is not fire and sworde excommunication and anathematization prodition deposition conspiracy murther absoluing of subiects relaxation of oathes and other such hostile actions as our seditious aduersary heere laieth togeather to make the Popes office and authority more odious 42. Only two publicke examples to my remembrance can be alleadged of any Protestant Princes excommunicated censured or molested by the Sea Apostolicke since Luther began his breach which are now almost an hundred yeares notwithstāding there haue byn so many of them and so exorbitant things committed by them against Catholicke Religion and the said Sea Apostolicke as is notorious to all men And these two vpon speciall causes and inducements to wit Q. Elizabeth of England and King Henry then of Nauarre and now also of France for of King Henry of Enggland I make no mention for that his cause was not Religion at that time the first of the two in regarde of the publicke violent change of Religion which shee made in her Realme with the deposition depriuation imprisonment or exile of all Catholicke Bishops Prelates Clergy and others that would not yeeld their consent thereunto and this as is alleadged contrary to her publicke promise and oath at her Coronation 43. The second for feare least he comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition wherein then he was presumed to be should attempt the like change in that great Kingdome And to both these actes were the Popes of those times drawen and incited either secretly or openly by some of the chief Nobility of both Realmes whome most it concerned And albeit the former hath not had that successe which was hoped and perhaps suggested yet the finall euent of the second hath byn more prosperous then at that time could be expected no King lightly in Christendome hauing made more reall demonstratiōs of loue vnion and reuerence to the Sea of Rome then his most Christian Maiesty nor receaued greater enterchange of graces and fauours from the same Sea and this in matters of most importance for the setling and establishment of his Imperiall Crowne and royall race 44. Wherfore al this bitter barking of this Minister T. M. about excommunicating depriuing deposing and murthering Princes as also about absoluing of subiectes from their oathes and the like ceaseth as yow see by a little good correspondence betweene the said Princes and their generall Pastor And when matters passe at the worst and are in most exasperation betweene them yet is it not the tenth part of perill which Protestant doctrine and practice draweth them into vpon any generall disgust against their gouernments For if in lue of these two Protestant Princes censured by the Sea Apostolicke we should recount all the Catholicke Princes that haue byn vexed molested iniured or depriued of their States or violated in their persons or brought to confusion in our Northerne parts of the world in this time to wit in Sauoy France Switzerland Germany Bemeland Austria Poland Sweueland Denmark Flanders England and Scotland and some other places wherof we haue treated more largely in the precedent Chapter there would be no comparison at all Of false dealing and sleights of T. M. §. 4. ANd yet further yow must vnderstand that this malicious calumniator proposing vnto himself for his end to make vs hatefull doth not only encrease multiply and exaggerate matters against vs by all art of sycophancy as making some things to seeme odious that of themselues are true and laudable and exaggerating others to a farre higher degree then wherin they were spoken or are to be vnderstood inferring also generall propositions vpon some shewes of particuler proofes but besides all this he passeth also further obiecteth often times against vs the very same things that his owne Authours doe hold wherof before we haue laid downe some examples and shall doe more hereafter yea shameth not manifestly to falsify and ly also as when he auoucheth with great resolution that the late K. Henry of France was censured by Pope Xixtus v. for this only crime for that himselfe being a Papist yet fauoured the Protestantes and especially the Prince of Nauarre Wheras it is knowne that besides this he had murthered most miserably two principall peeres Princes of his Crowne the Duke and Cardinall of Guise neerest in bloud to his Maiesty of England and therby broken his solemne oath made but a little before in presence of many when he receaued the Bl. Sacrament to the contrary And how then was his only crime to haue fauoured the Protestants as this Minister auerreth 46. And againe in the same place or precedent page he hath these wordes Pope Adrian being guilty of like seditious practice against the Emperour Henry the second was choked with a fly And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it Generatione 139. which should be 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many Generations in that Part and in steed of Henry the second he should haue said Frederick the first of that name for that Henry the second was before the time of our Conquest and almost two hundred yeares before Adrian the fourth our English Pope of whome we now speake who liued in the time of King Stephen and King Henry the second of England and was a Holy man and accompted the Apostle of Noruegia for conuerting the same to our Christian faith before he was Pope and all Authors doe write honorably of him so doth Nauclerus affirme and therefore though he make mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a Schismatical writer in those dayes who also doth not absolutely auouch it but with this temperament vt fertur as the reporte goeth yet doth the said Nauclerus reiect the same as false and confuteth it by the testimonies of al other writers especially of Italy that liued with him and therby knew best both his life and death And yet all this notwithstanding will this false ladde T. M. needes set downe this History as true affirming it for such and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand that any other denied the same or that the only Author himself of this fiction doubted therof And is not this perfidious dealing or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treachery 47. Another like tricke he plaieth some few pages before this againe citing out of Doctor Bouchiers booke De iusta abdicatione these wordes 〈◊〉 occidere honestum est quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur quod ex communi consensu dico And then he Englisheth the same thus Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant which I defend saith he by common consent But he that shall read the place in the Author himself shall find that he holdeth the very contrary to wit that a priuate man may not kill a Tyrant that is not first iudged and declared to be a publicke enemy by the common-wealth and he proueth the same at
