commanded me to think on and give him account and L. T. March 14. Saturday I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer upon the death of Richard Lord Weston Lord High Treasurer of England That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall a great deal of free and clear expression if it will continue March 16. Munday I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee by the King March 22. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Anno 1635. April 9. Wednesday and from thence-forward all in firm Kindness between K.
found him with his Mother sitting in the Room It was a fair Chamber he went away and I went after but missed him and after tyred my self extreamly but neither could I find him nor so much as the House again Anno 1637 March 30. Thursday I Christened the Lady Princess Ann King Charles his third Daughter She was born on Friday March 17. Junij 10. My Book of the Records in the Tower which concerned the Clergy and which I caused to be Collected and Written in Vellam was brought me finished 'T is ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4. Junij 14. This Day Jo Bastwick Dr of Physick Hen Burton Batch of Divinity and Will Prynne Barrister at Law were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church c. Junij 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber was commanded by the King to be Printed And it came out Junij the 25. Junij 26. This Day Munday The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert began their Journey toward the Sea Side to return for Holland Junij 30. Friday the above named three Libellers lost their Ears Julij 7. Friday A Note was brought to me of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Memento for the last of June Julij 11. Tuesday Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering and corrupting of Wit in the King's Cause Julij 24. Being Munday He was suspended by the High Commission c. Aug. 3. Thursday I Married James Duke of Lenox to the Lady Mary Villars sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth the Day very Rainy the King present Aug. 23. Wednesday My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls That the Devil had lett that House to me c. Aug. 25. Friday Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle in the Snuff going out in a Stench Aug. 25. The same Day at Night my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside My Speech in the Star-Chamber set in a kind of Pillory c. Aug. 29. Tuesday Another short Libel against me in Verse Octob. 22. Sunday A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport Speech of it at the Council My free Speech there to the King concerning the increasing of the Roman Party the Freedom at Denmark-house the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night and highly displeased with me and so continues Novemb. 22. Wednesday The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began and continued till Decemb. 8. Decemb. 12. Tuesday I had Speech with the Queen a good space and all about the Business of Mr. Montague but we parted fair Anno 1638. April 29. The Tumults in Scotland about the Service-Book offered to be brought in began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger No question but there is a great Concurrence between them and the Puritan Party in England A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion c. Maij 26. Saturday James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth as the King's Commissioner to appease the Tumults in Scotland God prosper him for God and the King It was a very Rainy Day June My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford by my Visitors was Adjourned to my own Hearing against and upon Octob. 2. Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam tertiam Lambeth The Warden appeared very foul Octob. 19. Friday News was brought to us as we sate in the Star-Chamber That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich many and great Apprehensions upon this Business Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before and after the Water-men called it Q Mother Weather Octob. 26. Friday A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames I was in it going from the Star-Chamber Home between six and seven at Night I was never upon the Water in the like Storm And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge Octob. 31. Wednesday The Q Mother came into London and so to St James's Novemb. 13. Tuesday The Agreement between me and Ab. S. c. Novemb. 21. Wednesday The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit. Novemb. 29. Thursday The Proclamation issued out for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland under pain of Treason Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding and made many strange Acts till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday and then they rose But have indicted another Assembly against July next Januar. 14. Munday About 5. at Night a most grievous Tempest of Wind Thunder Lightning and Rain Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed and this day being Sunday I delivered a Copy to his Majesty Feb. 12. Tuesday-night I dreamed that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow And that I was called upon to do it No Service-Book could be found and in my own Book which I had I could not find the Order for Marriage Anno 1639. March 27. Wednesday Coronation-day King Charles took his Journey Northward against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success March 29. Friday An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark forty Houses burnt down April 3. Wednesday Before the King 's going I setled with him a great business for the Queen which I understood she would never move for her self The Queen gave me great Thanks And this day I waited purposely on her to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance She was pleased to be very free with me and to promise me freedom April 29. Munday This day the King went from York toward New-Castle but stayeth at Durham for a week at least Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday As I was going to do my duty to the Queen an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen the other to excite the Apprentices c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn a Prisoner in the Fleet Sentenced in the Star-Chamber c. Junij 5. Wednesday I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council Junij 15 17. Saturday and Munday The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom Junij 28. Friday I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew Arabick and Persian
Master with all Duty and Faithfulness and without any known or wilful Disservice to the State there-while And this I did with as true and free a Heart as ever any Man did that served a King And I thank God my care was such for the Publick that it is well known I much neglected my own private Fortunes there-while The more was I amazed at the first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved Charge Upon this Charge I was commanded to withdraw But I first desired leave to speak a few words And I spake to this effect That I was heartily sorry for the Offence taken against me and that I was most unhappy to have my Eyes open to see that day and mine Ears to hear such a Charge But humbly desired their Lordships to look upon the whole course of my Life which was such as that I did verily perswade my self not one Man in the House of Commons did believe in his Heart that I was a Traytor Here my Lord the Earl of Essex interrupted me and said That Speech of mine was a Scandal put upon the whole House of Commons that they should bring me up charged with so high a Crime which themselves did not believe I 〈◊〉 desired then that I might be proceeded with in the Antient Parliamentary way of England This the Lord Say excepted against as if I would prescribe them how they should proceed So I withdrew as I was commanded and was presently called in again to the Bar and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the Black Rod to be kept in safe Custody till the House of Commons should farther Impeach me Here I humbly desired leave that I might go home to fetch some Papers necessary for my Defence This was granted me with some difficulty and Mr. Maxwell was commanded to Attend me all the while I should stay When I was gone to Lambeth after some little discourse and sad enough with my Steward and some private Friends I went into my Chappel to Evening Prayer The Psalms for that day gave me much comfort and were observed by some Friends then present as well as by my self And upon the Comfort I then received I have every day since unless some urgent Business prevented me Read over both these Psalms and God willing purpose so to do every day of my Life Prayers being ended I went with Mr. Maxwell as I was commanded Hundreds of my Poor Neighbours standing at my Gates to see me go and Praying 〈◊〉 for my safe return to my House For which I blessed God and them CAP. II. AND because here I am sure to find my self being now Imprisoned I will begin farther off and shew briefly why and how this Malignity pursued and overtook me When I was first Bishop of London His Majesty expressed a great desire which he had to settle a Liturgy in the Church of Scotland and this continued in agitation many Years And what my part was therein I shall clearly and ingenuously set down hereafter when I come to Answer the Scottish Accusations of me in that behalf or the Articles of the Parliament here one of which relates to them In the Year 1633. His Majesty went into Scotland and was Crowned there I attended his Majesty in that Service The Parliament then sitting in Scotland was very quick about some Church Affairs and the King was much unsatisfied with some Men and their Proceedings At his Majesty's Return in the same Year I was by his special Grace and Favour made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury 19 Septembris The debate about the Scottish Liturgy was pursued a-fresh and at last it was resolved by the King that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a Liturgy as near that of England as might be and that then his Majesty would have that Confirmed and Setled for the use of that Kingdom This Liturgy was carefully considered of and at last Printed and Published An. 1637. It seems the Bishops which were trusted with this business went not the right way by a General Assembly and other Legal Courses of that Kingdom But what way soever was taken or in whomsoever there was a failure this was certain in the Event The Bishops were deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that Service-Book The King lost the Honour and Safety of that Settlement And that Kingdom such a Form of God's Service as I fear they will never come near again And that People by cunning and factious practices both at home and from hence were heated into such a Phrensie as will not easily be cured And 't is well if we their Neighbours run not mad for Company These violent Distempers continued from the Publishing of this Service-Book in the Year 1637. till the Year 1638. Then they grew up into a formal Mutiny And the Scottish Subjects began to Petition with Arms in their Mouths first and soon after in their Hands His Majesty was often told that these Northern Commotions had their Root in England His Majesty's Goodness was confident upon the Fidelity of his Subjects of both Nations and would not believe that of either which was most true of a powerful Faction in both Till at last after much intercourse and mediation lost and cast away the King was so betray'd by some of his own Agents that the Scots appeared upon their Borders in a formal Army His Majesty went with an Army to Barwick There after some stay a Pacification was made and his Majesty returned to White-Hall Aug. 3. 1639. Now during all this time from the Publishing of this Service-Book to this Pacification I was voyced by the Faction in both Nations to be an Incendiary a Man that laboured to set the two Nations into a bloody War Whereas God knows I laboured for Peace so long till I received a great check for my labour And particularly at the beginning of these Tumults when the Speech of a War first began in the Year 1638. openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds my Counsels alone prevailed for Peace and Forbearance in hope the Scots would think better of their Obedience But their Counsels were fomented to another end as after appeared The Pacification being made was in Terms as followeth The Articles of the Pacification 1. The Forces of Scotland to be disbanded and dissolved within Eight and Forty Hours after the Publication of his Majesty's Declaration being agreed upon 2. His Majesty's Castles Forts Ammunitions of all sorts and Royal Honours to be delivered after the Publication so soon as his Majesty can send to receive them 3. His Majesty's Ships to depart presently after the delivery of the Castles with the first fair Wind and in the mean time no interruption of Trade or Fishing 4. His Majesty is Graciously pleased to cause to be restored all Persons Goods and Ships detained and arrested since the first of November last past 5. There shall be no Meetings Treatings Consultations or Convocations of his Majesty's Lieges but such
this set others on work both in the Western and the Northern Parts Till at last by the practice of the Faction there was suddenly a great alteration and nothing so much cryed down as the Canons The comfort is Christ himself had his Osanna turned into a Crucifige in far less Time By this means the Malice of the Time took another occasion to whet it self against me The Synod thus ended and the Canons having this Success but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily The King was very hardly put to it and sought all other means as well as he could to get supply against the Scots But all that he could get proved too little or came too late for that service For the averse party in the late Parliament or by and by after before they parted ordered things so and filled Mens Minds with such strange Jealousies that the King 's good People were almost generally possest that his Majesty had a purpose to alter the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom and to bring in Slavery upon his People A thing which for ought I know his Majesty never intended But the Parliament-men which would not relieve the King by their meeting in that Assembly came to understand and inform one another and at their return were able to possess their several Countries with the Apprehensions themselves had and so they did Upon this some Lords and others who had by this time made an underhand solemn Confederacy with a strong faction of the Scots brought an Army of them into the Kingdom For all Men know and it hath been in a manner confessed that the Scots durst not have come into England at that Time if they had not been sure of a Party here and a strong one and that the King should be betrayed on all hands as shall after appear By these and the like means the King being not assisted by his Parliament nor having Means enough to proceed with his Forces in due Time the Scots were brought in as is aforesaid upon both King and Kingdom They under the Conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley their General passed the Tyne at Newborne Aug. .... 1640. and took New-castle the next Day after And all this gross Treason though it had no other end than to Confirm a Parliament in Scotland and to make the King call another in England that so they might in a way of Power extort from him what they pleased in both Kingdoms yet Religion was made almost all the pretence both here and there and so in pursuance of that pretence Hatred spread and increased against me for the Service-Book The King hearing that the Scots were moving Posted away to York Aug. 20. being Thursday There he soon found in what Straights he was and thereupon called his Great Council of all his Lords and Prelates to York to be there by September 24. But in regard the Summons was short and suddain he was Graciously pleased to dispense with the Absence of divers both Lords and Bishops and with mine among the rest How things in Particular succeeded there I know not nor belongs it much to the Scope of this short History intended only for my self But the Result of all was a present Nomination of some Lords Commissioners to treat at Rippon about this Great Affair with other Commissioners from the Scotch Army But before this Treaty at Rippon one Melborne or Meldrum Secretary to general Leshly as he was commonly said to be at the Shire-House in Durham when the Country-Gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish Army about a composition to be made for Payment of Three Hundred and Fifty Pounds a Day for that County expressed himself in this Manner Septemb. 10. 1640. I wonder that you are so Ignorant that you cannot see what is good for your selves For they in the South are sensible of the good that will ensue and that we came not unsent for and that oftner than once or twice by your own Great Ones There being a Doubt made at these words Great Ones He reply'd your own Lords with farther Discourse These Words were complained of during the Treaty at Rippon to the English Lords Commissioners by two Gentlemen of the Bishoprick of Durham to whom the Words were spoken by Meldrum The Gentlemen were Mr. John Killinghall and Mr. Nicholas Chaytor and they offer'd to Testify the Words upon Oath But the Lords required them only to Write down those Words and set their Hands to them which they did very readily The Lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners with the Words They sent to Newcastle to make them known to General Leshly He called his Secretary before him questioned him about the Words Meldrum denyed them was that enough against two such Witnesses This Denyal was put in Writing and sent to Rippon Hereupon some of the English Lords Commissioners required that the two Gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch Camp and there give in their Testimony before General Leshly The two Gentlemen replyed as they had great reason to do that they had rather testify it in any Court of England and could do it with more safety Yet they would go and testify it there so they might have a safe Conduct from the Scottish Commissioners there being as yet no Cessation of Arms. Answer was made by some English Lords that they should have a safe Conduct Hereupon one of the Kings Messengers attendant there was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a safe Conduct for the Two Gentlemen He brought back Word from the Earl of Dumfermling to whom it was directed that the Two Gentlemen were unwise if they went to give such Testimony at the Camp And then speaking with the Lord Lowdon he came again to the Messenger and told him that such a safe Conduct could not be granted and that he would satisfy the Earl that sent for it who was Francis Earl of Bedford The Messenger returning with this Answer the Gentlemen were dismissed So the business dyed it being not for somebody's safety that this Examination should have proceeded for it is well enough known since that many had their hands in this Treason for Gross Treason it was by the express Words of the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. 2. The Truth of all this will be sworn to by both the Gentlemen yet living and by a very honest grave Divine who was present at all these Passages at Rippon and gave them to me in Writing In this Great Council while the Treaty was proceeding slowly enough it was agreed on that a Parliament should begin at London Nov. 3. following And thither the Commissioners and the Treaty were to follow and they did so After this how things proceeded in Parliament and how long the Scotch Army was continued and at how great a charge to the Kingdom appears olsewhere upon Record for I shall hasten to my own particular and take in no more of the Publick than Necessity shall inforce me to make my sad Story hang together
Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
have not Cause to Repent the Abolishing of it But howsoever this was not of my procuring A Scotchman of good Place was imployed about it from the Bishops and effected it and I could name him but since it is here charged as a Fault I shall accuse no Man else but defend my self And this for the Sitting of it once a Week But for the establishing of that Court in that Kingdom that was done long before I was a Bishop or had any thing to do in the Publick For it appears by one of the greatest Factionists in that Kingdom that the Hich-Commission-Court was setled and in full Execution in the Year 1610. when all Men know I led a private Life in Oxford by which it is more than manifest that I neither was nor could be Author of this pretended Novation or any disturbance that followed from it The next is a great Charge indeed were there any Truth in it That I laboured to gain from the Noblemen for the Benefit of the Prelates and their Adhaerents the Abbacies of Kelsoe Arbroth S. Andrews and Lindores To begin at the last The Man that followed that was Mr. Andrew Lermot He came recommended to me very highly and with assurance that the Title which he laid to Lindores was Just and Legal But notwithstanding all this my Answer was That I knew not the Laws of that Kingdom nor would meddle with any thing of that nature And though he made great means to me yet he could never get me to meddle in it and which is more I told him and his Friends that for so much as I did understand I did much fear this way taken by him would do Mischief And tho' Mr. Lermot have the general repute of an Honest and a Learned Man yet for this very business sake I have made my self a Stranger to him ever since and that all this is Truth he and his Friends yet living are able to Testify For St. Andrews his Majesty took a resolution to Rebuild the Cathedral there which he found he could no way so well do as by annexing that Abby to the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews with a Legal Caution for so much Yearly to be laid out upon that Building My Lord Duke of Richmond and Lenox who was owner of it had for it ....... Thousand Pounds The Earl of Tarquair who then managed the Lord Duke's Affairs made the Bargain with the King and that which I did in it was meerly to consider how security might be given that the Money which the King intended for so good and great a Work as the rebuilding of that Cathedral might be imployed to the right use and no other For Arbroth my Lord Marquis Hamilton without any the least Thought of mine that way made his earnest Suit to me that his Majesty would take Arbroth and joyn it to the very poor Bishoprick of Brechen close to which it lay and give him for it a Suit here in England At his Lordship's intreaty I obtained this And he very Nobly conveyed Arbroth as he promised But things were so carried by the Earl of Traquair the Lord Treasurer of Scotland that the poor Bishop of Brechen could never get that setled upon his See which was not the only thing in which that Lord played fast and loose with me For Kelsoe the like earnest Suit did my Lord the Earl of Roxborough make to me of himself for an Exchange and pressed me three or four times before he could get me to move his Majesty Indeed I was fearful least the King should grow weary of such Exchanges for sure I was whatsoever was pretended none of these Lords meant to lose by their Bargain Till at last my Lord of Roxborough was so Honourable as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the King 's disposing and stay for such Recompence as he should think fit to give him till his Majesty found his own time This at his earnest intreaty still I acquainted the King with And so that business setled for a small time but how 't is now I know not And this was all that ever I did about Arbroth and Kelsoe And these two Honourable Lords are yet living and will witness this Truth But the Charge says farther That in the smallest Matters they the Prelates received his Commandments As for taking down Galleries and stone Walls in the Kirks of Edinburgh and St. Andrews for no other end but to make way for Altars and Adoration towards the East which beside other Evils made no small noise and disturbance amongst the People deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for Publick Worship This Charge is like the rest Is it probable that such Grave and Learned Men as those of the Scottish Bishops were which held intercourse with me should not resolve in the smallest Matters till they received my Commandments who never sent Command to any of them in my Life but what I received expresly from the King And they certainly were not for the smallest Matters As for the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews to the uttermost of my Memory I never gave either Command or Direction Nor can it stand with any shew of probability that I should command the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews where I had nothing to do and let Galleries stand in so many Churches in London and other parts of my Province where I had Power The Truth is I did never like Galleries in any Church They utterly deface the grave Beauty and Decency of those Sacred Places and make them look more like a Theater than a Church Nor in my Judgment do they make any great accomodation for the Auditory For in most places they hinder as much room beneath as they make above rendring all or most of those places useless by the noise and trampling of them which stand above in the Galleries And if I be mistaken in this 't is nothing to the business in hand For be Galleries what they will for the use I commanded not the taking of them down at St. Andrews At Edinburgh the King's Command took down the stone Walls and Galleries which were there removed and not mine For his Majesty having in a Christian and Princely way Erected and Indowed a Bishoprick in Edinburgh he resolved to make the great Church of St. Giles in that City a Cathedral And to this end gave Order to have the Galleries in the lesser Church and the Stone-wall which divided them taken down For of old they were both one Church and made two by a Wall built up at the West end of the Chancel So that that which was called the lesser Church was but the Chancel of St. Giles with Galleries round about it And was for all the World like a square Theater without any shew of a Church As is also the Church at Brunt-Iland over-against it And I remember when I passed over at the Frith I took it at first sight for a large square Pigeon-House So free
be made of this Canon what their Reason was they best know I returned Answer belike in this sort That the Canon stood behind the Curtain and would not be throughly understood by every Man yet advised the Printing in regard of the necessary use of it For let this Canon be in force and right use made of it and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing through any Storm which without this Latitude it can never do The next Charge is in 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates For there 't is thus Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative I perceive they mean to sift narrowly when the Title cannot scape But truly in this Charge I am to seek which is greater in my Accusers their Ignorance or their Malice Their Ignorance in the Charge or their Malice in the Inference upon it The Title was Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And this was very fit to express the Prelates intendment which for ought I know was to propose them so But this Book which was brought to me was to be Printed And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense For no Church uses to Print Canons which are to be proponed to their Synods but such as have been proposed and agreed on Nor did this altering of the Title in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods before they Printed them And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice to force from hence that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or the King's Prerogative Whereas most manifest it is that the fitting of this Title for the Press doth neither give any Power to Prelates nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority After this comes 3. The formidable Canon Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in Copies sent from them but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire First whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates or not I cannot tell but sure it was in the Copy brought to me or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely Secondly after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon because no less is threatned than Excommunication I would fain know what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons Liturgy and Ordinations than to Excommunicate the Offenders or what Church in any Age laid less upon a Crime so great Thirdly suppose this Thunderbolt as 't is called were forged in Canterbury's Fire yet that Fire was not outragious For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed for every one of these Crimes single Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all And this I would my Accusers should know that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire than have been in mine nor State nor Church would have Flamed as of late they have done 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists A Minister shall be deposed if he shall Rushw. be found negligent to convert Papists Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Errour of Popery Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery are not so much as mentioned Here 's a great general Accusation offered to be made good by three Particulars The general is that in the Copy of the Canons which their Prelates sent there 's a dislike of Papists But none in the Edition as it was alter'd by me Now this is utterly untrue for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it And again in the same Canon That no Foreign Power hath in his Majesty's Dominions any Establishment by the Law of God And this with an Addition That the Exclusion of all such Power is just And Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy And Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy And sure I think 't is no great matter whether Papists or Popery be Named so long as the Canons go so directly against them This for the General Now for the three Particulars And first That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists I did think fit to leave out upon these two Grounds The one that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression and of too large an extent to lay a Minister open to Deposition And if Church-Governours to whom the execution of the Canons is committed should forget Christian Moderation as they may Pati humana a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence for Negligence is Negligence be it never so little Besides I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England that even gross Negligence in a matter as great as this is is punished but with Suspension for three Months The other Ground why I omitted this clause is Because I do not think the Church of Scotland or any other particular Church is so blessed in her Priests as that every of her Ministers is for Learning and Judgment and Temper Able and Fit to convert Papists And therefore I did think then and do think yet that it is not so easie a work or to be made so common but that it is and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected as Men are apt to overvalue themselves let them try their Gifts and labour their Conversion in God's Name But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause and blemish the Church The
work of God's Omnipotency Well and a work of Omnipotency it is what ever the Change be For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements either in Nature or Vse to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them is no proof at all of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament 'T is true this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England but I wish with all my Heart it were For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation Secondly these words they say intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament because the Words in the Mass are ut fiant nobis that they may be unto us the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom I would with all my Heart that these words ut fiant nobis That these Elements might be To us worthy Receivers the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope that this great Controversie which to all Men that are out of the Church is the shame and among all that are within the Church is the division of Christendom might have some good Accommodation For if it be only ut fiant nobis that they may be to us the Body and the Blood of Christ it implies clearly that they are to us but are not Transubstantiated in themselves into the Body and Blood of Christ nor that there is any Corporal Presence in or under the Elements And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome than their own Service For as the Elements after the Benediction or Consecration are and may be called the Body and Blood of Christ without any addition in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture So when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ nobis to us that Communicate as we ought there is by this addition fiant nobis an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood And the true Sense so well signified and expressed that the words cannot well be understood otherwise than to imply not the Corporal Substance but the Real and yet the Spiritual use of them And so the words ut fiant nobis import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove And I hope that which follows will have no better success On the other side the Expressions of the Book of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by Faith and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee are utterly deleted Before they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament by some positive words And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England For they say and 't is true that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy at the delivery of the Elements and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland But it is altogether false either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it For the first of feeding on Christ by Faith if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence surely neither the Scottish Bishops nor my self were so simple to leave it out here and keep these words in immediately after that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us which have duly received those Holy Mysteries with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son For the feeding on Christ by Faith and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ are all one and 't is hard that the asserting of a Spiritual Food should be made the proof a Corporal Presence or that the omitting of it in one place should be of greater force than the affirming it in another The like is to be said of the second omission of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us For that remembrance of his Death and Passion is expressed almost immediately before And would not this have been omitted as well as the other had there been an intention to forget this remembrance and to introduce a Corporal Presence Besides St. Paul himself in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this in remembrance of me But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing which we bless is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ The Bread which we break is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ Which Interrogation there is a pressing Affirmation and these words in remembrance of Christ are omitted And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence I hope they will not But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work it cannot reflect upon me For when I shall come to set down as I purpose God willing to do the brief Story what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland it shall then appear that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them without any Omission or Addition at all this or any other that so the Publick Divine Service might in all his Majesty's Dominions have been one and the same But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England and this was one as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand Dr. Wetherborne whose Notes I have yet by me concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book And concerning this particular his words are these The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life And so The Blood of c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd Amen There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book And if there be no more in ours the Action will be much the shorter Besides the words which are added since take eat in remembrance c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion So that for my part First I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words none at all And next if there be any it proceeded not from me That which follows is a meer flourish in the general For they say Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his Sectaries which this Paper cannot contain They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur at
Corpus nostrum est subjectum quo recipitur Many weak Collections and Inferences are made by these Men out of this part of the Communion of the Bodily Presence of Christ but not one Evidence is or can be shewed As for Sectaries I have none nor none can have in this Point For no Men can be Sectaries or Followers of me in that which I never held or maintained And 't is well known I have maintained the contrary and perhaps as strongly as any my Opposits and upon Grounds more agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church Among these Sectaries which they will needs call mine they say there are which teach them that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé For this Opinion be it whose it will I for my part do utterly condemn it as grosly Superstitious And for the Person that affirms it they should have done well to name him and the place where he delivers this Opinion Had this been done it had been fair And I would then have clearly acknowledged what Relation if any the Person had to me and more fully have spoken to the Opinion it self when I might have seen the full scope together of all that he delivered But I doubt there is some ill Cause or other why this Author is not named by them Yet the Charge goes on 4. The Book of England abolishes all that may import the Oblation of †an unbloody Sacrifice but here we have besides the preparatory Oblation of the Elements which is neither to be found in the Book of England now nor in King Edward's Book of old The Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ which Bellarmin calls Sacrificium Laudis quia Deus per illud magnoperè laudatur This also agrees well with their late Doctrine First I think no Man doubts but that there is and ought to be offered up to God at the Consecration and Reception of this Sacrament Sacrificium Laudis the Sacrifice of Praise And that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy for the Instruction of the People And these Words We entirely desire thy Fatherly Goodness Mercifully to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving c. are both in the Book of England and in that which was prepared for Scotland And if Bellarmin do call the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ a Sacrifice of Praise sure he doth well in it for so it is if Bellarmin mean no more by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ than a Commemoration and a Representation of that great Sacrifice offered up by Christ himself As Bishop Jewel very Learnedly and fully acknowledges But if Bellarmin go farther than this and by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ mean that the Priest Offers up that which Christ himself did and not a Commemoration of it only he is Erroneous in that and can never make it good But what Bellarmin's Opinion and Meaning is when he calls it Sacrificium Laudis a Sacrifice of Praise I cannot tell till they be pleased to cite the place that I may see and consider of it In the mean time there is as little said in the Liturgy for Scotland which may import an Oblation of an unbloody Sacrifice as is in the Book of England As for the Oblation of the Elements that 's fit and proper And I am sorry for my part that it is not in the Book of England But they say farther We are ready when it shall be judged convenient and we shall be desired to discover much more of Matters in this kind as Grounds laid for Missa Sicca or the Half Mass for Private Mass without the People of Communicating in one kind of the Consumption by the Priest and Consummation of the Sacrifice of receiving the Sacrament in the Mouth and not in the Hand c. Here 's a Conclusion of this Charge against me concerning the Service-Book And these charitable Men which have sought no less than my Life now say they are ready when it shall be convenient and that they shall be desired to deliver much more in this kind Sure the time can never be more convenient for them than now when any thing they will say shall be believed even against apparent Evidence or most full Proof to the contrary And I do desire them that notwithstanding this is Hora vestra Potestas Tenebrarum their most convenient time that they will discover any thing which they have more to say But the Truth is here 's nothing in this threatned Heap but Cunning and Malice For they would seem to reckon up many things but divers of them are little different as Missa Sicca and Communicating in one kind And neither these nor any of the rest offered with any Proof nor indeed are they able to prove that any Grounds are laid for any one of them in that Service-Book And for my own part I have expressed my self as fully against these particulars as any Protestant that hath Written Yet they say Our Supplications were many against these Books But Canterbury procured them to be Answered with Horrible Proclamations We were constrained to use the Remedy of Protestation But for our Protestations and other Lawful Means which were used for our Deliverance Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebells and Traytors to all the Parish-Kirks of England where we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace against those Devices and Novations Canterbury kindles War against us In all these it is known that he was although not thes ole yet the principal Agent and Adviser Their Supplications against these Books of the Canons and the Service were many indeed But how well qualified the matter duly considered I leave to them who shall take the pains to look into them And howsoever most untrue it is that I caused them to be answered with Horrible Proclamations Nor were they constrained by any thing that I know but their own wilfulness to use the Churlish Remedy of Protestation against their Sovereigns Lawful Power in Lawful Things They add that for their Protestations and other Lawful Means which they used for their Deliverance Canterbury procured them to be proclaimed Rebels Now truly I know no other Lawful means that they used but taking up of Arms professedly against the King And I for my part do not conceive that Lawful for Subjects to do in any Cause of Religion or otherwise and this I am sure was the Ancient Christian Doctrine And yet when they had taken up Arms I did not procure them to be declarered Rebels and Traytors The Proclamation for that went out by Common Advise of the Lords of the Council and their carriage at that time deserv'd it plentifully let them paint over that Action how they can And let the World and future Ages judge whether to take Arms against their Sovereign were a Christian and an orderly seeking to
their Opinion unless they be such as have been bred up either in their Faction or in the Opposite at Rome For Bodin is clear That Arms may not be taken up against the Prince be he never so Impious and Wicked And instances in Saul and Nebuchadnezzar And Grotius doth not only say as much as Bodin but Censures them which hold the contrary to be Men which serve Time and Place more than Truth Nor is it any whit more Lawful for Inferiour Magistrates to make this resistance against the King than it is for private Men. And this is universally true where the Princes are free and have not undertaken the Government under that or the like Condition or being free seek with a Hostile Mind to ruine their People which is scarce possible And a great Civilian tells us that he is properly a Rebel that resists the Emperor or his Officers in things belonging to the State of the Empire Some Cases he lays down indeed in which the pleasure of a Prince may not be obeyed but none in which his Power is to be resisted Nor is it any marvel that Christians do disallow the taking up of Arms against the Prince since even the soundest Politicks among the Heathen have declared so likewise Aristotle was of this Opinion that if the Magistrate strike yet he is not to be struck again And Seneca that Men are to bear the unjust as well as the just Commands of Princes And Tacitus that good Emperours are to be desired but whatever they be to be born with And Plutarch that it is not Lawful to offer any Violence to the Person of the King And Cicero That no Force is to be offered either to a Man's Parent or to his Country And therefore in his Judgment not to the Prince who is Pater Patriae the Father of his Country And the truth is where-ever the contrary Opinion is maintained the Prince can never be safe nor the Government setled But so soon as a Faction can get a fit Head and gather sufficient strength all is torn in pieces and the Prince lost for no considerable Errour or perhaps none at all For a strong Party once Heated can as easily make Faults as find them either in Church or Common-wealth And make the King say as Zedekiah sometimes did to his potent Nobles Behold Jeremiah is in your Hands for the King is not he that can do any thing against you Jerem. 38. But whereas they say it is a Doctrine that tends to the utter Slavery and ruin of all States and Kingdoms That will appear most untrue by the very Letter of the Canon it self which gives way to no Tyranny but expresses only the true Power of a King given by God and to be exercised according to God's Law and the several Laws of Kingdoms respectively And I hope there will ever be a real difference found in Christian Kingdoms between the Doctrine that tends to Slavery and Ruine and that which forbids taking up of Arms against their Sovereign which is all that this Canon doth And in the mean time I pray God this not Doctrine only but Practice also of taking up Arms against the Lord 's Anointed under meer pretence of Religion do not in a shorter time than is fear'd bring all to Confusion where-ever 't is Practised For howsoever it bears a shew of Liberty yet this way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to Kings but the ready way to make them study ways of Force and to use Power when-ever they get it to abridge the Liberties of such over-daring Subjects And in all times it hath sown the Seeds of Civil Combustions which have ended in Slavery and Ruine of flourishing Kingdoms And I pray God these do not end so in this But they go on And as if this had not been sufficient he procures six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy under pain of Deprivation to all who should refuse The giving of the King Subsidies is no new thing The Clergy have bin ever willing to the uttermost of their Power But what I and my Brethren of the Clergy did at this time therein is before set down And I hold it not fit to lengthen this Tract with the needless Repetition of any thing And which is yet more and above which Malice it self cannot ascend by his means a Prayer is framed Printed and sent through all the Parishes of England to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service next after the Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny against our Nation by Name as Trayterous Subjects having cast off all Obedience to our Anointed Sovereign and coming in a Rebellious manner to Invade England that shame may cover our Faces as Enemies to God and the King We are now come to the last part of their Charge and that 's the Prayer which was made and sent to be used in all Churches when the Scots came into England But this Prayer was made not by my means or procurement but by his Majesties special Command to me to see it done And it hath bin ever usual in England upon great and urgent occasions to have one or more Prayers made by some Bishop or Bishops nearest hand to fit the Present business And this may appear by divers Forms and Prayers so made and publickly used in all times since the Reformation And since this Prayer was made by his Majesties own Command I am sorry they should say of it that Malice it self cannot ascend above it Though I perswade my self they thought to hit me not him in this Speech Now what I pray is that above which Malice it self cannot ascend Why first it is That they were called in that Prayer trayterous Subjects which had cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Sovereign Why but Truth spake this not Malice For Trayterous Subjects they were then if ever a King had any And the Kings Proclamation called them so before that Prayer came forth And what Title soever it is fit to give them now since his Majesty hath bin graciously pleased to treat with them and pass by their Offence that 's another thing but as the case stood then they had shaken off all Obedience and were as they were then called Trayterous Subjects And I had a special Charge from the King not to spare that Name Secondly They except against this that 't is there said that they came in a Rebellious manner to Invade this Kingdom And that is most true too for whereas they said they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their Petitions to the King for the Liberty of their Religion and Laws Is it a peaceable way to come two or three and twenty Thousand Men strong and Armed to deliver a Petition Let the whole World judge whether this were not a Rebellious Invasion Thirdly They say 't is desir'd in the Prayer that God would with shame cover the Faces
of his and the King's Enemies Out of doubt this Petition proceeds from Devotion not from Malice And if the Scots when they Invaded England upon a Treacherous Plot and Conjuncture with the like Faction here that so both might have their Ends against the King and the Church were not God's Enemies and the Kings the Prayer meddles not with them If they were as for my part I must believe if I judge by their Actions they deserve all that can be prayed against them so long as they continue in that Disobedience And yet the Prayer was not as 't is said against their Nation by Name No God forbid their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God and Loyal Subjects to their King But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God and the King Now follows the Conclusion Whosoever will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons and Common Prayer what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years past in England by his Disciples and Emissaries What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine his own Creatures his nearest Familiars and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects shall perceive that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks and Reformation of Religion which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting and had by this time rendred up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented us The Conclusion is like the rest much said in it and nothing proved Where first I desire no favour but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet Pious and Judicious Reader of all things done by me in the one Book or the other Next for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine I perswade my self the Intelligent and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation And if they whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business have slipped any thing they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf Thirdly what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine I know not This I know 't is an Easie but a base thing to abuse the Dead who cannot answer for themselves And they which are so over-bold with the Living may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave But whereas it is said that these worthy Men for such they were were my Creatures my nearest Familiars my willing Instruments and the like This I do here avow for truth I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys late Prelate of Edinburgh The first time that ever I saw him was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty After that time I never saw him till I attended his Majesty that now is as Dean of his Chappel into Scotland in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship no Letters had passed between us Then he Preached again very Learnedly and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh which was done accordingly and to my Remembrance he lived not above a Year after or very little more And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me With the Bp. of Dunblaine Dr. Wedderborne I confess I had more and longer Acquaintance for he lived some Years in England and was recommended unto me as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon who was not like to teach him any Popery and who certainly would not have retained him so long or so near unto him had he not found him a deserver After I came acquainted with him I wished him very well for his worth sake and did what I could for him to enable him to live But sure if my Intentions were so deep as they are after said to be he could be no fit Instrument for me he being a meer Scholar and a Book-Man and as unfit for as unacquainted with such Counsels and Projects as these Men would make me Author of And if my Intentions were so deep out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them This for the Men. But for the Matter if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought their Credit must answer for them to the World as their Conscience hath already done to God And for my own part I protest I do not nor ever did know of any such Papers which they had or left behind nor do I believe they left any behind them but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity But my Intentions they say were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks Surely the deeper the worse if they were so ill But as I cannot be so vain to assume to my self any such depth So I humbly thank God for it I am free from all such wickedness The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom was to wish it like the Church of England and so much better as it should please God to make it And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them was how they might not only be wished but made so As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions which they say was panting and had given up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them First this is under Favour most untrue and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government Secondly I shall take leave to Prophesy that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be 〈◊〉 that all stand for matters of Religion both Doctrine and Discipline and that rather with addition to the Churches Power than detracting from it as they then did when these Men say the Reformation was pantting and giving up the Ghost I much doubt that neither they nor their Childrens Children after shall see such Happy Days again for all things as these were which they so unthankfully to God and their King murmured against and as these Men yet snarl at And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action in such a wonderful way of Mercy if ever they awake out of this Lethargy for better it is not they will then see whence he is and whither he tends They add to this That if the Pope himself had been in his place he could not have been more Popish nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks to