Catholicke and consequently A reformed Catholicke in matters of faith must needs be A deformed Catholicke such a 〈◊〉 as Perkins in deed describeth that admitteth one two three foure more or lesse points of the common Catholicke receaued Religion and yet starteth from the fifth or sixt as himselfe best liketh and this calleth Perkins A reformed Catholicke when the belieuer chooseth to belieue or leaue what points do please him best which choise we say is properly heresy for that an Hereticke is a Chooser as the Greeke word importeth and this heresy or choice in matters of beliefe doth Perkins professe to teach his hearer saying That he will shew them how neare they may come vnto the Romane faith and yet not iumpe with it which is a doctrine common to all hereticks and heresies that euer were for that all haue agreed with the Catholicke faith in some points for that otherwise it should be Apostacy and not heresy if they denyed all yea the Turkes and Mores at this day do hold some points of Christian Religion with the Catholickes but for that neither they nor heretickes do hold all therfore they are no true Catholickes but such Reformed Catholickes as VVilliam Perkins would teach his disciples to be to wit properly Heretikes by their choise of religion 59. And to the end we may see not only the mans folly in choosing his argument but his falshood also in prosecuting the same I shall lay forth one only example out of his very first Chapter that beginneth with his ordinary argument of the VVhore of Babylon and by this one example let the reader iudge whether he be not a fit Chaplyn for that honest woman iflying cosenage and calumniation be propertyes of her profession For that hauing spent many impertinent wordes to shew that the impieties prophesied by S. Iohn of the said VVhore of Babylon and Saincts of God to be slayne by her was not meant of the persecution of Rome vnder the Pagan Emperors but of the Church of Rome now vnder the Christian Bishopps and Popes he hath these wordes 60. This exposition saith he of the Apocalips besydes the Authority of the text hath also the fauour and defence of ancient and learned men Bernard saith They are the Ministers of Christ but they serue Antichrist And againe the beast spoken of in the Apocalips to which a mouth is giuen to speake blasphemies and to make warre with the Saints of God is now gotten into Peters Chaire as a lyon prepared to his pray It wil be said that Bernard speaketh these later wordes of one that came to the Popedome by intrusion or vsurpation It is true in deed but wherfore was he an vsurper He rendreth a reason therof in the same place bycause the Antipope called Innocētius was chosen by the Kings of Alemaine France England Scotland Spaine Hierusalem with consent of the whole Clergy and people in these nations and the other was not And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but all the Popes for this many yeares are the beast in the Apocalips because now they are only chosen by the Colledg of Cardinals c. Thus he 61. And now how many 〈◊〉 decepts and falsities there be in this litle narration is easie for any man to see admyre and detest that will but looke vpō the places of S. Bernard by himselfe quoted For in the first place out of his 33. Sermon vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he saith They are the Ministers of Christ but do serue Antichrist he speaketh against the vices of the Clergy especially of France where he liued in his dayes And that it is not meant particulerly of the pope S. Bernardes owne words do shew in that ve y place saying They will be and are Prelates of Churches Deanes Archdeacons Bishopps Archbishopps so as this is falsely brought in to proue any speciall thing against Rome or the Pope and much more wickedly alledged to proue Perkins his exposition of the Apocalips against Christian Rome to be true in S. Bernardes sense which he neuer thought of or by any least cogitation admitted as by the whole course of his writings to the contrary is euident no man more extolling the dignity of the Pope and Sea of Rome then he euen then when most he reprehendeth euill lyfe and manners 62. But the other that followeth is much more fraudulenty alledged For if S. Bernard complained greatly that in his tyme one Petrus Leonis an vsurper and Antipope being chosen by the 〈◊〉 lesse number of Cardinals voyces did by violence notwithstanding thrust himselfe into the Chaire of Peter and playe therin the parte of Antichrist what was this in preiudice of the true Pope Innocentius the second whome Saint Bernard doth call Christs Vicar and highly commendeth him as lawfully chosen by the maior part of the Colledge of Cardinals and exhorteth all Christian Kings to obey and follow him as their high and true lawfull vniuersall pastor So as heere 〈◊〉 Perkins maketh a notorious lye in saying that Innocentius by S. Bernards iudgement was an Antipope wheras he proued him expresly in the places heere alleadged to be the true Pope and Vicar of Christ and Petrus 〈◊〉 to be the Antipope Numquid saith he non omnes Principes cognouerunt quia ipse est verè Dei electus Francorum Anglorum Hispanorum postremò Romanorum Rex Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt recognoscunt 〈◊〉 Episcopum animarum suarum Do not all Princes know that Innocentius is