which comes next An Evil therefore which hath issued not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office and Prelatical Hierarchy which did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times and never ceaseth till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship where it is once rooted and the Principles thereof fomented and constantly followed They tell us here that this Conformity with Rome is an Evil that issues not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office Conformity with Rome in any Error or Superstition is doubtless an Evil but that it issues from the Nature of a Bishop's Office cannot be For that Office is to Preach Christ and to govern the Church of Christ according to his Laws If any Bishop break this 't is his Personal Error and most unnatural to his Office to which if he adhere he can neither teach nor practise Superstition Therefore certainly what Error soever comes is from his Person not his Office And 't is great Ignorance to call this Evil an innate Quality of the Office when the Office is a thing of Institution not of Nature and therefore cannot possibly have any innate Quality in it But since they will needs have it thus let us invert it a little and see how it will fit them against their King more than it can fit the Bishops for the Pope For if we should say as perhaps we may too truly that the dangerous Positions which too many of the Presbyterian Faction publickly maintain and in Print proceed not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Presbyterians themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Presbyteries and their Antimonarchical Party I believe it would trouble them to shape a good Answer to it unless they will admit of that which I before have given But then if they do this they Charge themselves with falshood in that which they lay upon the Bishops Office Next they tell you that this Prelatical Hierarchy did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times But truly I think they are thus far deceived The Hierarchy cannot be said to bring forth the chief parts of it self Now the Patriarchs of which the Bishop of Rome was one if not Prime in Order were the Principal parts of the Hierarchy Therefore the Hierarchy cannot well be said to bring them forth But suppose it be so that the Pope were brought forth by the Bishops what fault is there in it For the Pope was good both Nomine Re in name and in being as they were at first For thirty of them together were Martyrs for Christ And the Church of Rome was famous for her Faith over the World in the very Apostles times Rom. 1. And if either the Popes or that Church have degenerated since that is a Personal Crime and not to be imputed to the Office And therefore these Men do very ill or very ignorantly to affirm that this Office of Episcopacy never ceases till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship For in all the time of these thirty Popes there was no Doctrine brought forth which may justly be accounted Superstitious or called Popery For the last of those thirty died in the Year 309. ..... And they cannot be ignorant that Bishop Jewell on the behalf of the Church of England challenged the Current of the Fathers for full Six Hundred Years to be for it against Rome in very many and main Points of Popery And therefore I may well say there was no Popery in the World when the Thirtieth Pope died Well if this Evil do not arise from the Hierarchy yet it doth From the Antipathy and Inconsistence of the two Forms of the Ecclesiastical Government which they conceived and not without Cause one Island joyned also under one Head and Monarch was not able to bear The one being the same in all the Parts and Powers which it was in the time of Popery and still is in the Roman Kirk The other being the Form of Government received maintained and practised by all the Reformed Kirks wherein by their own Testimonies and Confessions the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small Eminency Sure these Men have forgotten themselves For they tell us immediatly before that this Evil of bringing forth Popish Doctrine and Worship proceeds from the very Office of a Bishop And now they add and from the Antipathy of these two Forms of Church Government Doth the Bishops Office produce Popery And doth the Antipathy between the Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too So then belike in these Men's Judgments both Bishops and they which oppose Bishops produce Popery And if that be true Popery must needs increase that is produced on all sides An Evil then there is though perhaps not this which issues from that Antipathy and Inconsistence of these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government which they say we Prelates of England conceived and not without Cause one Island joyned also under one Head and Monarch was not able to bear And that Evil was as I conceive the continual Jarrs and Oppositions which would daily arise among His Majesties Subjects of both Kingdoms concerning these different Forms of Government And these would bring forth such Heart-burnings and Divisions among the People that the King might never be secure at home nor presume upon united Forces against a Foreign Enemy And this is Evil enough to any Monarch of two divided Kingdoms especially lying so near in one Island Now if the Bishops of England did conceive thus and as our Adversaries here confess not without Cause Then certainly by their own Confession the Prelates of England had Reason to use all just endeavours to remove and take away this Inconsistence that the Form of the Ecclesiastical Government might be one in one Island and under one Monarch that so Faction and Schism might cease which else when they get Opportunity find a way to rent the Peace of Kingdoms if not Kingdoms themselves And this Island God of his Mercy preserve it is at this time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great measure The next is a manifest untruth For though there be as is said an Inconsistence between the Governments which makes one Island under one King unable to bear both in the different parts of the Island or at least unsafe while it bears them Yet neither is Episcopacy in all the Parts and Powers of it that which it was in time of Popery and still is in the Roman Church And this is most manifest to any Man that will but look upon what Power the Prelates had before and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of the Clergy in Hen. 8. time Beside all those Statutes which have since been made in divers Particulars to weaken their Power Nor is the other Form of Government received
of the said pretended Canons enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Laity of this Kingdom I Composed no Book of Canons The whole Convocation did it with unanimous Consent So either I must be free or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason For in that Crime all are Principals that are guilty Accessory there is none Neither did I publish or put in Execution those Canons or any of them but by Lawful Authority And I do humbly conceive and verily believe there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Rights of Paliament the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects or any matter tending to Sedition or of dangerous consequence or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine or without due Consideration and Debate Neither was there any thing in that Convocation but what was voted first and subscribed after without fear or compulsion in any kind And I am verily perswaded there never sate any Synod in Christendom wherein the Votes passed with more freedom or less practice than they did in this And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects so I do humbly conceive that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom that this Oath and all those Canons then made and here before recited and every Branch in them are Just and Orthodox and Moderate and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and other places to the Disinherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal to the least Disinherison Dishonour or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom Nor did I ever deny that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England But that which I have said and do still say concerning my Office and Calling is this That my Order as a Bishop and my Power of Jurisdiction is by Divine Apostolical Right and unalterable for ought I know in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power either of Order or Jurisdiction within this Realm of England is derived wholly from the Crown And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power Foreign or Domestick And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty I have not used it to the Contempt but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person and to the Preservation not the Destruction of his People Both which appear already by the great Distractions Fears and Troubles which all Men are in since my Restraint and which for ought I yet see are like to increase if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of the Kingdom I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom or to bring in Romish Superstition Neither have I declared maintained or Printed any Popish Doctrine or Opinion contrary to the Articles of Religion established or any one of them either to the end mentioned in this Article or any other I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them But all that I laboured for in this particular was that the external Worship of God in this Church might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency and in some Beauty of Holiness And this the rather because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God the Inward fell away apace and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self And secondly because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost that were wavering in Religion but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect or think meanly of the Church of England was that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church as they conceived it and the Churches themselves and all things in them suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom These and no other Considerations moved me to take so much care as I did of it which was with a single Eye and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing As for Ceremonies all that I injoyned were according to Law And if any were Superstitious I injoyned them not As for those which are so called by some Men they are no Innovations but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies in and from the beginning of the Reformation and setled either by Law or Custom till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England did oppose them and cry them down And for the Censures which I put upon any I presume they will to all indifferent Men which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause appear to be Just Moderate and according to Law 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of divers his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry
I ever pressed the Argument alike against both as I can prove by good Witness if need be And I pray God this Faction too little feared and too much nourished among us have not now found the Opportunity waited for 3. That they live here and enjoy all freedom and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language or to converse with any more than for advantage of Bargaining And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice nor teach them any of their Manufactures which I did then and do still think most unreasonable 4. That for Religion if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land and so Native Subjects these Children of theirs should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour I thought then and do still that no State could with safety or would in Wisdom endure it And this concerning their Children was all that was desired by me As appears by the Act which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury Sandwitch and Maidstone in my Diocess and the Publication of this Act in their Congregations by their own Ministers in this Form following I am commanded to signifie unto you that it is not his Majesty's intent nor of the Council of State to dissolve our Congregations And to that end his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree to continue Members of our Congregations as before But the Natives in this Church after the first descent are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy every one in his Parish without inhibiting them notwithstanding from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies And my Lord Arch-Bishop of 〈◊〉 means notwithstanding that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church for the better subsisting thereof And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council if need be and they require it to maintain them in their Manufactures against those which would trouble them by Informations Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches was to a syllable all one with this in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided As at South-hampton and Norwich And I have a Letter to shew full of thanks from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities which these Churches had in England or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom And since this time I have not only seen but gotten the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet specifying what Order she would should be taken with and for these Churches The Letter is Signed with her Majesty 's own Hand and Signet and gives them not half so much Liberty I do not say as they take but as I have been ever most content to give them For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline much different from it This was the Wisdom of those times which I pray God we may follow The Queen's Letter follows in these words Elizabeth RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen we greet you well Whereas in the time of our Brother and Sister also the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London for to have therein Divine Service considering that by an Universal Order all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue for the better edifying of the People which the Strangers Born understand not Our Pleasure is that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church and all things thereto belonging to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good to serve from time to time in the same Churches both for daily Divine Service and for Administration of the Sacraments and Preaching of the Gospel so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our Laws And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February the Second Year of our Reign To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor the Marquess of Winchester High Treasurer of England 13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms And by his own Authority and Power contrary to Law did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification as Dishonourable to his Majesty and by his Counsel and Endeavours so incensed his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland that he did thereupon by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop enter into an offensive War against them to the great 〈◊〉 of his Majesty's Person and his Subjects of both Kingdoms I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland but my Counsels were for Peace As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without than with a War And if I were mistaken in this Counsel yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause which was differences in Religion which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood And I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then and said my Grounds would deceive me And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me so soon as we were risen from Counsel and was pleased to say to me that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right and the King my Master the best Service that ever I did him in my Life And Mr. Patrick Male of his Majesty's Bed-chamber when he heard what I had done came and gave me
said that I did often wish from my Heart that His Majesty had kept the Army which he had at Barwick together but Eight or Ten Days longer And that I did not doubt but that if he had so done he might have had more Honourable Conditions of his Scottish Subjects This I said and more or otherwise I said not and whosoever shall relate them otherwise forgets Truth Now to say that His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions doth not infer that the Pacification then made was upon Dishonourable Conditions but only upon less Honourable than it might have been And I had great Reason to observe my own words and remember them because I saw some Lords at the Table touched with them perhaps in their own Particulars Nor was I alone in this Judgment For my Lord the Earl of Holland though he then said nothing at the Council-Table yet at his first return from Barwick his Lordship did me the Honour to come and see me at Lambeth And in the Gallery there while we were discoursing of the Affairs in the North of himself he used these words to me That His Majesty did too suddenly dissolve his Army there indeed so suddenly that every body wondered at it And that for his part he was so sorry especially for the dismissing of all the Horse which he said were as good as any were in Christendom And farther that he offer'd His Majesty to keep one Thousand of them for a Year at his own and his Friends Charge till the King might see all things well setled again in Scotland By which it is apparent that in his Lordships Judgment things might have been better had not that Army been so suddenly dissolved And I hope it was no Sin in me to wish the best success and the most Honour to the King's Affairs Now that which moved me to say thus at the Council-Table was this The last Article in the Pacification was To restore to every one of His Majesties Subjects their Liberties Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time But within two Days or three at the most after the Pacification agreed upon and concluded the Lord Lindsay made an open and publick Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the 〈◊〉 in Edenburgh or both that no Clergy Man his Goods or Means was included in the Pacification Which yet expresses every one of His Majesties Subjects And this I did then conceive and do still was a very bold audacious Act of that Lord very injurious to the Poor Clergy and not so Honourable for the King And this made me say and I say it still His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions and his Pacification better kept had he continued his Army but Eight or Ten Days longer For in all probability the Scots could not so long have continued their Army together And I did farther conceive that by this Act of the Lord Lindsay in protesting and by the Scots making his Protestation good against the Clergy there was a direct and manifest Breach of the Pacification on their behalf And then though I saw no Reason why the King should be bound to keep that mutual Pacification which they had broken for a Knot must be fast at both ends or loose at both Yet remembring my Calling I did not Incense His Majesty against his Subjects in Scotland nor did hereupon advise the undertaking of an Offensive War against them nor ever give other Counsel in this Particular than what I openly gave before the Lords either in the Committee or at the Board And there my Concurring in Opinion with all the rest of the Lords was I hope no other nor no greater fault than in them though I be thus singled out And for the Pacification I shall say thus much more Though I could with all my Heart have wished it more Honourable for the King and more express and safe for my Brethren of the Clergy yet all things Considered which were put unto me I did approve it For before the Pacification was fully agreed upon His Majesty did me the Honour to write unto me all with his own Hand In this Letter He Commanded me all delay set apart to send him my Judgment plainly and freely what I thought of the Pacification which was then almost ready for conclusion I in all Humility approved of the Pacification as it was then put to me and sent my Answer presently back and my Reasons why I approved it Little thinking then but that my Poor Brethren the Bishops of Scotland should have had all restored unto them according to the Article of the Pacification before recited or at least for so long till they had defended themselves and their Calling and their Cause in a free General Assembly and as free a Parliament Now this was ever assumed to me should be done and to procure this was all which the Bishops seemed to desire of me And for the Truth of this I appeal to His Majesty to whom I writ it And to my Lord Marquess Hamilton to whom the King shewed my Letter As my Lord Marquess himself told me at his return And to Dr. Juxon Lord Bishop of London then Lord High Treasurer of England to whom I shewed my Letter before I sent it away And this is all I did concerning the Pacification 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliament and the Ancient Course of Parliamentary proceedings And by false and malicious Slanders to incense His Majesty against Parliaments By which Words Counsels and Actions he hath Trayterously and contrary to his Allegiance laboured to alienate the Hearts of the Kings Liege People from his Majesty to set a Division between them and to 〈◊〉 and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms For which they do impeach him of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity I did never Labour to subvert the rights of Parliaments or the antient Course of their Proceedings And not doing it at all I could not do it to keep my self from being questioned Much less did I by any malitious Slanders or any other way incense his Majesty against Parliaments nor ever thereby labour to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty nor to set any Division between them or to Ruine and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms And am no way Guilty in the least Degree of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity It is true I have been much and very often grieved to see the great distractions which have happened of later Years both in King James his time and since about the Breaches which have been in Parliaments And I have as heartily wished and to my Power endeavoured that all Parliaments which have been called might come to their Happy Issue and end in the Contentment of
the King and his People And I have ever been of Opinion and I shall Live and Dye in it That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom but by a fair and Legal as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People and that according to the Course of England this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments Now Parliaments as I humbly conceive can never better preserve their own Rights than by a free and honourable way to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King that so he may be the better able against all Forreign Practices to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation both which usually stand or fall together And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments and caused or occasioned a Breach I have upon the Grounds before laid been as sorry as any Man for it but never contributed any thing to it And I hope it is not Criminal to think that Parliaments may sometimes in some things by Misinformation or otherwise be mistaken as well as other Courts This in conclusion I clearly think Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom But this I think too that Corruptio optimi est Pessima that no Corruption is so bad so foul so dangerous as that which is of the best And therefore if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a 〈◊〉 Party nothing then so dangerous as such a 〈◊〉 because the highest Remedy being Corrupted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sure Redress left at all And we had a lamentable 〈◊〉 of such a Parliament 〈◊〉 Hen. 4. was set up For that 〈◊〉 was the Cause of 〈◊〉 the Civil Wars and that great 〈◊〉 of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like The said Commons do farther aver that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury during the time in which the Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed hath been a Bishop or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters and of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles or to any of them and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises or any of them or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the Case shall according to the Course of Parliaments require do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises and that such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me and is added only for Form and so requires no Answer from me But in the Close they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords and both were granted as 't is fit they should The one is That they may add farther Accusations or farther Proof of this as the Course of Parliaments require And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof so the due Course of Parliaments be kept The other is That there may be such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment as is agreeable to Law and Justice And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament or to Law and Justice I leave Posterity to judge Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations Tryal and Judgment have not to this Day proceeded to any Tryal nay have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge and called for Examinations and Tryal and yet have kept me in Prison all this while to the great Weakning of my Aged Body and Waste of my poor Fortunes And how much longer they mean to keep me there God knows Whereas all that I do desire is a Just and Fair Tryal with such an Issue better or worse as it shall 〈◊〉 God to give CAP. VIII WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House and I had spoken to the Lords in a general Answer to them what I thought fit as is before expressed I humbly desired of the Lords this being upon Friday Feb. 26. that my going to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted I returned to Mr. Maxwell's Custody and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be On Munday March 1. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower St. George's Feast having been formerly put off was to begin that Evening By this means Mr. Maxwell whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening as I desired Therefore Noon when the Citizens were at Dinner was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness All was well till I passed through Newgate Shambles and entred into Cheapside There some one Prentice first Hallowed out more and followed the Coach the Number still increasing as they went till by that time I came to the Exchange the shouting was exceeding great And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings even beyond Barbarity it self not giving over till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate Mr. Maxwell out of his Love and Care was extreamly troubled at it but I bless God for it my Patience was not moved I looked upon a higher Cause than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Upper House of Parliament Ten Earls Ten Bishops and Ten Barons So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy that they may carry what they will for Truth This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and to that end will call some Divines to them to consider of and prepare Business This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams then Lord Bishop of Lincoln now Lord Arch-Bishop of York to some Divines which were named to attend this Service The Copy of the Letter follows WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus I am Commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of
ever any Man played me But he failed in his hopes and his Petition was cast out of the Lords House to try his Right at Law which was all that was asked by Dr Merricke Yet upon the earnestness of the then Lord Bishop of Lincoln and now Arch-Bishop of York the Lords Sequestred my Jurisdiction and put it into the Hands of my Inferiour Officers and added in the Order that I should dispose of neither Benefice nor any other thing but I should first acquaint them with it The Order follows in haec verba Die Sab. 23. Octob. 1641. IT is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury shall be Sequestred until he shall be Convicted or Acquitted of the Charge of High Treason against him and the same in the mean time to be Executed by his Inferiour Officers And farther concerning those Ecclesiastical Benefices Promotions or Dignities that are in his disposing he shall present to this House the Names of such Persons as shall be Nominated by him for the same to be Approved of first by this House before they be Collated or Instituted Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam c. For my Jurisdiction I Thank God I never knowingly abused it And of the other Restraint about the giving of my Benefices I cannot but think it very hard in two respects The one is that I should be put to Name to them before I give that which by Law is mine to give In the mean time they cry out of the violation of the Propriety which each Subject hath in his Goods and yet I must not give my own So also they condemn Arbitrary Government and yet press upon me an Arbitrary Order against Law The other is that if in Obedience to this Order I shall Nominate any Man to them be he never so worthy for Life and Learning yet if upon Misinformation or otherwise the House should refuse him I should not only not do him the good I intended but blast him for all the remainder of his Life And whensoever he shall seek for any other Preferment that shall be laid unto him that he was thought unworthy by the High Court of Parliament Yet how to ease my self against this Order I know not This day Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Rebellion in Ireland The King being then in Scotland where there were Troubles enough also The Irish pretended the Scots Example and hoped they should get their Liberties and the Freedom of their Religion as well as they But that Rebellion is grown fierce and strong and what end that War will have God knows A happy one God of his Mercy send For this Nation is in many difficulties at once and we have drawn them all upon our selves But this belongs not to my Story Only this I shall add which is the Judgment of all Prudent Men that I speak with both of Ireland and England that if the Earl of Strafford had Lived and not been blasted in his Honour and Service no Rebellion had been stirring there And if this be so 't is a soar Account must be given for his Blood If either that Kingdom be upon this occasion quite lost from the Crown of England or not recover'd without great Expence both of Treasure and Blood On Thursday Novemb. 25. the King returning from Scotland entred into London was received with great State and Joy and Sumptuously Entertained This made divers Men think there would have been a Turn in the present Business And what it might have proved if the King would have presently and vigorously set himself to vindicate his own Just Power and leave them their Antient and Just Priviledges is not I think hard to judge But he let it cool and gave that which is truly the Malignant Faction but call others so time to underwork him and bring the City round and all ran then stronger in the same Current than ever it did So God of his Mercy bless all On Thursday Decemb. 30. the Lord Arch-Bishop of York and Eleven other Bishops were sent to the 〈◊〉 for High Treason and two other Bishops Duresme and Coventry and Litchfield to Mr. Maxwell's for setting their Hands to a Petition and delivering of it with a Protestation that this was not a free Parliament since they who had Antient Right there could not come to give their Votes as they ought without danger of their Lives For by this time it was grown common that the Multitude came down in heaps if either the Lords or the King denyed any thing which the House of Commons affected But how it came to pass that these Multitudes should come down in such disorder and yet be sent back and dissolved so easily at a word or beck of some Men let the World judge The Petition and Protestation which the Bishops delivered in was as follows and perchance it was unseasonably delivered and perhaps some Words in it might have been better spared but the Treason and peradventure that 's my Ignorance I cannot find in it The Petition and Protestation of Twelve Bishops for which they were Accused of High-Treason by the House of Commons and Committed by the Lords to the Black-Rod THat whereas the Petitioners are called upon by several and respective Writs under great Penalties to Attend in Parliament and have a clear and indubitable Right to Vote in Bills and all other Matters whatsoever debated in Parliament by the Antient Customs Laws and Statutes of this Realm and are to be protected by your Majesty quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service They humbly remonstrate and protest before God your Majesty and the Noble Peers now Assembled in Parliament that as they have an indubitable Right to Sit and Vote in the House of Lords so they if they may be protected from force and violence are most ready and willing to perform that Duty accordingly and that they do abominate all Actions and Opinions tending to Popery or any inclination to the Malignant Party or any other side and Party whatsoever to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not adhere But whereas they have been at several times violently Menaced Affronted and Assaulted by multitudes of People in coming to perform their Service to that Honourable House and lately chased away and put in danger of their Lives and find no Redress or Protection upon sundry Complaints made to both Houses in that particular They likewise protest before your Majesty and that Noble House of Peers that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in your House at other times they dare not sit to Vote in the House of Peers unless your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts Indignities and Danger in the Premises Lastly whereas their fears are not built upon Fancies and Conceipts but upon such Grounds and Objects as may well
confessed that in the first Business the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me but that then the Bishop began again as the former Witness declared Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came As for my Answer to himself that under Favour is quite mistaken For I did not say That in this Particular but that in his General Proceedings in his Diocess the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular For how could I say that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court he began with them again upon the same Cause Besides my Lords this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington First for the point of Religion And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way and yet saith he they were thus heavily Sentenced for that which I my self hold indifferent But first this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop not by me Secondly the more indifferent the thing was the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary And had it not been a thing so indifferent and without danger of advancing Popery would Queen Elizabeth who banished Popery out of the Kingdom have endured it in her own Chappel all her time Thirdly the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess to Example other Men's Obedience Secondly for the same Point as it contained Matter against Law I answered Mr. Browne as I had before answered the Lords The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds Lumbard-street where old Mr. Pagett is Parson The Witnesses are Two 1. The first is Mr. Symms who says that after a Verdict Mr. Pagett the Incumbent upon a pretenc that these Tenements were Church-Land got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer and my self My Lords we procured not the Reference But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand we could not refuse to sit upon it Upon full Hearing we were satisfied that the Cause was not rightly stated and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal and for Costs to the Barons of that Court. And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he instanced in this Case He says the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so If Men may get Land from others by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses they may get an easie Purchase And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses or not is the thing to be tryed in Law and not to be Pleaded to us He complains that I would not hear his Petition alone And surely my Lords I had no reason since it was referred to another with me And yet I see though I was not in the Reference alone nor would hear it alone yet I must be alone in the Treason And here I desired that Mr. Pagett the Incumbent might be heard 2. The other Witness was Mr. Barnard He says he was present at the Hearing and that Mr. Symms said he was undone if he must go to a new Tryal But my Lords so many Men say that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others He says that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees If that be so 't is no fault of mine He says the Reference was made to us only to Certifie not to make any Order in it If this be so here 's no Proof so much as offer'd that we did not Certifie as we were required and then had Power given to order it which we did And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing before ought was done The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment of one Grafton an Upholster in London The Witnesses Three Of which 1. The first is Grafton in his own Cause and 't is much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself He says first That twelve Years ago he was Committed and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners By others my Lords therefore not by me And an Act of the High Commission by his own Words it appears to be He says He was continued in Prison by my procurement as he verily believes First as he verily believes is no Proof And the ground of his Belief is as weak For he gives no reason of it but this That Dr. Ryves the King's Advocate spake with the Barons But he doth not say about what or from whom He adds farther that Mr. Ingram Keeper of the Fleet would not give way to his Release notwithstanding the Barons Orders till he heard from me Here 's no Man produced that heard Mr. Ingram say so Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie Lastly he says that he then made Means in Court and so repaired to the Barons again but all in vain And that Baron Trevor cryed out O the Bishop O the Bishop First here 's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges So belike they may have Means made to them so it be not by me For the Particular I did humbly desire the Baron being then present might be asked He was asked he blushed and fumbled the Lords laughed and I could not hear what he said 2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall But he said nothing but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty which is not denied 3. The third was Mr Rivett He says that Mr. Ingram said that Grafton was a Brownist and must be brought into the Fleet again because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram it no way concerns me And a Separatist he is from the Church of England but whether a Brownist or no I cannot tell there are so many Sects God help us And much harm he hath done among weak People For most true it is which S. Cyril observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received As for this Man he was in his way cunning enough for under pretence that he suffer'd by me he got Madam Vantlett and other of the French to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf And this I found that sometimes when her Majesty knew not of it they sent to the Barons for Favour for him And yet I never heard that Baron Trevor ever cryed out O the French O the French Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry and
a poor Evasion was this Were there no other Lawyers for him because Mr. Solicitor was for me The Truth is all that ever I did in this Business was not only with the Knowledge but by the Advice of my Councel which were Mr. Solicitor Littleton and Mr. Herbert At last this Gentleman submitted himself and the Cause and if as he says Dr. Eden perswaded him to it that 's nothing to me As for the Fine I referred the moderation of it wholly to my Councel They pitched upon Sixteen Hundred Pounds and gave such Days of Payment as that a good part is yet unpaid And this Summ was little above one Years Rent For the Parsonage is known to be well worth Thirteen Hundred Pound a Year if not more And after the Business was setled my Lord Wimbleton came to me and gave me great Thanks for preserving this Gentleman being as he said his Kinsman whom he confessed it was in my Power to ruin For the raising of the Rent Sixty Pounds it was to add Means to the several Curats to the Chappels of Ease And I had no Reason to suffer Sir Ralph Ashton to go away with so much Profit and leave the Curats both upon my Conscience and my Purse And for his Fine to St Pauls I gave him all the Ease I could But since his Son will force it from me he was accused of Adultery with divers Women and confessed all And whither that Fine went and by what Authority I have already shewed And thus much more my Lords at Mr. Bridgman's Intreaty I turned this Lease into Lives again without Fine But since I have this Reward for it I wish with all my Heart I had not done it For I am confident in such a Case of Right your Lordships would have left me to the Law and more I wou'd not have asked And I think this though intreated into it was my greatest Error in the Business 6. The last Instance was about the conversion of some Money to St. Pauls out of Administrations By Name Two Thousand Pounds taken out of Wimark's Estate and Five Hundred out of Mr. Gray's First whatsoever was done in this kind I have the Broad-Seal to Warrant it And for Mr. Wimark's Estate all was done according to Law and all care taken for his Kindred And if I had not stired in the Business Four Men all Strangers to his Kindred would have made themselves by a broken Will Executors and swept all away from the Kindred Secondly for Mr. Gray's Estate after as Odious an expression of it as could be made and as void of Truth as need to be the Proceedings were confessed to be Orderly and Legal and the Charge deserted Then there was a fling at Sir Charles Caesar's getting of the Mastership of the Rolls for Money and that I was his means for it And so it was thence inferred That I sold Places of Judicature or helped to sell them For this they produced a Paper under my Hand But when they had thrown all the Dirt they could upon me they say they did only shew what Probabilities they had for it and what Reason they had to lay it in the end of the Fourth Original Article and so deserted it And well they might For I never had more Hand in this Business than that when he came to me about it I told him plainly as things then stood that Place was not like to go without more Money than I thought any Wise Man would give for it Nor doth the Paper mentioned say any more but that I informed the Lord Treasurer what had passed between us CAP. XXVIII THis day ended I was Ordered to appear again April 4. 1644. And received a Note from the Committee under Serjeant Wild's Hand dated April 1. That they meant to proceed next upon the Fifth and Sixth Original Articles and upon the Ninth Additional which follow in haec verba The Fifth Original He hath Trayterously caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published and those Canons to be put in Execution without any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf in which pretended Canons many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm to the Right of Parliament to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects and Matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence and to the Establishment of a vast unlawful and presumptus Power in himself and his Successors Many of the which Canons by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop were surreptitiously passed in the late Convocation without due consideration and debate others by fear and compulsion were Subscribed unto by the Prelats and Clerks there assembled which had never been Voted and Passed in the Convocation as they ought to have been And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Layety of this Kingdom The Sixth Original He hath Trayterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and in other places to the Disherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege People in their Persons and Estates The Ninth Additional Article That in or about the Month of May 1641. presently after the dissolution of the last Parliament the said Arch-Bishop for the ends and purposes aforesaid caused a Synod or Convocation of the Clergy to be held for the several Provinces of Canterbury and York wherein were made and established by his Means and procurement divers Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical contrary to the Laws of this Realm the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament and Liberty and Property of the Subject tending also to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence And amongst other things the said Arch-Bishop caused a most Dangerous and Illegal Oath to be therein made and contrived the Tenor whereof followeth in these words That I A. B. do Swear that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government Established in the Church of England as containing all things necessary to Salvation And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other directly or indirectly to bring in any Popish Doctrine contrary to that which is so Established Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Arch-Deacons c. as it
from God and from Christ contrary to an Act of Parliament which says Bishops derive their Jurisdiction from the King This is Witnessed by all three and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso and places of Judicature and no other And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown But my Order my Calling my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae that is from God and from Christ and by Divine and Apostolical Right And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake if I named Jurisdiction at all and not my Calling in general For I then sate in the High-Commission and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate Beside the Canons of the Church of England to which I have Subscribed are plain for it Nay farther The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order as these Men contend for then Bishops must be Jure Divino for so they maintain that Presbyters are This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons And when I gave this same Answer he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again save that he said I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction which point as I expressed it if he understood not he should not have undertaken to Judge me CAP. XXXII THE 16th of May I had an Order from the Lords for free access of four of my Servants to me On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining and upon the Seventh which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion Established He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any Warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of this Kingdom The Tenth Day of my Hearing This day May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against me And at his Entrance he made a Speech being now to charge me with Matter of Religion In this Speech he spake of a Tide which came not in all at once And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion First a Connivence then a Toleration then a Subversion Nor this nor that But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion And I pray God his Truth the True Protestant Religion here Established sink not to so low an Ebb that Men may with ease wade over to that side which this Gentleman seems most to hate He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine But in both he fears where no fear is which I hope shall appear He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth and Innovation in Ceremonies there 1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time And I say so too or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express He says I turned the Table North and South The Injunction says it shall be so And then the Innovation was theirs in going from not mine in returning to that way of placing it Here Mr. Browne in his last Reply in the House of Commons said that I cut the Injunction short because in the Words immediately following 't is Ordered That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred But first the Charge against me is only about the Place of it Of which that Injunction is so careful that it Commands That when the Communion is done it be placed where it stood before Secondly it was never Charged against me that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it which is when the Number of Communicants is great and that the Minister may be the better heard of them Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel where my Number was not great and all might easily Hear 2 The second thing which Dr. Featly said was in down-right Terms That the Chappel lay nastily all the time he served in that House Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it 3 Thirdly he says The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass till my time The Truth is they were all shameful to look on all diversly patched like a Poor Beggars Coat Had they had all white Glass I had not stirred them And for the Crucifix he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time though a little broken So I did but mend it I did not set it up as was urged against me And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown that I did repair the Story of those Windows by their like in the Mass-Book No but I and my Secretary made out the Story as well as we could by the Remains that were unbroken Nor was any Proof at all offered that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book but only Mr. Pryn Testified that such Pictures were there whereas this Argument is of no consequence There are such Pictures in the Missal therefore I repaired my Windows by them The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment Three Lights in a Window The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal In the mean time I know no Crime or Superstition in this History And though Calvin do not approve Images in Churches yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History and says plainly that these have their use in Docendo Admonendo in Teaching and Admonishing the People And if they have that use why they may not instruct in the Church as well as out I know not Nor do the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin But here the Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me which requires the Destruction of all Images as well in Glass-Windows as elsewhere And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons To
to see what I did at Oxford 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent And he says The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already And if it be lawful in one place 't is in another For the Chappel of Magdalen College and Christ-Church Quire he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either Nor doth he know whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door as I knew nothing of it till it was done so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too that he knows not of any Adoration of it as Men passed the Streets or otherwise When this Witness came not home they urged the Statute of Merton College or the Vniversity where if I took my Notes right they say I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam And as I know no fault in that Injunction or Statute so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church without some Bowing or Genuflection 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett He says that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles he gave Reasons against it but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still First my Lords if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it and not I. Secondly it may be observed that this Man by his own Confession gave Reasons such as they were against due Reverence to God in his own House He says that Dr. Frewen told him from me That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's or let another Execute his place as Proctor This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen who being at Oxford I cannot produce him And if I had sent such a Message I know no Crime in it He says that after this he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him He did so And from that Day he heard no more of it but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked He says Mr. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he He confesses ingenuously that the Bowing required was only Toward not to the Altar And To the Picture at St. Mary's Door he says he never heard of any Reveverence done to it And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church was since my Time But it must be his Knowledge not his Belief that must make an Evidence 3. The Third Witness was one Mr. Bendye He says There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time If there be 't is more than I know My Lord of York that now is when he was Bishop of Lincoln worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel and if he did set up a Crucifix I think it was before I had ought to do there He says there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus And God forbid but there should and the Canon of the Church requires it He says there were Latin Prayers in Lent but he knows not who injoyned it And then he might have held his Peace But there were Latin Sermons and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday when few came to Church but the Lent Proceeders who understood them And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin and had so long before I knew the University The last Thing he says was That there were Copes used in some Colleges and that a Traveller should say upon the sight of them that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back therefore a Protestant may not wear one or entring into S. Pauls he may cry Down with it for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity The Words were to this Effect I desire you to remember me a Sinner Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis which is no more than that when they there fall on their Knees or Prostrate to Prayer they would remember me In which Desire of mine or Expression of it I can yet see no Offence No nor in coram Altare their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence but because I have answered those Titles already I refer the Reader thither and shall not make here any tedious Repetition Only this I shall add That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen that not Bishops only one to another but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra to Bishops of meaner place than my self to say no more But here Mr. Brown in his last Reply was pleased to say This Title was not given to any Bishop of England First if I had my Books about me perhaps this might be refuted Secondly why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation Is it impossible be my Unworthiness what it will for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another Thirdly be that as it may if it were as certainly it was Lawfully given to other Bishops though they not English then is it neither Blasphemy nor Assumption of Papal Power as was Charged upon it From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge And I must be Guilty if ought were amiss there too For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses Mr. Wallis Mr. Greece and Mr. Seaman Their Testimonies agreed very near So I will answer them together First they say That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks and Pictures in the Glass-Windows and the like But these things I have often answered already and shall not repeat They say the Chief Authors of these things were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens They are both living why are they not called to answer their own Acts For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me For no one of them says that I gave direction for any of these No says Mr. Serjeant but why did I tolerate them First no Man complained to me Secondly I was not Chancellor and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place And thirdly this was not the least Cause why I followed my Right for Power to visit there And though that Power was confirmed to me yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it It would have but heaped more Envy on me who bare too much already As