truly the elected of God The Kinges of France England Spaine and 〈◊〉 do receyue Innocentius for Pope and do acknowledge him to be the singular Bishop of their soules 63. Secondly he lyeth much more apparantly when he saith that Innocentius was chosen by the said Kings of Alemaine France England c. wheras S. Bernard saith not that he was chosen by them but that he was accepted followed obeyed by them as true Pope after his election Alemaniae saith he Angliae Franciae Scotiae Hispaniarum 〈◊〉 Reges cum vniuerso clero populis fauent adhaerent Domino Innocentio tanquam filij Patri tanquam capiti membra The Kings of Germany France England Scotland Spaine and Hierusalem togeather with their whole Clergy and people do fauour and adhere to Pope 〈◊〉 he doth not say they choose him as children to their Father and as members to their head 64. Thirdly Perkins lyeth most desperately of all in his last conclusion 〈◊〉 And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but that all the Popes for 〈◊〉 many yeares are the beast in the 〈◊〉 because now they are only chosen by the Colledge of Cardinals This I say is a notorious lye for that S. Bernard giueth no such verdict but alloweth well the election of Innocentius by the said Cardinals saying Meritò autem illum 〈◊〉 Ecclesia cuius opinio clarior electio sanior
Protestant party to flatter and deceiue her with false oathes and 〈◊〉 she promised that she would not but he arriuing the next day after the Bishop vnto her at 〈◊〉 in France made so great promises oathes and protestations vnto her as by little and little gate credit with her and so returned into Scotland by England where he had his full instructions yow must thinke to dispose the mindes of all sortes to receiue and obey the said Queene after his and their fashion and agreement for which good office she gaue him soone 〈◊〉 her returne the Earledome of Murrey and committed the cheife Gouernement of the Realme vnto him But what effectes ensued we shall now in few wordes declare 21. When vpon the yeare 1563. which was two yeares after her returne to Scotland she resolued by consent of her Parlament to marry her knisman the Lord Darley newly made 〈◊〉 of Rosse and Duke of Albany this Earle of Murrey made a leagne of his confederates against the same pretending that it would be in 〈◊〉 of their Religion and brake into open warres against them both saith Holinshed and when they were pressed by the Kinges and Queenes forces they had alwaies their refuge into England and their counsaile and direction both thence and from their Ministers that neuer parted from them how to prosecute their matters against their Princes wherof the first point was to abuse the yong Kinges credulity and to set him against the Queene and hence ensued that strange and horrible act of entring her priuy chamber when she was at supper vpon the fourth of march 1566. in the company of the 〈◊〉 of Murton the Lordes Ruthen and Lindsey all Protestantes and armed who saluted her first with this greeting she being great with child That they would no longer suffer her to haue the gouerning of the Realme nor to abuse them as hitherto she had done And then pulled violently from her her Secretary Dauid which stood there present seruing her at table and for his refuge tooke hold of her gowne which they cut of and slew him with many stabbes to such fright of the afflicted Queene as it was no lesse then a miracle that she had not perished therwith or miscaried of her child which was his Maiesty that now gouerneth England hauing six monethes gone with the same This was done at a Parlament when all the Protestant confederates met togeather and tooke as yow must thinke the ghostly counsaile of their good Ministers for so holy an enterprise And vpon the 20. of Iune next was the Prince borne which thing not pleasing some that there should remaine any yssue of that family which they desired to extinguish the said King his Maiesties Father was most cruelly murthered in Edenbrough on the tenth of February next ensuing 22. Nor did the matter cease heere but rather now ascended to the greatest height of malicious Treason 〈◊〉 euer perhaps hath byn vsed against any crowned Prince in the world for that these Lordes of the Congregatiō as they called themselues that is to say Religious Rebels congregated against their sworne Prince gathering forces togeather laid violent handes on her Maiesties person first at Carbar-hill by Edenbrough when confidently she presumed as to her subiectes to goe vnto them and treate of peace and then casting her into prison depriued her of her Crowne set vp against her the name of her dearest iewell the yonge Prince not yet a yeare old made Regent her greatest enemy the Earle of Murrey her bastard traiterous brother held Parlamentes made lawes debarred her the sight of her sonne for euer and finally waging open warre against her and ouerthrowing her forces in the feild she being present forced her into England and there following her also procured vnto her the greatest disgraces dishonoured her with the foulest reportes defamed her with the most spitefull sermons bookes and printed libelles and finally oppressed her with the most notorious open iniuries that euer were cast vpon a person of her Maiesties quality dignity And all this without any scruple or remorse of conscience at all nay all was auerred to be done according to the very rule of the Ghospell for the Ghospell and this by all the Ministers both of Scotland and England 23. And thus much of the second Queene Mary of Scotland brought to her ruine by the Euangelicall obedience of these new Ghospellers but as for the yong Prince her Noble sonne whome she loued most dearely aboue all earthly creatures and neuer was permitted so much as to embrace or see him more afterward what passed in this time by the same sorte of mē both during his minority and afterward what cōtentions 〈◊〉 warres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what murthers what conspir cies Rebellions and violences were vsed were ouerlong to recount in this place the Histories are full and the 〈◊〉 made