for Mr. Greece who hath laboured much against me in all this Business God forgive him and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me God preserve him from his Father's End From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals and first to Canterbury Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare the two Witnesses two Prebendaries of that Church Dr Jackson and Dr Blechenden And first Dr Jackson says the Bowing was versus Altare So not to but toward the Altar and Dr Blechenden says it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God to whom if no Altar were there I should Bow Dr Jackson says this Bowing was to his Grief Strange I avow to your Lordships and the World no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church as he And for this Particular he never found the least fault with it to me and if he conceal his Grief I cannot ease it He says this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him For Dr. Blechenden says the Communion-Table was railed about and Bowings before it when he came first to be a Member of that Church and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach or not Performance of this Reverence I could tell your Lordships how often Dr Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized As for the Statutes my Secretary Mr Dell who copied them out testified here to the Lords that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester But there 's nothing but the old Objections Copes And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon and Reverence at coming in and going out of the Church And that great Kings have not in better Ages thought much to do And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church for 't is confessed the Injunction sent thither requires that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England So this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions But for the Copes in Cathedrals Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied For he said the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope Be it so But they must have that before they can wear it And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one my Injunction might require the providing and using of one Besides if there be no Popery no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one then certainly there can be none in the having of more for the same use The Superstition being lodged in the misuse not in the number From the Cathedrals Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches And First 't is Charged That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table But for ought I know this might have been concealed For it was liked so well that they to whom the Seats belonged removed them at their own Charges that the other might be done The next instance was in St Gregory's Church by S Pauls The Charge was the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise To the Charge it self Answer is given before The Particulars which are new are these The Witness Mr Wyan He says the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S Pauls And S Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary not by me He says next That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard and his Majesty present And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction about placing the Communion-Table In all this here 's nothing Charged upon me but maintenance of the Injunction And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it He says Sir Henry Martin came and saw it and said it would make a good Court Cupboard If Sir Henry did say so the Scorn ill became either his Age or Profession though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser God forgive them who have in Print called it so He says That hereupon I did say that he which spake that had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom This Man's Memory serves him long for Words This was many Years since and if I did speak any thing sounding this way 't is more like I should say Schismatical than Stigmatical Puritan But let him look to his Oath and which Word soever I used if Sir Henry used the one he might well hear the other For a prophane Speech it was and little becoming a Dean of the Arches He says that soon after this Sir Henry was put out of his Place Not very soon after this for I was at the time of this Business as far as I remember Bishop of London and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place After when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void neither could Sir Henry himself deny it And being void and in my Gift I gave it to another He says farther That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God in Bishop Jewel and Mr Fox his Judgment and that I replied it were better they should not have these Books in Churches than so to abuse them First for ought I yet know and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at their Judgment rightly understood is not so Secondly Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars and yet not differ from the Church of England As in this very Particular the Injunction for placing of the Table so is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England And I concieve the Queen then upon the Act of Reformation would not have enjoyned it nor the Church obeyed it had it been against the Word of God Thirdly if I did say That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs it were better they had them not in the Churches They gave too great occasion for the Speech For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed nor is that so much as Charged but said only thus That if no better use
I wrought cunningly to introduce that Religion by Inches And that they Prayed for me First my Lords the Opinion of Enemies is no Proof at all that I am such as they think me And secondly this is a Notable and no unusual piece of Cunning for an Enemy to destroy by commending For this was the ready way and I doubt not but it hath been Practised to raise a Jealousie against me at home thereby either to work the Ruin of my Person or utterly to weaken and disable me from doing harm to them or good for the Church of England Besides if the Commendation of Enemies may in this kind go for Proof it shall be in the power of two or three Practising Jesuits to destroy any Bishop or other Church-Man of England when they please At last he told a Story of one Father John a Benedictin that he asked him how Church-Livings were disposed in England and whether I had not the disposing of those which were in the King's Gift And concluded that he was not out of hope to see England reduced to Rome Why my Lords this is not Father John's hope alone for there is no Roman-Catholick but hath some hope alive in him to see this day And were it not for that hope there would not have been so many some desperate all dangerous Practices upon this Kingdom to Effect it both in Queen Elizabeth's time and since But if this I know not what Father John hope so what is that to me 3. The third Witness was Mr. Anthony Mildmaye A Man not thought on for a Witness till I called for his Brother Sir Henry But now he comes laden with his Brother's Language He says just as Sir Henry did before that there were two Factions in Rome the Jesuits and they abhorred me but the other the Secular Priests they wished me well as he was informed First this is so one and the same Testimony that any Man that will may see that either he informed his Brother or his Brother him Secondly here 's nothing affirmed for it is but as he was informed And he doth not tell you by whom It may be my Lords it was by his Brother Then he says This was to make my self Great and tells a Tale of Father Fitton as much to the purpose as that which Mr. Challoner told of Father John But whatsoever either of these Fathers said it was but their own Opinion of me or Hearsay neither of which can prove me guilty of any thing Thus much Mr. Anthony made a shift to say by Five of the Clock at Afternoon when I came to make my Answer And this as I have sufficient Cause to think only to help to shoar up his Brother's Testimony But in the Morning when he should have come as his Brother did he was by Nine in the Morning so Drunk that he was not able to come to the Bar nor to speak Common Sense had he been brought thither Nobile par Fratrum The Second Charge was the Consecration of two Churches in London St Catharin Cree-Church and St Giles in the Fields The Witnesses two 1. The first Witness was one Mr Willingham And he says 〈◊〉 I came to these Churches in a Pompous manner But all the Pomp that he mentions is that Sir Henry Martin Dr Duck and some other of the Arches attended me as they usually do their Diocesans in such Solemnities He says he did curiously observe what was done thinking it would one Day be called to an Account as now it is So this Man himself being Judge looked upon that Work with Malevolent Eye and God preserve him from being a malitious Witness He says That at my approach to the Church Door was read Lift up your Heads O ye Gates and be ye lift up ye everlasting Doors and the King of Glory shall come in Psal 24. And this was urged over and over as a jeer upon my Person But this Place of Scripture hath been anciently used in Consecrations And it relates not to the Bishop but to God Almighty the true King of Glory who at the Dedication enters by his Servant to take Possession of the House then to be made his He says that I kneeled down at my coming in and after used many Bowings and Cringings For my kneeling down at my entranee to begin with Prayer and after to proceed with Reverence I did but my Duty in that let him scoffingly call it Cringing or Ducking or what he please He says farther That at the beginning I took up Dust and threw it in the Air and after used divers Curses And here Mr Pryn put Mr Nicolas in mind to add that Spargere Cinerem is in the Form of Consecration used in the Pontifical And Mr Brown in his summary Account of my Charge laid the very Consecration of these Churches as a Crime upon me and insisted on this particular But here my answer to all was the same That this Witness had need look well to his Oath for there was no throwing up of Dust no Curses used throughout the whole Action Nor did I follow the Pontifical but a Copy of Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews by which he Consecrated divers Churches in his time and that this is so I have the Copy by me to Witness and offered them to shew it Nor can this howsoever savour any way of Treason No said Mr Brown but the Treason is To seek by these Ceremonies to overthrow the Religion Established Nor was that ever sought by me And God of his Mercy Preserve the true Protestant Religion amongst us till the Consecration of Churches and Reverence in the Church can overthrow it and then I doubt not but by God's Blessing it shall continue safe to the Worlds End He says also That I did pronounce the Place Holy I did so And that was in the Solemn Act it self of the Consecration according to the usual Form in that behalf And no Man will deny but that there is a Derivative and a Relative Holiness in Places as well as in Vessels and other Things Dedicated to the Honour and Service of God Nor is any thing more common in the Old Testament and 't is express in the New both for Place and Things 1 Cor 9. Then it was urged at the Bar That a Prayer which I used was like one that is in the Pontifical So in the Missal are many Prayers like to the Collects used in our English Liturgy so like that some are the very same Translated only into English and yet these confirmed by Law And for that of Psal. 95. Venite Procidamus c. then also excepted against that hath been of very ancient use in the Liturgies of the Church From which Rejecimus Paleam numquid Grana We have separated the Chaff shall we cast away the Corn too If it come to that let us take heed we fall not upon the Devil 's Winnowing who labours to beat down the Corn 't is not the Chaff
into a Jewish Superstition while we seek to shun Profaneness This Calvin hath in the mean time assured me That those Men who stand so strictly upon the Morality of the Sabbath do by a gross and carnal Sabbatization three times out-go the Superstition of the Jew Here it was inferred that there was a Combination for the doing of this in other Dioceses But no proof at all was offer'd Then Bishop Mountague's Articles and Bishop Wrenn's were Read to shew that Inquiry was made about the Reading of this Book And the Bishop of London's Articles Named but not Read But if I were in this Combination why were not my Articles Read Because no such thing appears in them and because my Articles gave so good content that while the Convocation was sitting Dr. Brownrigg and Dr. Holdsworth came to me and desired me to have my Book confirmed in Convocation to be general for all Bishops in future it was so moderate and according to Law But why then say they were other Articles thought on and a Clause that none should pass without the Approbation of the Arch-Bishop Why other were thought on because I could not in Modesty press the Confirmation of my own though solicited to it And that Clause was added till a standing Book for all Dioceses might be perfected that no Quaere in the Interim might be put to any but such as were according to Law The Sixth Charge was about Reversing of a Decree in Chancery as 't is said about Houses in Dr Walton's Parish given as was said to Superstitious Vses 1. The First Witness was Serjeant Turner He says He had a Rule in the King's Bench for a Prohibition in this Cause But by Reason of some defect what is not mentioned he confesses he could not get his Prohibition Here 's nothing that reflects upon me And if a Prohibition were moved for that could not be personally to me but to my Judge in some Spiritual 〈◊〉 where it seems this Cause depended and to which the Decree in Chancery was directed And indeed this Act which they call a Reversing was the Act and Seal of Sir Nath. Brent my Vicar General And if he violated the Lord Keeper's Decree he must Answer it But the Instrument being then produced it appeared concurrent in all things with the Decree The Words are Juxta scopum Decreti hac in parte in Curiâ 〈◊〉 factum c. 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Edwards And wherein 〈◊〉 concurs with Serjeant Turner I give him the same Answer For that which he adds that Dr. Walton did let Leases of these Houses at an undervalue and called none of the Parishioners to it If he did in this any thing contrary to Justice or the Will of the Donor or the Decree he is Living to Answer for himself me it concerns not For his Exception taken to my Grant of Confirmation I think he means and to the Words therein Omnis Omnimoda c. 'T is the Ancient Stile of such Grants for I know not how many Hundred Years no Syllable innovated or altered by me Then followed the Charge of Mr. Burton and Mr. Pryn about their Answer and their not being suffer'd to put it into the Star-Chamber Which though Mr. Pryn pressed at large before yet here it must come again to help fill the World with Clamour Yet to that which shall but seem new I shall Answer Two things are said 1. The one That they were not suffered to put in their defence Modo Forma as it was laid There was an Order made openly in Court to the Judges to Expunge Scandalous Matter And the two Chief Justices did Order the Expunging of all that which was Expunged be it more or less As appears in the Acts of that Court. 2. The other is that I procured this Expunging The Proofs that I procured it were these 1. First because Mr. Cockshot gave me an Account of the business from Mr. Attorney I had Reason to look after the business the whole Church of England being scandalized in that Bill as well as my self But this is no Proof that I either gave direction or used any solicitation to the Reverend Judges to whom it was referred 2. Secondly because I gave the Lords thanks for it It was openly in Court It was after the Expunging was agreed unto And what could I do less in such a Cause of the Church though I had not been personally concerned in it 3. Thirdly because I had a Copy of their Answer found in my Study I conceive it was not only fit but necessary for me to have one the Nature of the Cause considered But who interlined any passages in it with black Lead I know not For I ever used Ink and no black Lead all my Life These be strange Proofs that I procured any thing Then Mr. Pryn added That the Justice and Favour which was afforded Dr. Leighton was denyed unto him As far as I remember it was for the putting in of his Answer under his own Hand This if so was done by Order of the Court it was not my Act. The last Charge followed And that was taken out of the Preface to my Speech in Star-Chamber The Words are That one way of Government is not always either fit or safe when the Humors of the People are in a continual Change c. From whence they inferred I laboured to reduce all to an Arbitrary Government But I do humbly conceive no construction can force these Words against me for an Arbitrary Government For the meaning is and can be no other for sometimes a stricter and sometimes a remisser holding and ordering the Reins of Government yet both according to the same Laws by a different use and application of Mercy and Justice to Offenders And so I Answer'd to Mr. Brown who charged this against me as one of my ill Counsels to his Majesty But my Answer given is Truth For it is not said That there should not be One Law for Government but not One way in the Ordering and Execution of that Law And the Observator upon my Speech an English Author and well enough known though he pretend 't is a Translation out of Dutch though he spares nothing that may be but carped at yet to this passage he says 't is a good Maxim and wishes the King would follow it And truly for my part I Learned it of a very wise and an able Governour and he a King of England too it was of Hen. 7. of whom the Story says that in the difficulties of his Time and Cause he used both ways of Government Severity and Clemency yet both these were still within the compass of the Law He far too Wise and I never yet such a Fool as to imbrace Arbitrary Government CAP. XXXVI THis day I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed next upon the remainder of the Seventh and upon the Eighth and Ninth Original
And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs Printed An 1642. since this Parliament began and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me or any my Chappel Windows Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal I desired they might be read It was thought too tedious They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large I thought fit to Write them there 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his Then it was inferred at the Bar That it must be taken as my Act if it were done by my Chaplain But Inferences are no sworn Proof And I conceive no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it Then it was urged but without any Proof too that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me To which I shall answer when Proof is made And if I had 't is far enough from Treason 6. The next Instance was about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says the Book was Licensed and that a Papist thereupon said doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books That I was informed of these Words and the Book called in the next Day First Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words Secondly if any Papist did say so it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth and they which License Books must indure many and various Censures as the Readers of them stand affected Thirdly if any Papist did so speak I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief as much as in him lay Fourthly this is a very bold Oath For he swears that I was Informed of these Words He was not present to hear it and then he can have it but by Hearsay and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth which he doth but hear Lastly the Book was called in because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing Yea but Mr. Pryn Swears and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree But first Sparks his Oath is uncertain for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree and then by and by after says it was about that time Now the Book is somwhat large so that it might be sent him before the Decree and yet not be Printed till after and that a good space too And Secondly Mr. Pryn himself confesses the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament and of King James concerning Vorstius and Bertius First I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it Secondly King James his Declaration is very Learned But under Favour he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England and so Expressed by himself And to which I ever Consented And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords and yet for the Peace of Christendom and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism And here comes in Michael Sparks who says He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission And so not singly chargable against me Besides he is single in this Business He says he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission and never Sentenced This is more than I know But if it be so he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power the Church-Government never had He was Mr. Pryn's Printer He says I was a Dean then and he thinks of Hereford I was never Dean of Hereford But howsoever this is a dangerous Oath let him think of it He Swears that I was a Dean then and a High-Commissioner or else what had I to do in the Business Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner till I had been a Bishop some Years For the Book it self Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it But so far as I remember it was expresly against the King's Declaration And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this yet I remember no Proof he brought for it 8. The last Instance was pregnant and brought forth many Particulars As First Dr Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague But this was Still-born at least it says nothing of me Secondly Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity and against Dr Cosens both burnt But he doth not say absolutely burnt but as he is informed and he may be informed amiss And howsoever he says it was done by the High-Commission not by me Thirdly some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self And whereas it was here said at the Bar They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly could I bring Witnesses from Oxford how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts Fourthly Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials But himself confesses that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information that as that Cause was laid the High-Commission had no power in it he was dismissed Fifthly That about his Book Intituled Babel no Bethel he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual whensoever the Court was full of Business to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before that all whom it concerned might take notice of it and provide themselves Sixthly he says he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him but if he did I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults Seventhly he says he claimed the Petition of
to that which should be his Quiet the Grave 7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile a Man well known to be as true to and as stout for the Church of England established by Law as any Man that came to Preferment in it Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester And I cannot but profess it grieves me much to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves 8. The next was Dr Cosin to be Dean of Peterborough I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him as he had Commanded me And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens in regard all the Means he then had lay in and about Duresm and was then in the Scots Hands so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself his Wife and Children 9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter a known Arminian to the Deanery of Worcester What Proof of this Nothing but the Docket And what of the Crime Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony who says no more but this That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism that 's Absolute But afterwards he defended it as he hath heard there 's a Hearsay 10. The Tenth was Dr Baker 11. The Eleventh Dr Weeks Both very Honest and Able Men but Preferred by their own Lord the Lord Bishop of London 12. The Twelfth was Dr Bray He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House I found him a very Able and an Honest Man and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well and I did so Here is nothing objected against him but his Expungings and not Expungings of some Books which if he were Living I well hope he would be able to give good Account for 13. The Thirteenth Dr Heylin He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man but for his Preferment both to be his Majesty's Chaplain and for that which he got in that Service he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby who took care of him in the University 14. After these they named some whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary He says the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years And I say 't is so still for ought I know He says that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form These are to will and require you c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form First this is more than I know or ever heard of till now Secondly be it so yet 't is hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains if his Majesty desire it since it argues a great care in the King especially in such a Factious time as began to overlay this Church Thirdly he confesses that he knows not who put the King upon this way but believes that I did it He is single and his belief only is no Evidence And whosoever gave the King that Advice deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England That none might be put about him in that Service but such as himself should approve of But that which troubled this Witness was another thing He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain nor Money to get them a Month to wait in nor Money to change their Month if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions nor Money for sparing their Attendance when they pleased In which and other things I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour as I have been in all things For 't is well known in Court I observed his Lordship as much as any Man The Men which are instanced in are Dr Heylin But he was preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby Then Dr. Potter But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile whose Chaplain he had been many Years and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it Dr Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain and preferred by himself and in all likelyhood by Mr. Oldsworth's means For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford as Mr. Oldsworth himself was and he once to my Knowledge had a great Opinion of him Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain but I preferred him not to his Majesty till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation nor then but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking As for Dr. Pocklington I know not who recommended him nor is there any Proof offered that I did it 15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains They name Four of them First Dr. Weeks But he was never in my House never medled with the Licensing of any Books till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London So he is charged with no Fault so long as he was mine The Second Dr Haywood But he is charged with nothing but Sales which was a most desperate Plot against him as is before shewed The Third was Dr. Martin Against him came Mr. Pryn for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that 's answered before And Mr. Walker who said he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers Belike such as were to be examined by him But he adds as these Ministers told him So 't is but a Hear-say And say he did propose such Questions may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them The Fourth was Dr. Bray Against him Dr. Featly was again produced for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise I humbly desired of the Lords that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question Upon leave granted I asked him Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken He answered roundly that divers passages against the Anabaptists and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged I asked by whom He said by Mr. Rouse and the Committee or by Mr. Rouse or the Committee Be it which it will I observed to the Lords that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists nay for the Liturgy established by Law but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists though perhaps mistaken From thence they fell upon Men whom they said I had preferred to Benefices They named but Two Dr Heylin was one again whom I preferred not The other was Dr Jackson the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford Dr Featly being produced said Dr Jackson was a known Arminian If so to him 't is well The Man
They produced a Letter written to me from Venice by one Mr Middleton Chaplain there to the Right Honourable the now Earl of Denbigh his Majesty's Ambassadour Therein he writes That S Clara was Homo nequissimus and that one Monsieur S Giles was the Author of that Book That Clara and S Giles were the same Person is but Mr Middleton's Opinion Such News as he there heard some true some false he thought fit to write unto me And he being absent here 's no Proof upon Oath that they are one and the same Person And I hope a young Man's Letter from Venice or any other place signifying only such things as he hears shall not stand for good Evidence in a Case of Life And he was mainly deceived in this Particular as appears First Because what Clara is I know not But Monsieur S. Giles is a great Scholar and a Sober Man and one that gave the late L. Brooke so good Content that he allow'd him One Hundred Pound a Year during his Life Secondly Because 't is commonly known that Clara is an English man and S. Giles a French man born and bred Thirdly Because their own Article upon which they bring this Charge acknowledges them two distinct Persons Fourthly Because both Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas had Monsieur S. Giles before them in Examination and could not but know him to be a French man As appears by a Warrant given to him by Mr. Pryn to secure him after his Examination Which Warrant follows in these words These are to Certifie those whom it may concern That the Committee of the House of Commons appointed to prosecute the Archbishop of Canterbury have examined and received Satisfaction from Monsieur S. Giles a Domestick Servant to the Resident of Venice and therefore he is no farther to be examined or molested concerning the same This License came to my Hands since my Answering was past so I could not then shew it Monsieur S Giles was never the Man that gave me notice of any of this not so much as that he had been Examined But my Secretary Mr Dell came to hear of it by chance and went to him and had this Copy with some labour from him and will make Oath it is a true Copy This is not the thankfullest part at ever S. Giles played considering my Carriage towards him 4. Then they charged upon Monsieur S. Giles directly That I knew him to be a Priest and yet maintained him at Oxford The Case was this Mr S Giles was in good Place about the Queen's Majesty at her first coming Here he did so good Services to this State that he lost himself in France and durst not go thither when the French were sent away All this while the Man was unknown to me till his Majesty one day at St. James's told me this and that he was a Priest and that it lay upon him in Honour to allow him some Maintenance and prescribed me a way how to order it that he might receive One Hundred Marks a Year as from him And gave me Charge if the Pension were at any time behind I should acquaint him with it After this Mr. S Giles by his Friends Petition'd his Majesty that being a Stranger he might live in Oxford to have the use of the Library there being resolved to meddle no more with the Controversies of the Time but to apply himself to Metaphysical Learning His Majesty was desirous to have him plac'd in some College to save Charges But this I most humbly deprecated because it might be dangerous to the Youth there and scandalous to his Majesty the Church and the University and dangerous to my self being Chancellor To the rest I submitted So he was left to place himself in some Town-House as he could And for this his Majesty gave me his Warrant which Mr. Pryn in his Search took from me But here follows the true Copy of it Charles Rex CAnterbury Mr S Giles by serving us and this State hath lost all his hopes in France and desires to spend his time here at his private Studies I would have you think upon some way for his Maintenance and to place him in Oxford that he may have use of that Library which he much desires And you may so order it that his Profession in Religion may do no harm And according to this direction of his Majesty I did take Order but with assurance from himself and with Spies upon him there beside the special care of the Vice-Chancellor that he should not Converse with young Students nor Exercise his Priestly Office nor do any thing against the Laws Nor did I ever hear that he failed in any of these Assumptions 5. Then they produced one Mr. Broad who testified that while S Giles lived at Oxford some Doctors came to him Doctors were able to deal well enough with him but all resort of young Scholars was forbidden He says farther that Mr S Giles should say that the Bishops of England were Cordially of his Religion but that he feared their Rigidness would spoil all First this is but a Report of his Speech Secondly why was not S Giles at his Examination asked whether he said it or no And if he did what ground he had for it At the most 't was but his Opinion of the Bishops who were never the more Cordial to Popery for his thinking so And Thirdly I doubt it appears by this time that all is overthrown or near it not by the Rigidness but by the over-remisness of some Bishops who never would believe any danger could come from the Godly as they were called 6. Lastly What 's the Reason of this great Endeavour upon nothing but News in a Letter to make S Clara and Mr. S Giles to be one and the same Man Doubtless nothing but an Hydropical Thirst after my Blood For resort of Priests to Lambeth was usual in both my last Predecessors Times Bancroft's and Abbot's And some lay in the House and had Relief This was proved to the Lords by two Ancient Servants of that House Neither of which have been done in my Time Arch-Bishop Abbot made a Warrant this Warrant was shewed to secure Mr. Preston an English Priest upon a Command of King James Why may not I a French one by the Warrant of King Charles King James justified Bishop Bancroft for doing this when he was Bishop of London and no Privy Counsellor And may not I do it being Arch-Bishop and Privy Counsellor with as much Privity of the King and the State as he did But to let these pass why should I say here was a Thirst for Blood I 'll tell you why The Statute of 27 Eliz. makes it Felony without Benefit of Clergy to Maintain or Relieve any Romish Priest Born in England or any other of her Majesty's Dominions knowing him to be such Now they had laid their Article that I had given Maintenance to one Mounsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest
endeavour to imbitter the King this way so the smart Passages which Mr. Nicolas says are there I hope will not be thought such when 't is consider'd whose Mouth was to utter them and upon what occasion Yet if such they shall be thought I am heartily sorry for them and humbly desire they may be pass'd by However they can make no Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments And this Answer I gave Mr. Brown in the House of Commons for he there omitted it not The Third Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments is the Testimony of one Mr. Bland A forward Witness he hath been against me in other Particulars Here he says That Sir Sackvil Crowe shewed him a Paper in which were fifteen or sixteen Passages concerning Parliaments with some sour Aspersions to boot and that this Paper was Subscribed W. Laud. First my Lords This Man is but a single Witness Secondly he says he had this Paper from Sir Sackvil Crowe and he is now in Turkey and cannot be produced that the Truth may be known Thirdly As I never gave Sir Sackvil any such Paper so had he come by any such 't is more than probable some body else might have seen it beside Mr. Bland to make a second Witness Fourthly This is a very bold Oath for he Swears The Paper was Subscribed with my own Hand W. Laud Whereas I being then Bishop of S. Davids never writ my Name to any thing other than Guil. Meneven Let him bethink himself of this Oath Ne quid gravius dicam Besides it may be considered too that this with some Particulars mentioned by Mr. Bland was charged in the First Additional Article and now brought in upon the Fourteenth Original partly to confound me that I might not see how or against what to defend my self and partly to make me secure because they had quite passed over the first Additional But especially because they had therein charged me that these Propositions of mine had caused that Parliament to be Dissolved And yet in the same Article and within three Lines 't is said expresly that my Propositions were deliver'd to my 〈◊〉 Duke of Buckingham after that Parliament was Dissolved So this Article hangs as well together as Mr. Bland's Testimony concerning it Mr. Brown pressed this also hand against me but I answered according to the Summ of that which is above-written And as for the Particular said to be in that Paper were it mine as it is not or were the Words thought Treasonable as well they cannot be yet the Statute of Queen Mary makes it that no Words nor Writings nor Cipherings nor Deeds shall be Treason but only such as are within the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. and no other And this Statute I then read to the Lords though I conceive there was no need of it The Fourth Proof was out of my Diary at June 15. 1626. The Words these Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinhamiae superavit suffocavit omnia publica negotia nihil actum est sed Parliamentum solutum And this was applied first by Mr. Nicolas and after by Mr. Brown as if I had charged this private Malice upon the Parliament But this is utterly mistaken For I spake not this of the Parliament but of some few particular Men some of the House Men well enough known to the World and more not of the House but Sticklers at large who went between and did very ill Offices and so wronged both the King and the Parliament which is no new thing in England That my Words there cannot be meant of the Parliament is two ways apparent First in that I say Privata Malitia Private Malice did it but name not the Parliament nor charge any thing upon it Secondly Because had I spoken this of the Parliament it could not have been called Private but Publick Malice nothing being more publick in this Kingdom than what is done in and by the Parliament The Fifth Proof was That a Proclamation for calling in of the Remonstrance was found in my Study And Mr. Nicolas said they conceived I had a Hand in it It was as lawful for me to have and keep this Proclamation as for any other Subject And their Conceit that I had a Hand in it is no Proof Mr. Nicolas says That my Preferments followed very quick upon this and infers that I was preferred for my ill Services in this kind But all the Proof that he brings for this his uncharitable Inference is the comparing of the Times and I shall be content to be tried by that For by his own acknowledgment this Proclamation came out June 16. 1622. I being then Bishop of S. Davids And he confesses I was not made Bishop of Bath and Wells till June 20. 1626. full Four Years after nor a Privy-Counsellor till April 29. 1627. which was Five Years after Whereas Rewards for such Services are found to come much quicker And Mr. Brown when he made his Summary Charge slighted this and passed it over The Sixth Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments was a Paper of Reasons Mr. Nicolas said against Parliaments But First when this Paper was shewed and read to the Lords it was found otherwise and was but a Paper of Hopes and Fears which were conceived of a Parliament Not Reasons against them Secondly these Fears and Hopes were not of a Parliament then in being but of one in deliberation whether it should be or not at that time which all Men know is often disputed and without offence And any considering Man may privately do it for his own use and tryal of his Judgment Thirdly in this deliberation I was not the Author of these Fears and Hopes but an Amanuensis to higher Powers in regard their Hands were slower though Commanded also to set down my own Opinion which I did Fourthly I was then either a Counsellor or a Sworn Servant to the King and required upon my Oath to deliver truly both my Fears and my Hopes and I durst not Perjure my self And I hope the keeping of my Oath and doing my Duty in that kind shall not now prejudice my Life Fifthly these Fears and Hopes what-ever they contain did relate to the being or not being of that one Parliament only as appears in the very Paper it self and the Hope 's prevailed and that Parliament sate And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who made all the use of this Paper that could be against me Here Mr. Nicolas brings in Mr. Bland again who says that the four last Heads in this Paper were in that Paper also which was shewed him This single Witness hath an Excellent Memory that can remember four Heads of a Paper punctually Sixteen Years ago I asked why he did not complain of me then when his Memory was fresher and his Witness Sir Sackvill Crowe nearer 'T was replyed He durst not for my Greatness Why but he knows well enough that Parliaments
entred into for his Appearance should be delivered up unto him Lastly that the said R. C. should for such his Mis-information and Abuse stand committed Prisoner to the Fleet. XVIII A Passage out of a Sermon Preached by Dr. Heylin at Oxford 1630. against the Feoffment for buying in Impropriations referred to in the preceding History Life of Arch-Bishop Laud pag. 199. Planting also many Pensionary Lecturers in so many places where it need not and upon days of common Labour will at the best bringing forth of Fruit appear to be a Tare indeed though now no Wheat be counted Tares c. We proceed a little on further in the proposal of some things to be considered The Corporation of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations to the Church doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat A Noble and Gracious point of Piety Is not this Templum Domini Templum Domini But blessed God that Men should thus draw near unto thee with their Mouths and yet be far from thee in their Hearts For what are those intrusted in the managing of this great Business Are they not the most of them the most Active and the best Affected Men in the whole Cause and Magna Partium Momenta chief Patrons of the Faction And what are those whom they prefer Are they not most of them such as must be serviceable to their dangerous Innovations And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow and therefore more Dependencies than all the Prelates in the Kingdom c. yet all this while we sleep and slumber and fold our Hands in Sloth and see perhaps but dare not note it XIX A Passage out of the Statute of the 27th of Elizabeth against Jesuits and Seminary Priests referred to in the preceding History 27 Eliz. cap. 2. sect 3. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid that it shall not be Lawful to or for any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious Ecclesiastical Person whatsoever being born within this Realm or any other Her Highness Dominions and heretofore since the said Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist in the First Year of Her Majesty's Reign made ordained or professed or hereafter to be made ordained or professed by any Authority or Jurisdiction derived challenged or pretended from the See of Rome by or of what Name Title or Degree so-ever the same shall be called or known to come into be or remain in any part of this Realm or any other Her Highness Dominions after the end of the same forty days other than in such special Cases and upon such special Occasions only and for such time only as is expressed in this Act and if he do then every such Offence shall be taken and adjudged to be High Treason and every Person so offending shall for his Offence be adjudged a Traytor and shall suffer lose and forfeit as in Case of High Treason And every Person which after the end of the same forty days and after such time of departure as is before limited and appointed shall wittingly and willingly receive relieve comfort aid or maintain any such Jesuit Seminary Priest or other Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person as is aforesaid being at Liberty or out of hold knowing him to be a Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person as is aforesaid shall also for such Offence be adjudged a Felon without Benefit of Clergy and suffer Death lose and forfeit as in Case of one Attainted of Felony XX. A Passage out of Sir Edward Coke's Institutes being his Judgment upon the said Statute referred to in the preceding History Lib. 3. cap. 37. The Cause of making this Statute of 27 Eliz. against Jesuits and Seminary Priests and their Receivers you may read at large lib. 5. fol. 38 39. in the Case De Jure Regis Ecclesiastico Sir Edward Coke's Words in the place referred to by himself are here subjoined And albeit many of Her Subjects after the said Bull of Pius Quintus adhering to the Pope did renounce their former Obedience to the Queen in respect of that Bull yet all this time no Law was either made or attempted against them for their Recusancy c. Then Jesuits and Romish Priests were sent over who in secret Corners whispered and infused into the Hearts of many of the Unlearned Subjects of this Realm that the Pope had Power to Excommunicate and Depose Kings and Princes that he had Excommunicated the late Queen Deprived Her of Her Kingdom and discharged all Her Subjects of their Oaths Duties and Allegiance to Her And thereupon Campian Sherwin and many other Romish Priests were Apprehended c. But all this time there was no Act of Parliament made either against Recusants or Jesuits or Priests c. But after these Jesuits and Romish Priests coming daily into and swarming within this Realm instilling still this Poison into the Subjects Hearts that by Reason of the said Bull of Pius Quintus Her Majesty was Excommunicated Deprived of Her Kingdom c. In the 27th Year of her Reign by Authority of Parliament Her Majesty made it Treason for any Jesuit or Romish Priest being Her Natural Born Subject and made a Romish Priest or Jesuit since the beginning of Her Reign to come into any of her Dominions Intending thereby to keep them out of the same to the end that they should not infect any other Subjects with such Treasonable and Damnable Persuasions and Practices as are aforesaid Which without Controversie were High Treason by the Ancient and Common Laws of England Neither would ever Magnanimous King of England sithence the first Establishment of this Monarchy have suffered any especially being his own Natural Born Subjects to live that persuaded his Subjects that he was no Lawful King and practised with them to withdraw them from their Allegiance c. XXI A Passage out of Bishop Montague's Origines 〈◊〉 referred to in the preceding History Tom. 1. par 2. pag. 464. Sanctè credimus accuratè tuemur defendimus hoc ipsum Officium munus in Ecclesiâ sive Apostolicum seu 〈◊〉 adeò esse de necessitate salutis ordinariâ ut sine altero alterum esse nequeat Non est Sacerdotium nisi in Ecclesiâ non est Ecclesia sine Sacerdotio Illud autem intelligo per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcopalem Ordinariam Neque enim admittendam censemus extraordinariam aliquam seu Vocationem seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nisi miraculosam Oportet omnino miraculis agant suam confirment functionem signo aliquo qui non ab Episcopis derivata ab Apostolis per Successionem Institutione in Ecclesiam inducuntur sed vel orti à sese vel nescio unde intrusi sese ingerunt Nam quod praetendunt ordinariam Vocationem retinendam adhibendam eique adhaerescendum nisi in casu 〈◊〉 absurdum est suppositioni innititur
Witness I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us which whatever some other Men think I know was sunk very low and if in labouring this I did err in any Circumstance for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake which cannot free it self from Error But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State was the bringing in of the Scots and the keeping of them here at a vast charge only to serve Turns and those very base ones And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation as well as the King And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business he best knows Sure I am his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees But my Lord thinks himself safe enough so he can cry me up among the Rabble to be the Author of all And not content with this he insults farther upon me as follows Yet to magnifie his Moderation presently after the breaking of the last Parliament he told a Lord who sits now in my sight that if he had been a Violent Man he wanted no occasion to shew it For he observed that the Lord Say never came to Prayers and added that I was in his knowledge as great a Separatist as any was in England What ever it was I said was not to magnifie my Moderation Nor do I remember that ever I spake these words Yet First if any Lord will say upon his Honour that I did say these very Words I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour as that I will submit and believe his Testimony against my own Old now and Weak Memory Next upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord I had as much exception to him as to any Separatist in England These Words are neither so Bold nor so Vncivil as those in the Charge and perhaps I might speak these though I remember it not For during the last Parliament not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords came to me of themselves as I sat there and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church and some of them wondred he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it And if any of them would be so mean as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord he did that who ever he were which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord I must and do say them again and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge that I questioned him not when the Times were calmer For had I done that I had done my Duty and if I had not cured him perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church as his Lordship hath procured since that time both by his Example his Counsel and his Countenance And for the Words I doubt not but he himself will be found to have made them good before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship In the mean time my Lord proceeds My Lords how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me I am not certain but I may well fear where it might do me greatest Prejudice I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience that I may give you in these things which so nearly concern me a true account of my self which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness and so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear I am not such a one as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe I have spit no Venom against his Lordship much less have I spit any thing far For this Report which is here called Venom is common through the Kingdom And I have already told you what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament And that is no more than hath been avowed unto me by very many others and some of very good Quality so the spreading was to me not from me But yet my Lord fears I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice I know not what my Lord means by this unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty And if that be his meaning I will tell his Lordship truth what I know therein I was present when I heard some Lords more than once tell the King that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England and would not come at her Common-Prayers And one of these Lords afterwards told me he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion and that his Majesty had need look to it To this last which was spoken to me in private but I will depose the Truth of it I could not but assent And to the former I then said I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty but I was not certain of it And I doubt not but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight as well as that Lord who told him the other of me And not in his Sight only but in his Affections also as things go now But however they carry it with him now this they said of him then Nor will I here pick a Thanks to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty when he was thought to be in danger enough though I was chidden by a Great one that stood by for my Labour I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader 's Favour and Patience that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with and doth nearly concern me So I may proceed to the rest which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth And so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear that I am not such a Waspish Man as my Lord would fain render me to the World But if I have been a Wasp in any Court wherein I have had the Honour to sit yet his Lordship should not have called me so considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards and in other Places of Business Where he pinches so deep that discreet Men are in a doubt whether his Aim be to sting the Wards or the Court it self to Death first For no Man can believe 't is for the good of the King And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it not to my Cause which is very good against his Lordship but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions and my Weakness compared with his