and set forth in print by the foresaid 〈◊〉 Authour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his sixt Chapter and 〈◊〉 booke against the 〈◊〉 doth touch many 〈◊〉 pointes of diuers notorious 〈◊〉 and violences offered by them and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Kinges person state and dignity as their taking his authority vpon them his surpriz and restraint at Rutheuen vpon the yeare 1582. the brethrens allowing and authorizing the same afterward expresly against the Kinges declaration to the contrary 24. The 〈◊〉 also against his person at Striueling vpon the yeare 1584. and many railing speaches sermons and bookes against him and his gouernment made in England to disgrace him and namely the seditious preaching of Dauison and other Scottish Ministers against 〈◊〉 in London in the Church of the Old-Iury and this being in the moneth of May it followed in Nouember after that these Ministers with their complices returning into Scotland with aide from England though this circumstance the Author con ealeth as not making for his purpose they gat ten thousand Rebelles togeather and 〈◊〉 their tentes before the towne of Striueling whither the King was retired to fortify himselfe in the Castle making proclamations in their owne names and there draue at length his Maiesty to yeald his person into their handes with the liues of his dearest friendes and was depriued also by them of his old guard and a 〈◊〉 put vpon him All which actes were not only defended afterward by the chiefe Ministers of that Realme but the King himselfe was called in like manner Ieroboam by them and threatned to be rooted out as Ieroboams race was if he continued in the course he held and many other like 〈◊〉 by them committed which for breuityes sake I forbeare to recount in this place 25. Now then to returne againe to our former ponderation set downe in the beginning of this Chapter let euery sage and prudent Prince consider and weigh with himselfe which of these two waies which of these two people which of these two groundes of doctrine which of these two methodes of practice which of these
from Syr Edward Courtney Earle of Deuonshire Syr Nicolas Throckmorton others what to the conspiracy of VVilliam Thomas who hauing determined and plotted the murder of the said Queene and conuicted therof professed saith Stow at his death at Tyburne that he died for his countrey 30. I passe ouer other conspiracies and Rebellions as that of Vdall Throckmorton Iohn Daniel Stanton Cleber the three Lincolnes and after them Thomas Stafford and others that comming out of France with instructions of the brethren of Geneua surprised Scarborough Castle made proclamations against the Queene that she was iustly deposed and other such like attemptes by that sort of people who all professed themselues to be Protestantes and to haue entred into those affaires principally for their Religion And with what face or forhead then doth T. M. say in this place Shew vs what Protestant euer resisted c. 31. But much more impudent is the second part of his assertion about Ministers saying That no Minister of the Ghospell did euer kindle the least spark of sedition against Queene Mary Wheras his aduersary obiecteth many by name as Cranmer Ridley Rogers and Iewel before mentioned who as is euident by Fox his story in his Actes and Monumentes both dealt preached stirred people against her all that lay in their power And as for Cranmer it is euident he was condemned for the same treason in Parlament Ridley preached openly at Paules Crosse against her title Rogers at Clocester and Iewel was appointed to preach in Oxford had he not byn preuented by the sudden and vnexpected proclayming of the said Queene there by Syr Iohn VVilliams others 32. The instances also that we haue alledged of Goodman VVhittingham Gilby Couerdale VVitehead sundry others testified by my Lord of Canterbury to haue taught and practized sedition against the said Queene in those daies doe they not conuince this Minister Thomas Morton of rare singular impudency will any man euer belieue him hereafter what he saith or affirmeth denieth or shifteth of seing him to auouch so manifest vntruthes as these are with so shameles asseueration 33. But yet to conuince him somewhat more I think good to set downe some of the particuler wordes and phrases of two or three of the principall forenamed pillars of the Protestant primitiue Church in our Iland omitted for breuities sake by the moderate Answerer to the end yow may see their spirit iudge of this mans forehead in standing so resolutely in the deniall taken in hand For first Iohn Knox in a booke written printed at Geneua 1558. which was the last of her raigne wherin after he had said That is is not birth only or propinquity of bloud that 〈◊〉 a King lawfull to raigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ c. He goeth forward saying thus I feare not to affirme that it had byn the duty of the Nobility Iudges Rulers and people of England not only to haue resisted and withstood Mary that Iezabel whome they called their Queene but also to haue punished her to death with all the sort of her Idolatrous Priestes togeather with all such as should haue assisted her c. Doe yow see here his Euangelicall spirit Doe yow see the essence of his doctrine Doe yow heare this new Prophet declare himself cleerly But let vs giue audience to another of like vocation and spirit 34. The second is his deere brother Christophor Goodman who in a booke of his printed also at Geneua the same yeare 1558. the title wherof was How Superiours ought to be obeyed writeth thus I know yow of England will say that the Crowne is not entailed to heire-males but appertaineth aswell to the daughters therfore by the lawes of the Realme ye could doe no otherwise then admit her but if this be true yet miserable is the answere of such as had so long time professed the Ghospell and the liuely word of God For if it had byn done by Pagans and heathens which knew not God by his word it might better haue byn borne with all but among them that beare the name of Godes people