in their Cause and medled in decernendo in determining and that before-hand what the Prelats should do and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians This they refused to do as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice And then his Answer was Yea but that which I will shall go for Canon But then we must know withal that Athanasius reckn'd him for this as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of Hosius also the Famous Confessor of those Times condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion And so doth St. Hilary of Poictiers Valentinian also the Younger took upon him to judge of Religion at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by St. Ambrose In like manner Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion as in the Case of Priscillian and his Associates But this also was checkt by St. Martin Bishop of Tours Where it is again to be observed that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith yet no one of them went so far as to take Power from the Synods and give it to the Senate And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours did neither the one nor the other For Valentinian the Elder left this great Church-work to be done by Church-Men And though the Power to call Councils was in the Emperour And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils and sometimes by their Deputies both to see Order kept and to inform themselves yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus which were That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith if any came to be debated And gives this Reason for it Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops to mingle himself with them in those Consultations And Basilius the Emperour long after this in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople 〈◊〉 870. affirms it of the Laity in general That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things But that it is proper for the Patriarchs Bishops and Priests which have the Office of Government in the Church to enquire into these Things And more of this Argument might easily be added were that needful or I among my Books and my Thoughts at liberty And yet this crosses not the Supremacy which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical as it is acknowledged both by the Church and Law For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith either in Parliament or out or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him or to give him Power to make Liturgies and publick Forms of Prayer or to Preach or Administer Sacraments or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance such as are all those which are properly called Ecclesiastical and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction the Supremacy there and in all things of like Nature is the Kings And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy sit Judge in a Point of Faith it is not because he hath any right to judge it or that the Church hath not Right but meerly in case of Contumacy where the Heretick is wilful and will not submit to the Church's Power And this the Hereticks sometimes did and then the Bishops were forced to Appeal thither also but not for any Resolution in the point of Faith but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament and by that Lord who now made this The occasion was A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House and his Patent shew'd This Lord who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd stood up and said He would not be against the delivery of the Message he knew not how urgent it might be but desired withal that it might be enter'd that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House For that saith he though this be but a Ceremony yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House is preserved by nothing more than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire And this I think was very wisely spoken and with great Judgment And could my Lord see this in the Parliament and can he not see it in the Church Are Ancient Ceremonies the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights and have they no use in Religion to keep up her Dignity yea perhaps and Truth too The House of Parliament is I confess a Great and Honourable House But the whole Church of Christ is greater And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church which under God made all their Members Christians Most sure I am they cannot do it without ossence both to State and Church and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations Now in the close of all my Lord tells his Fellow Peers and all others in them That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren the Separatists they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair But what shall these Lords do if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren some weak and many wilful and the cunning misleading the simple they shall disgrace and weaken and perhaps overthrow the Religion they profess Shall they not then both wound their own Consciences and most certainly sin against Christ Yes out of all doubt they shall do both Now where it comes to the wounding of Consciences no question can be made but that every Man ought first to look to his own to his Brethrens after A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience though he be his Brother in a Separation and stand never so much a-loof from him But he must not wound his own to preserve his Brother from a wound especially such a one as happily may cure him and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is As for these Men God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth which they want and forgive them the boasting of that Light which they presume they have And give them true Repentance and in that Sense a wounded Conscience for their breaking the Peace of this Church And forgive them all their Sins by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times and especially at this time while the Waves of this Sea of Separation
do here upon the Second of Januay 1635. Comput Angl. present my Account both for the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church-Affairs which are contained in your Majesty's most gracious Instructions published out of your most Princely and Religious care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government within this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess I humbly represent to your Majesty that there are yet very many Refractory Persons to the Government of the Church of England about Maidstone and Ashford and some other Parts the Infection being spread by one Brewer and continued and increased by one Turner They have been both Censured in the High-Commission Court some Years since but the Hurt which they have done is so deeply rooted as that it is not possible to be plucked up on the suddain but I must crave time to work it off by little and little I have according to your Majesty's Commands required Obedience to my Injunctions sent to the French and Dutch Churches at Canterbury Maidstone and Sandwich And albeit they made some shew of Conformity yet I do not find they have yielded such Obedience as is required and was ordered with your Majesty's Consent and Approbation So that I fear I shall be driven to a quicker proceeding with them The Cathedral Church begins to be in very good Order And I have almost finished their Statutes which being once perfected will mutatis mutandis be a sufficient Direction for the making of the Statutes for the other Cathedrals of the new Erection which in King Henry the Eighth's Time had either none left or none Confirmed and those which are in many things not Canonical All which Statutes your Majesty hath given Power to me with others under the Broad Seal of England to alter or make new as we shall find Cause And so soon as these Statutes for the Church of Canterbury are made ready I shall humbly submit them to your Majesty for Confirmation There is one Mr Walker of St John's the Evangelist a Peculiar of mine in London who hath all his time been but a disorderly and a peevish Man and now of late hath very frowardly Preached against the Lord Bishop of Ely his Book concerning the Lord's Day set out by Authority But upon a Canonical Admonition given him to desist he hath hitherto recollected himself and I hope will be advised For the Diocess of London I find my Lord the Bishop hath been very careful for all that concerns his own Person But Three of his Arch-Deacons have made no return at all to him so that he can certifie nothing but what hath come to his knowledge without their help There have been convented in this Diocess Dr Stoughton of Aldermanbury Mr Simpson Curate and Lecturer of St Margarets New-Fishstreet Mr Andrew Moline Curate and Lecturer of St Swithin Mr John Goodwin Vicar of St Stevens Colman-street and Mr Viner Lecturer of St Laurence in the Old 〈◊〉 for Breach of the Canons of the Church in Sermons or Practice or both But because all them promised Amendment for the future and submission to the Church in all things my Lord very moderately forbore farther proceeding against them There were likewise convented Mr Sparrowhawke Curate and Lecturer at St Mary Woolchurch for Preaching against the Canon for Bowing at the Name of Jesus who because he wilfully persisted is suspended from Preaching in that Diocess As also one Mr John Wood a wild turbulent 〈◊〉 and formerly Censured in the High-Commission-Court But his Lordship forbore Mr White of Knightsbridge for that his Cause is at this present depending in the Court aforesaid Concerning the Diocess of Lincoln my Lord the Bishop returns this Information That he hath Visited the same this Year all over in Person which he conceives no Predecessor of his hath done these Hundred Years And that he finds so much good done thereby beyond that which Chancellours use to do when they go the Visitation that he is sorry he hath not done it heretofore in so many Years as he hath been Bishop He farther Certifies that he hath prevailed beyond Expectation for the Augmenting of Four or Five small Vicarages and conceives as your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have often told you upon my own Experience that it is a Work very necessary and fit to be done and most worthy of your Majesty's Royal Care and Consideration For Conformity his Lordship professeth that in that large Diocess he knows but one unconformable Man and that is one Lindhall who is in the High-Commission Court and ready for Sentence My Lord the Bishop of Bath and Wells Certifies that his Diocess is in very good Order and Obedience That there is not a single Lecture in any Town Corporate but grave Divines Preach by course and that he hath changed the Afternoon Sermons into Catechising by Question and Answer in all Parishes His Lordship farther Certifies that no Man hath been Presented unto him since his last 〈◊〉 for any Breach of the Canons of the Church or Your Majesty's Instructions and that he hath received no notice of any increase of Men Popishly affected beyond the number mentioned in his last Certificat The Bishop of this See died almost Half a Year since and had sent in no Certificat But I find by my Visitation there this present Year that the whole Diocess is much out of Order and more at Ipswich and Yarmouth than at Norwich it self But I hope my Lord that now is will take care of it and he shall want no Assistance that I can give him Mr Samuel Ward Preacher at Ipswich was Censured this last Term in the High-Commission Court for Preaching in Disgrace of the Common-Prayer-Book and other like gross Misdemeanours These Six Bishops respectively make their Answer that in their own Persons they have observed all your Majesty's Instructions and that they find all their Clergy very conformable no one of them instancing in any particular to the contrary In this Diocess the Bishop found in his Triennial Visitation the former Year two noted Schismaticks Wroth and Erbury that led away many simple People after them And finding that they willfully persisted in their Schismatical course he hath carefully preferred Articles against them in the High-Commission Court where when the Cause is ready for Hearing they shall receive according to the Merits of it Concerning this Diocess your Majesty knows that the late Bishop's Residence upon the place was necessarily hindred by his Attendance upon your Majesty's Person as Clerk of the Closet But he hath been very careful for the observance of all your Instructions and particularly for Catechizing of the Youth As also for not letting of any thing into Lives to the Prejudice of his Successor in which he hath done exceeding well And I have by your Majesty's Command laid a strict Charge upon his Successor to look to those Particular Leases which
In this Particular the Bishop craves to receive Direction whether he shall command them to Catechise only and not Preach because your Majesty's Instructions seem to be strict in this point I think your Majesty may be pleased to have the Ministers to preach if they will so that they do first Catechise orderly by Question and Answer and afterwards preach upon the same Heads to the People for their better understanding of those Questions Besides some Knights and Esquires keep Schoolmasters in their Houses or Scholars to converse with or dyet the Vicar where his Maintenance is little And this they say is not to keep a Chaplain which your Majesty's Instructions forbid Yet most of these read or say Service in their Houses which is the Office of a Chaplain But they read not the Prayers of the Church according to the Liturgy Established The Bishop craves direction in this also And I think it be very necessary that the Bishop proceed strictly and keep all such that they read or say no Prayers but those which are allowed and established by the Church in the Book of Common Prayers There are not observed more than Seven or Eight throughout the whole Diocess which seem refractory to the Church and they have made large professions of their Conformities which the Bishop will settle so soon as he can But this he saith he finds plainly that there are few of the Laity Factious but where the Clergy misleads them And this I doubt is too true in most parts of the Kingdom They have in this Diocess come to him very thick to receive Confirmation to the number of some Thousands There were two Lectures held this last Year the one at Wainfleet and the other at Kirton in Lindsey where some two or three of the Ministers which read the Lecture were disorderly Among the rest one Mr. Show preached very Factiously just at the time when your Majesty was at Barwicke and his Fellow Lecturers complained not of him Hereupon the Chancellor having notice of it called him in question and the business was so foul and so fully proved that the party fled the Country and is thought to be gone for New-England Some other small Exorbitances there are which the Chancellor complains of But there is hope that this Example will do some good among them In this Diocess one Mr. Coxe upon Hosea 4. 4. preached a Sermon to prove that the Church of England did not maintain the Calling of Bishops to be Jure Divino which Sermon troubled those Parts not a little My Lord the Bishop after he had had Speech with him sent him to me When he came it pleased God so to bless me that I gave him satisfaction and he went home very well contented and made a handsome Retractation voluntarily of himself and satisfied the People In the skirts of this Diocess in Shropshire there was a Conventicle St. of mean Persons laid hold on and Complaint was made to the Council of the Marches And the Lord President of Wales very Honourably gave notice of it both to the Lords and my self and they were remitted to receive such Censure as the Laws Ecclesiastical impose upon them These Bishops do all Certifie that every thing is well in their several Diocesses concerning the Particulars contained in your Majesty's Instructions and otherwise The like is Certified by the Lord Bishop of Chichester saving that of late there hath hapned some little disorder in the East parts of that Diocess about Lewis which we are taking care to settle as well as we can And for Non-Conformists he saith that Diocess is not so much troubled with Puritan Ministers as with Puritan Justices of the Peace of which latter there are store And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long and happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account January 2. 1639. W. Cant. H. W. WHen I wrote the Preface to this first Volume I had intended to reserve what follows as well as the immediately preceding Papers viz the Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province for the Second Volume as not believing there would be any room for them in this But the Book having now fallen much short of the number of Sheets by me at first computed I have thought fit to cause these Memorials to be here adjoyned that so this Volume might be thereby increased to a convenient Bulk I made choice of these rather than any other Papers for this purpose because they contribute very much to the more perfect knowledge of the great Transactions of those Times both in Church and State and do indeed constitute a part of the History of the Life and Actions of the Arch-Bishop and are often referred to by him in the preceding History The Original Accounts of the Arch-Bishop to the King concerning his Province Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand are now in my Custody The Accounts indeed are not wrote in the Arch-Bishop's own Hand that being not thought fair enough by himself to be presented to the King's view upon that occasion but very fairly wrote by his Secretary or some other employed by him But the Notes or Apostils added by the King to them and therewith remitted to the Arch-Bishop are wrote in the King 's own Hand which is fair enough although the Orthography be vitious a matter common to many Learned Men of that time and even to the Arch-Bishop himself which yet however I have caused to be retained as having observed that the Arch-Bishop had caused the King's Orthography to be Literally followed in those Transcripts which he ordered his Secretary and Registrary to make of them either to be kept for his own use or to be inserted in his Publick Register ROME's MASTER-PIECE OR THE Grand Conspiracy of the POPE AND HIS JESUITED INSTRUMENTS TO Extirpate the Protestant Religion Re-establish Popery Subvert Laws Liberties Peace Parliaments BY Kindling a Civil War in Scotland and all his Majesty's Realms and to Poison the King himself in case he Comply not with them in these their execrable Designs Revealed out of Conscience to Andreas ab Habernfield by an Agent sent from Rome into England by Cardinal Barbarino as an Assistant to Con the Pope's late Nuncio to prosecute this most Execrable Plot in which he persisted a principal Actor several Years who discovered it to Sir William Boswell his Majesty's Agent at the Hague 6 Sept 1640. He under an Oath of Secresie to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury among whose Papers it was casually found by Mr Prynn May 31 1643. who Communicated it to the King As the greatest Business that ever was put to him Together with The ARCH-BISHOP's NOTES The Lord both will bring to Light the hidden things of Darkness and will make manifest the Counsels of the Hearts and then shall every man have Praise of God 1 Cor IV 5. It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning Printing this first
obligatam ideo aperto nomine praesentibus Reverentiae tuae innotescere volui mansurus Hagae Comitum Sept. 14. S. N. 1640. Observantissimus Officiosissimus Andreas ab Habernfeld Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi Primati Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord ALL my Senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business neither doth my Vnderstanding suffice to conceive what Wind hath brought such horridthings that they should see the Sunshine by me For besides expectation this good Man became known unto me who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scottish stirs said that I knew not the Nerve of the Business that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are Superficial From that hour he every day became more familiar to me who acknowledging my dexterity herein with a full Brest poured forth the Burdens of his Heart into my Bosom supposing that he had discharged a Burthen of Conscience wherewith he was pressed Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits with which the whole Earthly World was assaulted and shewed that I might behold how through their Poyson Bohemia and Germany were devoured and both of them maimed with an irreparable Wound That the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland the matter whereof revealed in the adjacent writing be discovered to me Which things having heard my Bowels were contracted together my Loyns trembled with horrour that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls With Words moving the Conscience I inflamed the Mind of the Man He had scarce one hour concocted my Admonitions but he disclosed all the Secrets and he gave free Liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned that they might be informed thereof I thought no delay was to be made about the things The same Hour I went to Master Boswell the King 's Leger at the Hague who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me I communicated the Business to him I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance neither to defer but act that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured He as becomes an honest man mindful of his Duty and having nearer looked into the business refused not to obey the monitions Moreover he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched and sent word back again what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace for which we rejoyced from the Heart and we judged that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this Business whereby you might be preserved Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed some principal heads of the Conspiracy were purposely pretermitted that the Knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into Act if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels By my advice that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatched which under the Title of To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray tied with one Cover are delivered to the Post-Master such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him yet it will be unprofitable because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome which is brought under this Subscription to the Most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti Legat for the time these are not to be neglected to whom likewise Letters writ in the same Character are included That they may be understood Read is to be consulted with The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected In Read's house an accumulated Congregation may be circumvented which succeeding it will be your Grace's part to order the Business The Intestine Enemy being at length detected by God's Grace all Bitterness of Mind which is caused on either side may be abolished delivered to oblivion deleted and quieted the Enemy be invaded on both parts Thus the King and the King's Friend and both Kingdoms near to danger shall be preserved delivered from imminent Danger Your Grace likewise may have this Injunction by you if you desire to have the best advice given you by others that you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants for some of them live under the Stipend of the Popish party How many Rocks how many Scillaes how many displeased Charibdes appear before your Grace in what a dangerous Sea the Cockboat of your Grace's Life next to Shipwrack is tossed your self may judge the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour All these things I whisper into your Grace's Ear for I know it bound with an Oath of Secresie therefore by open Name I would by these Presents become known unto your Grace Hague 14. Sept. S. N. 1640. Your Grace's most Observant and most Officious Andrew Habernfeld Andreas ab Habernfeld a Chaplain as some affirm to the Queen of Bohemia his Indorsement hereon The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own hand Rece Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld his Letters sent by Sir W. Boswell about the discovery of the Treason I conceive by the English Latin herein that he must needs be an Englishman with a concealed and changed Name And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian Or else he lived some good time in England The declaration of this Treason I have by his Majesty's special Command sent to Sir W. Boswell that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars The general Overture and Discovery of the Plot sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter The King's Majesty and Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are to be secretly informed by Letters 1. THat the King's Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives 2. That the whole Common-wealth is by this means endangered unless the mischief be speedily prevented 3. That these Scottish Troubles are raised to the end that under this pretext the King and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed 4. That there is a means to be prescribed whereby both of them in this case may be preserved and this Tumult speedily composed 5. That although these Scottish Tumults be speedily composed yet that the King is endangered and that there are many ways by which Destruction is plotted to the King and Lord Arch-Bishop 6. That a certain Society hath conspired which attempts the Death of the King and Lord Arch-Bishop and Convulsion of the whole Realm 7. That the same Society every week deposits with the President of the Society what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search and then confer all into one Packet which is weekly sent to the Director of the Business 8. That all the Confederates in the said Conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means it is thought meet
herewith presently to me I will send an Express away with it presently In the mean time I have by this Express returned him this Answer That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these Men with all Care and Secresy and drive on to the Discovery so soon as the Business is ripe for it that he may assure himself and them they shall not want reward if they do the Service That for my part he shall be sure of Secresy and that I am most confident that your Majesty will not impart it to any That he have a special Eye to the Eighth and Ninth Proposition Sir for Gods sake and your own safety secresy in this business And I beseech you send me back this Letter and all that comes with it spedily and secretly and trust not your own Pockets with them I shall not eat nor sleep in quiet till I receive them And so soon as I have them again and your Majesty's Warrant to proceed no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the Discovery This is the greatest business that ever was put to me And if I have herein proposed or done any thing amiss I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgment and in fidelity I never will These Letters came to me on Thursday Septemb. 10. at night and I sent these away according to the date hereof being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter copying out these other which come with this and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these all in my own hand Once again secrecy for God's sake and your own To his most blessed Protection I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs And am York 13. Lambeth Septemb. 11. 1640. Your Majesty's most humble faithful servant W. Cant. As I had ended these whether with the labour or indignation or both I fell into an extream faint Sweat I pray God keep me from a Fever of which three are down in my Family at Croyden These Letters came late to me the Express being beaten back by the Wind. The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own Hand Received from the King Sept. 16. 1640. For your Sacred Majesty Yours Apostyled The King's Answer to the Plot against him c. Sir William Boswell's second Letter to the Arch-Bishop May it please your Grace THis Evening late I have received your Grace's dispatch with the enclosed from his Majesty by my Secretary Oueart and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same according to his Majesty's and your Grace's Commands praying heartily that my Endeavours which shall be most faithful may also prove effectual to his Majesty's and your Grace's content with which I do most humbly take leave being always Hagh 24. Sept. 1640. S. Angelo Your Grace's most dutiful and humble servant William Boswell The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement Received Sept. 30. 1640. Sir William Boswell his acknowledgment that he hath received the King's directions and my Letters Sir William Boswell's third Letter to the Arch-Bishop sent with the larger Discovery of the Plot. May it please your Grace UPon receipt of his Majesty's Commands with your Grace's Letters of 9. and 18. Sept. last I dealt with the party to make good his offers formerly put in my Hand and transmitted to your Grace This he hopes to have done by the inclosed so far as will be needful for his Majesty's satisfaction yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by his Majesty or your Grace He hath promised to add thereunto whatsoever he can remember and knows of truth And for better assurance and verification of his integrity he professeth himself ready if required to make Oath of what he hath already declared or shall hereafter declare in the business His Name he conjures me still to conceal Though he thinks his Majesty and your Grace by the Character he gives of himself will easily imagine who he is having been known so generally through Court and City as he was for three or four Years in the quality and imployment he acknowledgeth by his Declaration inclosed himself to have held Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest suit unto his Majesty and your Grace to be most secret and circumspect in the Business that he may not be suspected to have discovered or had a hand in the same I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further do for his Majesty's Service or for your Grace's particular behoof that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my self as I am Hague 15. Octob. 1640. Your Grace's most dutiful and obliged servant William Boswell The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great Business If any thing come to him in Cyphers to send it to him The large particular Discovery of the Plot and Treason against the King Kingdom and Protestant Religion and to raise the Scottish Wars Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord. WE have willingly and cordially perceived that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royal Majesty and likewise to your Grace This is the only Index to us That the blessing of God is present with you whereby a spur is given that we should so much the more cheerfully and freely utter and detect those things whereby the hazard of both your Lives the subversion of the Realm and State both of England and Scotland the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne is intended Now lest the Discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business They may first of all 〈◊〉 that this good Man by whom the ensuing things are detected was born and bred in the Popish Religion who spent many Years in Ecclesiastical dignities At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Design by the counsel and mandate of the Lord Cardinal Barbarino he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus Cun by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office that hope of great promotion was given to him Yet he led by the instinct of the good Spirit hath howsoever it be contemned sweet promises and having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religion of which he had sometime been a most severe defender having likewise noted the Malice of those who fight under the Popish Banner felt his Conscience to be burdened which Burden that he might case himself of he converted his Mind to the Orthodox Religion Soon after that he might exonerate his Conscience he thought 〈◊〉 that a desperate Treason machinated against so many Souls was to be revealed and that he should receive ease if he vented such things into the Bosom of a Friend Which done he was seriously admonished by the said Friend that he should shew an Example of his Conversion and Charity and free
to Commotion and rub over the injury afresh that he might inflame their Minds precipitate them to Arms by which the hurtful Disturber of the Scottish Liberty might be slain 10. There by one Labour Snares are prepared for the King for this purpose the present business was so ordered that very many of the English should adhere to the Scots That the King should remain inferiour in Arms who thereupon should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists which yet he should not obtain unless he would descend into Conditions by which he should permit †Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire To which consent if he should shew himself more difficult there should be a present remedy at hand For the King's Son growing now very fast to his youthful age who is educated from his tender age that he might accustom himself to the Popish Party the King is to be dispatched For an Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp Poyson is kept in the Society which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in a boasting manner wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King after the Example of his Father 11. In this Scottish Commotion the Marquess of Hamelton often dispatched to the Scots in the name of the King to interpose the Royal Authority whereby the heat of minds might be mitigated returned notwithstanding as often without Fruit and without ending the business His Chaplain at that time repaired to us who communicated some things secretly with Cuneus Being demanded of me in Jest Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans Cuneus thereunto answered Would to God all Ministers were such as he What you will may be hence conjectured 12. Things standing thus there arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu Mr. Thomas Chamberlain his Chaplain and Almoner a Scot by Nation who ought to assist the College of the Confederated Society and seriously to set forward the business to leave nothing unattempted whereby the first heat might be exasperated For which service he was promised the Reward of a Bishoprick He cohabited with the Society four Months space neither was it lawful for him first to depart until things succeeding according to his wish he might be able to return back again with good News 13. Sir Toby Matthew a Jesuited Priest of the Order of Politicians a most vigilant Man of the chief Heads to whom a Bed was never so dear that he would rest his Head thereon refreshing his Body with Sleep in a Chair for an Hour or two neither Day nor Night spared his Machinations a Man principally noxious and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England a most impudent Man who flies to all Banquets and Feasts called or not called never quiet always in action and perpetual motion thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours he urgeth Conferences familiarly that he may fish out the Minds of Men whatever he observeth thence which may bring any Commodity or Discommodity to the Part of the Conspirators he communicates to the Pope's Legat the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope or to Cardinal Barbarino In sum he adjoins himself to any Man's Company no Word can be spoken that he will not lay hold on and accommodate to his Party In the mean time whatever he hath sished out he reduceth into a Catalogue and every Summer carrieth it to the General Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks which secretly meets together in the Province of Wales where he is an acceptable Guest There Councils are secretly hammer'd which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastick and Politick Estate of both Kingdoms 14. Captain Read a Scot dwelling in Longacre-street near the Angel-Tavern a Secular Jesuit who for his detestable Office performed whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church with secret Incitements to the Popish Religion with all his Family taking his Daughter to Wife for a Recompence obtained a Rent or Impost upon Butter which the Country People are bound to render to him procured for him from the King by some chief Men of the Society who never want a Spur whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office In his House the Business of the whole Plot is concluded where the Society which hath conspired against the King the Lord Archbishop and both Kingdoms meet together for the most part every Day But on the Day of the Carriers or Posts dispatch which is ordinarily Friday they meet in greater numbers for then all the Intilligencers assemble and confer in common what things every of them hath fished out that Week who that they may be without suspicion send their Secrets by Toby Matthew or Read himself to the Pope's Legat he transmits the compacted Pacquet which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers to Rome With the same Read the Letters brought from Rome are deposited under feigned Titles and Names who by him are delivered to all to whom they appertain for all and every of their Names are known to him Vpon the very same occasion Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip he notwithstanding being ignorant of things from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators There is in that very House a publick Chapel wherein an ordinary Jesuit consecrates and dwells there In the said Chapel Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of the House and of some of the Conspirators Those who assemble in the forenamed House come frequently in Coaches or on Horse-back in Lay-mens Habit and with a great Train wherewith they are disguised that they may not be known yet they are Jesuits and conjured Members of the Society 15. All the Papists of England contribute to this Assembly lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design Vpon whose Treasury one Widow owner of the Houses wherein Secretary Windebank now dwelleth dead above three Years since bestowed four hundred thousand English Pounds so likewise others contribute above their Abilities so as the Business may be promoted unto its desired End 16. Besides the foresaid Houses there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places of which verily they confide not even among themseves for fear lest they should be discovered First every of them are called to certain Inns one not knowing of the other hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble le st peradventure they should be surprised at unawares 17. The Countess of Arundel a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion bends all her Nerves to the universal Reformation whatsoever she hears at the Kings Court that is done secretly or openly in Words or Deeds she presently imparts to the Popes Legat with
He who sails in the midst of dangerous Rocks may justly fear and expect a Wrack Eighthly That the late Scottish Trouble and Wars were both plotted and raised by these Jesuitical Conspirators of purpose to force the King to resort to them and their Popish Party for Aid of Men and Money against the Scots and by Colour thereof to raise an Army of their own to gain the King into their Power and then to win or force him to what Conditions they pleased who must at least-wise promise them an universal Toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions e're they will yield to assist him And in case they conquer or prevail he must then come fully over to their Party or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another World as his Father they say was it 's likely by their Instruments or Procurement they are so conusant of it and then the Prince yet young and well enclined to them already by his Education being got into their Hands by this wicked Policy shall soon be made an Obedient Son of the Church of Rome Thus the Relator a chief Actor in this pre-plotted Treason discovers And if his single Testimony though out of a wounded Conscience will not be believed alone the ensuing Circumstances will abundantly manifest the Scottish Wars to be plotted and directed by them For Con the Pope's Legat Hamilton the Queen's Agent most of the Jesuits then about London Captain Read their Host the Lord Sterling with other chief Actors in the Plot being all Scots and employing Maxfield and he two other Popish Scots in raising these Tumults the Earl of Arundel another principal Member of this Conspiracy being by their procurement made General of the first Army against the Scots and most of his Commanders Papists the Papists in all Counties of England upon the Queen's Letters directed to them contributing large Sums of Money besides Men Arms and Horses to maintain this War Sir Toby Matthew the most Industrious Conspirator in the Pack making a Voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland to stir up the Papists there to contribute Men Arms Moneys to subdue the Scottish Covenanters yea Marquess Hamilton's own Chaplain employed as the King's Commissioner to appease these Scots holding Correspondency with Con and resorting to him in private to impart the Secrets of that business to him the general Discontent of the Papists and Conspirators upon the first Pacification of those Troubles which they soon after infringed and by new Contributions raised a second Army against the Scots when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintain the War All these concurring Circumstances compared with the Relation will ratifie it past Dispute that this War first sprung from these Conspirators Ninthly That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland and Wars in England originally issued from and were plotted by the same Conspirators For the Scottish War producing this setled Parliament beyond their expectation which they foresaw would prove fatal to this their long-agitated Conspiracy if it continued undissolved thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners coming over into England and confederating with the Dutchess of Buckingham Captain Read and other of these Conspirators who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland they plotted an universal Rebellion Surprisal and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdom which though in part prevented by a timely discovery securing Dublin and some few Places else yet it took general Effect in all other Parts to the loss of about an Hundred and Forty Thousand Protestants Lives there massacred by them And finding themselves likely to be overcome there by the Parliament's Forces sent hence and from Scotland to relieve the Protestant Party thereupon to work a Diversion they raised a Civil Bloody War against the Parliament here in England procuring the King after Endymion Porter a principal Conspirator in the Plot had gained the Custody of the Great Seal of England to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seal proclaiming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebels to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists contrary to his former Proclamations to raise Popish Forces both at Home and in Foreign parts for his Defence as his trustiest and most loyal Subjects to send Letters and Commissions of Favour to the Irish Rebels and hinder all Supplies from hence to the Protestant Party And withal they procured the Queen by the Earl of Antrim and Dutchess of Buckingham's Mediation to send Ammunition to the Irish Rebels and to attempt to raise an Insurrection in Scotland too as the Declaration of the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland more largely discovers Seeing then all may clearly discern the exact Prosecution of this Plot carried on in all these Wars by the Conspirators therein particularly nominated by the Queen and Popish Party in all Three Kingdoms and in Foreign Parts too who have largely contributed Men Money Arms Ammunition to accomplish this Grand Design through the Instigation of those Conspirators in this Plot who are gone beyond the Seas and have lately caused publick Proclamations to be made in Bruges and other parts of Flanders in July last as appears by the Examination of Henry Mayo since seconded by others That all People who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE RO-MAN CATHOLICKS IN ENGLAND should have it repaid them again in a Years time with many Thanks the whole World must now of Necessity both see and acknowledge unless they will renounce their own Eyes and Reason that this Conspiracy and Plot is no feigned Imposture but a most real perspicuous agitated Treachery now driven on almost to its Perfection the full Accomplishment whereof unless Heaven prevent it the Catholicks of England expect within the Circuit of one Year as the forenamed Proclamations intimate Tenthly That no setled Peace was ever formerly intended nor can now be futurely expected in England or Ireland without an universal publick Toleration at the least of Popery and a Repeal and Suspension of all Laws against it this being the very Condition in the Plot which the King must condescend to e're the Papists would engage themselves to assist him in these Wars thus raised by them for this end And that none may doubt this Verity the late most insolent bold Demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them the present Suspension of all Laws against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesty's Power the uncontrolled multitudes of Masses in his Armies Quarters Wales the North and elsewhere the open Boasts of Papists every where most really proclaim it And if the King after all their many Years restless Labour Plot Costs Pains and pretended Fidelity to his Cause against the Parliament should deny these Merit-mongers such a diminutive Reward as this is the very least they will expect now they have him the Prince and Duke within their Custody Bristol Chester Ireland all his Forccs in their Power this Discoverer an Eye and
Ear-witness of his Destiny from the Legat's own Vaunt will inform his Majesty and all his Protestant Subjects who will tremble at the very apprehension of it that they have an Indian poisoned Nut reserved for him amongst this Jesuitical Society or if it be lost a poisoned Knife perchance or some other Instrument to dispatch him out of the World and to get the possession and protection of the Prince whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion which how possible how probable it is for them considering their present Power and Endeavours to effect it their poisoning of the Emperour Henry the Seventh in the sacred Host of King John in the Chalice their stabbing of Henry the Third of France with a Knife in the Belly of Henry the Fourth his Successor first in the Mouth next in the Heart-strings though all of their own Religion because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable Demand though Henry the Fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein he was bred restored the Jesuits formerly banished out of France rased the Pillar erected in Paris as a standing Monument of their Treasons against their Sovereigns and built them a stately College to secure his Life from their Assassination which yet would not save him from their Butchery Together with their pistolling of the Prince of Orange and poisoning of King James himself as the Legat boasted may inform his Majesty and all his faithful Protestant Subjects especially such as by their confederating with them in these their Wars have done nought but executed their fore-named Designs whom it concerns now very nearly to prevent if possible such a sad Catastrophe of that bloody Tragedy which hath been acted over-long in Ireland and England by these Conspirators fore-plotted Treasons The execrable Horrridness and Reality whereof made the very Discoverer of the Plot out of remorse of Conscience to desert the Conspirators Conspiracy and that bloody Religion which begot it and therefore should much more incite all such in his Majesty's Army who are cordially faithful to their Sovereign Religion Country Posterity and have hitherto ignorantly acted these Conspirators Treasonable Designs under colour of serving the King to consider with remorse of Conscience whose Instruments they have thus long been whose Treasons they have ripened what Protestant Blood they have shed how much they have weakened impoverished betrayed their own Protestant Party who have really stood for God Religion King Country Parliament against these Romish Conspirators and what Hopes what Advantages they have given these Confederates both in England and Ireland to over-top suppress and ere long utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion themselves and all others who cordially profess it as they have done many thousands of them already And then upon all these sad most serious Considerations the very Thoughts whereof should cause their Souls to bleed and tremble speedily to desert these traiterous Papists ere they get all into their Power and unite all their Heads Hearts Hands Forces to the Parliament's Party who had so good cause to take up defensive Arms to prevent the imminent ruin which otherwise is like to befal both King Kingdom Religion Parliament Liberty Property Posterity ere we be aware especially since the most cowardly unworthy yielding up of Bristol a fit Inlet for the Irish Rebels who have conspired to come over hither with all expedition and Welsh Papists to cut all our Throats Eleventhly That those Protestants who now side with Popish Conspirators when they have accomplished their Designs whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves shall find no more Mercy or Favour from them than the greatest Roundheads if they comply not with them in all things and even in Popery it self For if they will not spare the King 's own Person and Life after so many Favours Graces extended to them as they will not if we believe this Relation or the late Story of King Henry the Fourth of France yet fresh in memory what inferiour Person can think to be secure to fare better than the King himself And if Con the Legat to insinuate himself into the King's and Palatine's Favours at the first when he had no interest in them would not so much as advise the Legat of Cologne to mediate for the Palsgrave lest peradventure the King of Spain should report that the Pope had Patroniz'd an Heretical Prince as the Relation attests though he promised the King effectually to do it How can Prince Rupert Maurice or any other Commanders in the King's Army when they have fully accomplished the Pope's and these his Instruments Designs under whose Banner they ignorantly yet really militate and promote his Cause instead of the King 's and Kingdoms to whom they and others have been so much engaged hope to receive the least Dram of Favour Pity much less any Recompence from the Pope and Popish Party if they continue Hereticks still notwithstanding all their present goodly Promises Will they part with any other Inheritances to them then who will not so much as now mediate for them to regain their own Will these who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland in England even before they were sure of the Day without any provocation given spare any Mother's Son of them alive if they once erect their Trophies over them Certainly the Experience of all former Ages compared with the present may fully resolve all That the very tender Mercies of these wicked ones will be nought but extream Cruelty and if they prevail we all must perish without distinction sooner or later unless we will turn Apostates and lose our Religion God Heaven Souls to save our transitory Lives Finally Therefore let the serious Consideration of all the Premises instruct us to learn Wisdom from these our Adversaries let their indefatigable Industry subtil Policy sincere Fidelity chearful Constancy bountiful Liberality fraternal Unanimity undaunted Magnanimity indissolvable Confederacy and uninterrupted Pertinacy in prosecuting establishing propagating their Antichristian Religions Treasons Designs excite all Protestants according to their several late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten to equalize if not transcend them in all these in defending securing propagating our true Christian Religion protecting our King Kingdoms Parliament Laws Liberties Posterities all we yet have or hereafter hope for from that imminent ruin which these Popish Conspirators threaten to them Fore-warn'd fore-arm'd If now we perish through our own private Dissentions Folly Cowardise Covetousness Treachery or Security or monstrous Credulity that these Conspirators and Papists now in Arms fight only for the King and establishment of the Protestant Religion as it was in Queen Elizabeth's days against whom they plotted so many Treasons even for her very Religion and the Powder-Plot since against King James and the whole Parliament our Blood shall rest upon our own Heads who would not take timely notice of our incumbent Dangers nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY
est in Resurrectione Christi non credere si Legem quis Jejunij Die Resurrectionis indicat S. Ambros. Epist. 83. k 〈◊〉 hunc Diem Jejunio decernendum putaverit non parvo Scandalo erit S. Aug. Epist. 86. Christus enim gaudium manducantibus Luctum 〈◊〉 deputavit S. Mat. 9. 15. Ibid. l 1. Cor. 15. 14. m Quis non Deum offendet si velit cum scandalo totius 〈◊〉 ubique dilatata est Ecclesiae Die Dominico Jejunare Ibid. Versùs Med. n Illum ut legitimum diem suis Auditoribus ad Jejunandum constituerunt S. Aug. Epist. 86. o S. Ambrose Epist. 83. Manichaeos ob istius diei Jejunia jure damnamus p Epiphan Haeres 85. n. 3. q Manichaeorum simillimos S. Aug. Epist. 86. r S. Leo. Epist. 93. c. 4. s Conc. Caesar. August can 2. apud Bin. To. I. par 1. p. 553. t Conc. Gangrens c. 18. Baron Annal. An. 361. 〈◊〉 53. The Word coming is added from Rushw. Pryn. To be deliver'd * Be charged * Ad Anglicani Tribunalis Exemplar 〈◊〉 est An. 1610. Aliud in Scotiâ cujus Authoritate Potestate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 efformandum erat Quidam Ministri Episcopalem Jurisdictionem 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia affectantes armati sunt Potestate utriusq gladii quo facilius Episcopalem Dominationem invaderent idque sub diplomate Regio absque 〈◊〉 Statuto vel Specie minimi consensus Procerum Ordinum Regni ut in Anglia Delegata Commissariorum Jurisdictione freti Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 in hunc usque Diem vi subigunt miserum in modum opprimunt Spottiswodius Andr politanus Lawes Glascuensis c. Altare Damascenum p. 28. Typis excusus est hic Liber An. 1623 * 〈◊〉 Grant a Request or 〈◊〉 desired * Proceedings at Perth p. 50. Proceedings of Perth p. 40. †Some other Rushw. Pryn. * of Rushw Pryn. * The Copies Rushw. the Copy Pryn. * Absolute Necessity Pryn. Rushw. †It Rushw Pryn. Can. 69. 〈◊〉 69. †Sermon Rushw. Pryn. a Deut. 10. 12 b Mat. 7. 19. 22. 37. 6. 16. c Esai 1. 19 20. d Ephes. 2. 10. 1 Tim. 6. 18. Titus 2. 7. 14. 3. 1 8 14. S. James 2. 17. 1 S. Pet. 2. 12. S. Je. 〈◊〉 3. 〈◊〉 21. 27. 22. 12. * In the Service-Book both of England and Scotland Can. 113. * B. 〈◊〉 Argumento in Lib. Tertul de 〈◊〉 p. 471. †The like Rushw. Pryn. * What Seeds of Popery he did sow in our Kirk Pryn Rush. a Pauco tempore 〈◊〉 ut 〈◊〉 esse videatur Conc. Elib Can. 21. b In quantum Ratio 〈◊〉 Conc. Valentin Can. 2. c Ut 〈◊〉 secundum peccatorum 〈◊〉 Episcopi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tempora 〈◊〉 Conc. Carthag 3. Can 3. d Author of the Observations 〈◊〉 some of 〈◊〉 Majesty's late Answers p. 34. e Conc. Ancyran Can. 1. 2. †Worship Rushw. Service Pryn. * How far this was my Work you may see afterwards †Memoirs Rushw. Memories Pryn. * Had. Rushw. Pryn. * In Rushw Pryn. †In Rushw. Pryn. To Ross are added from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 * Rushw. Pryn. Here Rushworth's Copy addeth * To express and discover all would require a whole Book We shall only touch some few in the matter of the Communion So also Pryn. †Praise Rushw. Pryn. S. Lu. 22. 19. * Must Rushw. †Forth Rushw. Pryn. * Viz. Their Argument Taken from the Reason of the Posture of the Priest given in the Rubrick H. W. †Above Rushw. 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 18. An. 1549. Citantur 〈◊〉 Bucero in Script Anglican p. 455. a Memor 〈◊〉 quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anglicanis cum primis debeam 〈◊〉 datum est mibi bac in re 〈◊〉 id 〈◊〉 subscribere 〈◊〉 Paternitas 〈◊〉 aliique 〈◊〉 de his Judicabunt 〈◊〉 Epist. ad 〈◊〉 quae extat 〈◊〉 Opera ejus Angl. p. 456. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 465. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Viri p. 867. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * †Corporeal 〈◊〉 | * In the Prayer of Consecration in the 〈◊〉 for Scotland * The words in the Canon of the Mass are Ut nobis Corpus Singuis fiant dilectissimi 〈◊〉 tui Domini nostri Jesu Christi * In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the Receiving †In the Prayer of Consecration a Cor. 11. 24. 1 Cor. 10. 16. * Secretaries 〈◊〉 Conference with Fisher §. 34. puncto 4. p. 292. c. * any 〈◊〉 Pryn. | well 〈◊〉 Pryn. * Respons ad Harding Art 17. divis 14. †Differentia 〈◊〉 in modo illic enim Christus 〈◊〉 occisus est Hic 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 Hugo Grot. in Consult Cassandri ad Art 10. p. 25. * In the Prayer of Consecration in the Liturgy for Scotland †when 〈◊〉 Pryn * terrible Rush. Pryn. * kindled Rushw. Pryn. * Rushw. What is meant by 〈◊〉 the King into the Covenant and his Commissioner Subscribing it see the King 's Large Declaration p. 134. c. W. S. A C. 2 Cor 12. 11. * could 〈◊〉 Pryn. †in their 〈◊〉 †p. 40. The place is corrected from Pryn. Rush. * and Proceeding a Can. 1. sub Carolo. b Plures nimirum c. vestra omnia 〈◊〉 urbes insulas castella c. 〈◊〉 bello non idonei c. qui 〈◊〉 libenter 〈◊〉 si non apud istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret quam 〈◊〉 Tert. Apologet. c. 37. And in another place speaking of the Rebellions raised by Cassius Niger and Albinus he Notes that none of their 〈◊〉 were Christians Nunquam Albiniani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel Cassiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christiani And then adds 〈◊〉 nullius est 〈◊〉 nedum Imperatoris c. 〈◊〉 ad Scapulam c 2 § 2. Constantius the 〈◊〉 Emperor 〈◊〉 heavy upon the 〈◊〉 Christians And when it was suggested unto him that 〈◊〉 and other 〈◊〉 had secretly stirred up 〈◊〉 to invade the Empire the Holy Father having fully confuted the Calumny concludes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Athanas. 〈◊〉 ad Constantium Edit Gr. Lat. p 681. The like faithful Subjects the Christians shewed themselves to Julian the 〈◊〉 when he used them very sowrly And though they would not obey him when he commanded them to 〈◊〉 Idols yet in other things they did and Rebelled not S. 〈◊〉 in Psal. 124. Nor did they forbear either for want of strength or opportunity For when Julian dyed the whole Army cryed our We are all Christians Soc. Lib. 3. Hist. 〈◊〉 c. 22. And so St. Amb. to 〈◊〉 the Younger Against your Forces my Weapons are Prayers and Tears 〈◊〉 nec debeo nec possum resistere c. Non ego me vallabo circumfusione Populorum c. which as the case stood then with him he was able to do 〈◊〉 Auguste non pugnamus S. Amb. in Orat. 〈◊〉 inter Epistolas 32 33. The like for Defensive Arms Inde est