with whome his lawes should haue chief authority this answere is not tolerable If she had byn no bastard but the Kinges daughter as lawfully begotten as was her sister that Godly Lady and meeke lambe yet at the death of our lawfull Prince King Edward that should not haue byn your first coūsaile or question who should be your Queene but first and principally who had byn most meet among your Brethren to haue had the gouernment ouer yow For a woman to raigne Godes law forbiddeth whose raigne was neuer accompted lawfull by the word of God c. So he And behold heere now whether these mens worde of God did not serue them to all turnes euen to barre lawfull succession to depose the possessor and whatsoeuer themselues listed 35. The third Doctor of this learning was M. VVhittingham Deane afterwardes for his good merittes of Durham who made a preface to the foresaid booke of Goodman allowing and commending the same highly as a thing consulted examined approued by Caluin and the rest of the most learned Ghospellers of Geneua for thus he writeth M. Christophor Goodman conferred his articles and cheif propositions of his booke with the best learned in these partes who approuing the same he consented to enlarge the said worke and so to print it as a token of his duety and good affection towardes the Church of God and then if it were thought good in the iudgment of the Godly to translate the same into other languages that the profit therof might be more vniuersall So VVhittingham with whom concurred in iudgment VVhithead Couerdale Gilby and others then liuing in Geneua which Gilby wrote also of the like argument a speciall admonition to the Realmes of England and Scotland to call them to repentāce by all likelyhood for that they had admitted tolerated and not put to death Q. Mary of England and not yet deposed as after they did Q. Mary of Scotland both Mother and daughter and the booke was printed the same yeare by the same Crispin in Geneua wherin besides that which he vttereth against this Queene Mary as a Catholicke Princesse or rather no Princesse in his opinion he hath these wordes also of King Henry her Father euen after his fall from Catholicke Religion The boare was busy wrooting digging in the earth with all his pigges that followed him but they sought only for the pleasant fruites that they winded with their long snowtes and for their owne bellies sake c. This monstrous boare for all this must needes be called head of the Church vnder paine of treason displacing Christ our only head who alone ought to haue this title So Gilby And for that all this was spoken written and printed diuers yeares after Q. Mary was proclaimed and installed Queene and all tending euidently to sedition as
Barkley dissenting from Doctor Boucher in this matter about the deposition of this King the one holding that he was deposed the other not but only that as a sicke man was debarred of the administration Doctor Bouchers wordes are these cited by D. Barkley Sic Oziam Azarias de Templo primùm mox etiant de Regno eiecit So Azarias the high Priest did cast out King Ozias first frō the Temple and then from his Kingdome Which the other will not haue to be vnderstood that the title and interest of his Kingdome was taken from him but only the administration which in effect is no great difference of opinions for that Bellarmine also talking of this matter saith Cùm regni administratione priuatus fuerit wheras he was depriued of the administration of the Kingdome which after in other words he expressing saith Regnandi authoritate he was depriued of the authority of actual raigning or exercising that authority wherunto the wordes of the Scripture seene plainly to agree which are these Festinatò expulerunt c. Azarias and the rest of the Priestes did hastily driue him out of the Temple and he himself being terrified with that which he felt to be the punishment of God made hast to goe forth VVherfore this King Ozias remaining a leper vnto the day of his death did dwell in a separate howse and he was full of leprosy for the which he was cast forth of the howse of our Lord so as his sonne Ioathan did gouerne the howse of the King iudge the people of the land 9. Out of which wordes of Scripture as also out of the Booke of Leuiticus where the law saith That whosoeuer shal be spotted with leprosy and is separated at the apointment of the Priest shall dwell alone without the tentes Bellarmine doth gather that this separation of King Ozias was not voluntary but by prescript order of the said high Priest Azarias and that consequently he was depriued also by the same sentence and authority of his gouernment and administration of the Kingdome against which T. M. bringeth in a great tempestuous storme of wordes and warre of the foresaid Doctor Barkley Scottishman against Cardinall Bellarmine as though he had refuted him with some contumely and contempt wheras Doctor Barkley neither nameth nor meaneth Bellarmine but only Boucher vpon his wordes before recited against whome he being according to his custome somewhat vehement in speech the difference in substance being little or nothing as yow haue seene T. M. endeauoreth by his sleightes to increase or aggrauate the same For wheras Doctor Barkley presuming Boucher to vnderstand by those his wordes De regno eiecit that Azarias had taken from K. Ozias the name and right of Kingdome saith vnto him Magna sanè imprudentia vel impudentia est ea scriptis mandare quae manifestis scripturae testimoniis redarguuntur It is truly a great imprudence or impudēcy to cōmit those thinges to writing which are controlled by manifest testimonies of Scripture There our Minister blotteth out in his Latin text the word imprudentia and will haue only to stand impudentia to set them further out then they be which me thinkes was some impudency also in him and againe when the said Barkley writeth immediatly after the former wordes Malo te negligentiae quà m nequitiae reum facere I had rarher accuse you of negligence then of malice these wordes also not without some malice T. M. striketh out and pittifully mangleth the whole discourse putting in and putting out at his pleasure and yet all set downe in his booke as the continuall speech of the Author 10. Heere then yow see how many wilfull corruptions there be first to bring in Doctor Barkley rating of Cardinall Bellarmine with magna sanè impudentia est c. Wheras he talketh not against Bellarmine at all nor indeed is Bellarmines manner of speech contrary to that which Barkley will haue to be the meaning of the History for that Barkley doth not so much stand vpon the thing in controuersy for Priestes authority but vpon the manner of proofe by the examples alledged by D. Boucher of Ieroboam Ozias Athalia and some other Princes in whose punishment God vsed Priestes for meanes and instrumentes Non ignoro saith he Ius esse Ecclesiae in Reges Principes Christianos nec quale ius sit ignoro sed id tam alienis argument is ostendi prorsus ignoro imò non ostendi planè scio I am not ignorant saith Doctor Barkley that the Church hath right ouer Christian Kinges Princes nor am I ignorant what manner of right it is yet doe I not see how the same may be proued by such impertinent argumentes nay I know rather that it cannot be so proued Which wordes going but very few lines before those that T. M. alledgeth he could not but see and yet left them out and then beginneth against vs his English text thus Your owne Doctor calleth this your assertion most false and contrary to the direct History of the Byble to wit that Ozias was deposed of his Kingdome by Azarias the high Priest 11. But now yow haue seene that howsoeuer it may be called either deposition depriuation restraint sequestration or inhibition certaine it is that he was separated from the administration of the gouernment by 〈◊〉 the high Priest and whether his sonne during his life were truly King or only regent or Gouernour vnder his Father or whether he were bound to consult with his said Father in his greatest affaires take his approbation and commission that point which is most important Doctor Barkley proueth not but only that Ozias notwithstanding his separation was called King during his life which letted not but that his sonne might be truly King also during his Fathers dayes for otherwise D. Barkley might aswell say that his Maiesty now of England for example was not King of Scotland whiles his Mother the Queene liued in her exile which yet I thinke he will not say and therfore to vse the wordes impudentia nequitia and falsissimum in a matter so doubtfull might perhaps haue byn omitted but much more ought to haue byn the multiplicity of falsities vsed by T. M. in relating the same namely in bringing in Cardinall Bellarmine with such ardent desire to haue him contradicted disgraced as he not only applieth to him that which was spokē against another but reciting also two lines of his speech besides other manglinges shufleth in falsly two or three words that ouerthrow the whole controuersy to wit separatus extra Regnum that King Ozias was separated by Azarias the Priest forth of the Kingdome wheras Bellarmine hath not these wordes extra Regnum at al but only that he was separated from the Citty extra vrbem in domo solitaria forth of the Citty in a solitary house which thing the Scripture it self before related doth testify wherby yow see what botching there
his submission to Pope Hildebrand at Canusium cap. 6. n. 38. K. Henry the 8. of England his Supremacy impugned by diuers Protestantes cap. 4. n. 35. Heresy vvhat it is cap. 2. n. 19. Who is an hereticke Ib. n. 20. Heresy consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the vvill cap. 6. n. 44. Heresy cannot be decreed in the Cath. Church by Popes as Popes cap. 6. n. 63. M. Horne his Equiuocations cap. 12. n. 43. D. Hunnius his booke against Caluin cap. 6. n. 78. 80. His protestation and prayer against Caluinistes Ibid. n. 98. His opinion about 〈◊〉 vvryting against Arrians Ibid. n. 103. I IACOB vvhether he lyed or noe in saying he vvas Esau cap. 9. n. 34. B. Iansenius his discourse about the feigning of our Sauiour to goe further then Emaus cap. 9. nu 73. Ievvell Bishop of Salisbury his notable lying-Equiuocation cap. 12. nu 12. 13. 14. deinceps His abusing rayling against S. Augustine Ibid. n. 30. 31. 34. His Apostrophe in his sermon at Paules Crosse Ibid. n. 12. Impiety of Porphyrius the Apostata cap. 9. n. 66. Incertainty of Saluation dependeth on our partes cap. 11. n. 24. Inconueniences of exasperation and despayre cap. 1. nu 3. Insolencies vsed tovvardes K. 〈◊〉 of England by Protetestant-Ministers in Scotland cap. 1. n. 24. Insurrections against lavvfull Princes by New-Ghospellers in our dayes cap. 1. n. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. deinceps Intention to deceyue a principall clause in a lye cap. 8. nu 47. 56. S. Iohn Baptist his mentall Reseruation cap. 9. n. 18. 19. 20. 21. His ansvvere compared to the ansvvere of a priest in Englād cap. 9. n. 23. 24. Iohn Caluin vvhether he fauoured 〈◊〉 or no cap. 6. part 3. per totum His diuers Arrian speaches Ibid. n. 77. Whether he denyed Christ to be God of God Ibid. n. 53. His manner of speach condemned by Bellarmine Ibid. n. 56. 76. 77. His extreeme pride and impiety cap. 6. n. 97. Whether and hovv he impugned the Arrians cap. 6. n. 102. Iosue his stratageme in taking the Citty of Hay by Gods appointment cap. 7. n. 25. Ironicall speach a kind of Equiuocation cap. 8. n. 16. K KING Kenulphus his charter for Abindon-Monastery notably falsified by the Lord Cooke cap. 12. n. 81. 82. deinceps Keyes hovv they may signify authority both temporall and spirituall cap. 5. n. 37. King Iames of Great-Brittany his speach in his Proclamation Court of Parlamēt Prefat n. 16. His moderation therin ibidem His affliction and molestation by Protestants in Scotland cap. 1. n. 23. 24. 25. His iudgement of English ministers notes vpon the Bible cap. 4. n. 25. Kingly power or Priesthood in Christ whether greater cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Knox his pestilent and wicked doctrine against the soueraignty of Princes cap. 2. n. 48. His Reuel and cruelty in Scotland against Catholicks cap. 4. n. 24. 33. L LAMBERTVS Scasnaburgensis abused by Thomas Morton cap. 6. n. 37. S. Leo notably corrupted by Thomas Morton cap. 6. n. 19. 20. 21. Lord of Salisbury his booke and answere to a threatning letter sent him anno 1605. Pref. n. 18. 19. The scope therof ibid. n. 20. 21. 22. 23. How he was deceyued by his Deuyne ibid. n. 20. 21. Luthers wicked opinion of the ancient Fathers when they make against him cap. 12. n. 21. 22. 23. Lying and dissimulation how different from Equiuocation cap. 7. n. 34. S. Thomas his seuerity against lying ibid. n. 35. Item of the Maister of Sentēces ibid. n. 36. Lying defined by S. Augustine cap. 8. n. 47. The essence therof ibidem Item by S. Thomas of 〈◊〉 ibid. n. 56. 57. M MARTINVS de Magistris abused by M. Ievvell cap. 12. n. 36. Mentall reseruation proued in S. Iohn Baptiste his answere cap. 9. n. 18. 19. Ancient Fathers their expositions for the same ibid. nu 20. 21. Mentall reseruation in diuers speaches of our Sauiour cap. 8. n. 13. 14. cap. 9. n. 26. 27. 28. 44. 58. 59. 61. cap. 11. num 45. Metropolitan of lying Metropolis cap. 10. n. 33. Miters how they be aboue Crownes cap. 5. n. 25. Murder of the Lord Darley K. of Scotland by Protestants cap. 1. n. 21. Murder of Dauid Secretary to the Q. of Scotland cap. 1. n. Ibid. Mysterious speaches how they be Equiuocall cap. 9. n. 35. N NATVRE of heresy and pertinacy c. 6. n. 41. Necessity of Equiuocation in some cases cap. 7. n. 20. 21. 22. deinceps Necessity not required to perfection in many thinges cap. 7. nu 5. O OATH vvhat it is cap. 8. num 50. Oath of Supremacy in Englād and T. M. his iudgment therof cap. 6. n. 24. Obedience to Princes and doctrine therof deliuered by Caluinistes cap. 1. n. 10. Obstinacy necessary to make heresy and vvhy cap. 6 n. 43. Offers and kind Offices of the Sea of Rome tovvards K. Iames of Great Brittany cap. 2. n. 41. Old-Testament a figure of the nevv cap. 5. num 6. Opinion of Catholickes for restrayning of euill Princes cap. 5. n. 45. Opinion of forraine vvryters for the lavvfulnesse of Equiuocation cap. 10. num 15. Oracle of Logitians cap. 8. num 6. Orders of Religious men that defend Equiuocation cap. 9. num 14. Otho Frisingensis abused by T. Morton cap. 8. num 36. Ozias King of Israell his expulsion and contention therabout cap. 6. n. 8. 9. 10. 11. P PARLAMENTES their first beginning in Englād cap. 12. num 89. Perfection requireth not necessity in many thinges c. 7. n. 5. Perkins the Minister his equiuocations cap 12. n. 58. 59. 60. deinceps His falsifying of S. Bernard ibid. n. 60. 61. 62. Plessis Mornay his Equiuocations cap. 12. n. 72. 73. c. His disputation with the Bishop of Eureux in France ibid. n. 74. 75. His falsifying of Authors ibid. Ponderations about the vncertainty of Protestants doctrine cap. 6 part 3. § 4. per totum Popes may and must be deposed for heresy cap. 5. n. 53. cap. 6. n. 62. 63. Pope lesse dangerous without Superior then many Princes cap. 5. n. 61. Pope Pius Quintus abused by the Lord Cooke cap. 12. n. 78. Pope Hildebrand slaundered by Th. M. cap. 6. n. 33. 34. The Emperours submissiō vnto him at Canusium ibidem Porphyrius the Apostata his impiety cap. 9. n. 66. Princes how they must deposed by the liuely word of God cap. 4. n. 34. Prior Iames of Scotland made Earle of Murrey and Lord Protector of that Kingdome cap. 1. n. 20. 21. Priesthood the dignity therof greater then Regalty cap. 5. n. 32. 33. Two principall points therof ibid. n. 17. Priesthood and Kingly power in Christ whether greater on earth cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Proofes for the lawfullnes of Equiuocation cap. 9. per totum Prophesyes corrupted and eluded by Iohn Caluin c. 6. part 3. § 3.
the least things that may be as appeareth by their knowne and confessed doctrine by vs set downe then are their aduersaryes in the greatest yea highest kind or degree of that sinne I meane of lying and in the second besides the multiplicy of conuictions wherby I haue made demonstration of this mans falsity euery where I haue shewed in the foresaid 12. Chapter that he this Minister to wit of simple truth as also his fellowes which professe themselues such enemyes of lawfull Equiuocation that may be vsed without lying do Equiuocate euery where in the worst most sinfull sort of flat lying that may be imagined without any reseruation or veile or substance of truth at all For proofe wherof I 〈◊〉 me to the said 12. Chapter and shall returne to follow this fellow somwhat further in the said Epistle to his Maiesty 11. For not many lynes after the former passage by occasion of certayne wordes of him that first answered him about a march of apes he taketh vpon him to set forth a certayne march of Soldiers cōming against his Maiesty and other Protestant Princes from the 7. hills of Babilon to wit Rome saying thus May it please your sacred Maiesty to see how exactly they imitate Souldiers in their march Parsons teaching persecution against all Kings and States Protestant doth propound for his imitation the example of Dauid in his conflict against Goliah Allen the example of Eliah in calling if it were possible for fyre from heauen to consume the Messengers of Kings Reynolds the example of Iabel to knock Generaels on the head Bellarmine the example of Iehoida and other Priestes for murthering of opposite Queenes Sanders the example of Mattathias who fought against King Antiochus Simancha the example of Heathenish Scythians who murthered their naturall King Scyles Boucher the example of Sampson to kill if they can a thousand of his supposed Philisthians with the iaw bone of an Asse 12. So he And doth not the man deserue to haue a iawe-bone of an Asse for his dinner that hath so laboured to lay togeather these impertinent examples without head or foote ground or proofe purpose or coherence truth or similitude with the matter in hand For where doth he fynd these marchinges against his Maiesty why had not he cyted some place or testimony wherby might appeare this to be true that he obiecteth heere to these mē against his Highnes Nay if his Maiesty will remember marchinges against him indeed not imaginations in the ayre as these are he will consider what manner of men they haue byn either Protestants or Catholickes that haue marched and machinated against him and his for more then 40. yeares togeather while he was in Scotland what royall bloud was shed of his neerest and dearest in kynred what violence vsed and practised vpon his owne person and parents who were the Authors incensers fyre-brands bellowes of these enraged flames Priests or Ministers those that came from the hills of Rome or such as had their spirite from the valley of Geneua and then if we would frame a squadron of all those turbulent lawlesse Protestant people that vexed and afflicted his Maiesty in Scotland and marched against him and his noble Mother and grand Mother with banners displayed and that we should place before these againe a Vanguard of preaching-Scottish-Ministers as Knox and all his 〈◊〉 exhorting in cyting sounding out the trumpets of these rebellions and a Rereward againe of English-Ministers standing behind them and clapping their handes to their encouragemēt writing bookes and sending them all ayde both in words and workes that possibly they could procure whilest in the meane space both Catholicke priests people in England Rome and els where prayed hartely for the good successe of his Maiesties said parents and for his in theirs this I say was a true and reall march in deed that other imaginary which our Minister to make vs odious hath heere deuised 13. And to speake one word more of this matter for that it is of much importance and the truth therof notorious to the world When vpon the yeare of Christ 1586. fourteene principall and zealous yong gentle-men were most pittifully put to death in London and diuers others condemned and their goods confiscated for an imputation that they would 〈◊〉 deliuered his Maiestyes mother 〈◊〉 of prison and fauoured her succession to the Crowne did not 〈◊〉 raging Ministers then no lesse fyerie 〈◊〉 MORTON now raue out of euery pulpit not so much against them as againste the cause and obiectes of their calamity which was the loue they bare both to mother and sonne in that behalfe Against 〈◊〉 also they neuer ceased to crye vntill they had gotten the life of the one to be taken away and the Statute of Association to be made for endangering the other 14. And when before that againe vpon the yeare 1581. fourteene learned priests and Iesuites were arraigned condemned vpon pretence that their comming into England was for some designement against the State was not the greatest and most odious part of their arraignment and most amplyfied by the Attorney Popham at that time for that they were deuout to the Queene of Scotland and her tytle and prayed for her in their Masses Letanies and other prayers Yea when some of them came to dye at Tyborne and prayed at their death for the Queene of England did not some principall men demaund them publikly from among the people what Queene they meant Elizabeth or Mary And was not this an ordinary Equiuocation which Ministers cryed out that Catholickes then vsed and especially priests And how then doth this fond and malicious Minister bring in such Marchinges of Catholicke Soldiers against his Maiesty who euer 〈◊〉 for him How doth he talke of such kylling of supposed Philisthines by the iaw-bone of an asse The asse in deed we haue found but the iaw-bone as yet we see not 15. But let vs heare him go forward in vaunting to his Maiesty of his goodly workes After the reply is finished saith he there is presented to your Princely and most religious iudgement A confutation of the reasons of two of their more then vnreasonable positiōs as namely of haynous Rebellions and execrable Equiuocations both which are refelled I hope sufficiently by the testimonyes of their owne most principall Doctors A course which I professe in all disputes knowing that by no better wisdome may this new Babylon be confounded then wherwith God wrought the destruction of the old euen The diuision of their tongues So he 16. And yow must know that this diuision of our tongues is nothing els but that he alleageth some tymes different opinions out of some of our Schoole-Doctors which our men do for him he hauing nothing heerin of his owne industry in matters that be disputable and not determined by the 〈◊〉 And is not this a great point for so great a Rabbyn to bragge of
the malicious application of this Minister to make the diuorce before mencioned betweene our Prince and vs to seeme remedilesse For if the doctrine approued and receyued so many ages before this difference of Religion was heard of shall be laid vnto vs now for matter of vndutifulnes with which doctrine notwithstanding our Auncestors liued most peaceably and duetifully for many hundred yeares as good subiectes vnder his Maiesties 〈◊〉 both in England Scotland what fault can this be in vs now or what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it in the Minister to obiect it against vs yea to make a criminall accusation therof in this his calumnious libell against all Catholikes of our Countrey whatsoeuer 10. If we consider their doctrines and positions togeather with their practice and exercise concerning this point of quiet obedience and subiection euen from these later times of Luther Zuinglius and 〈◊〉 beginninges of innouation we shall find an other manner of nouelty to contemplate and another sorte of dangers for Princes to tremble at For if in steed of Rebellious doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Church which is the title of this aduersaries pamphlet wee should set downe the positions and practice of the Geneuian Church and Caluinian sect planted and directed therby we should easely see what were the difference as the whole world both may and doth For that concerning their positions and doctrine that touch this point they are extant in their owne bookes not wronge or drawne by strained inferences as our Ministers Calumniations are against Catholicks in this place but plainely cleerely and Categorically set downe by their owne pen testified and put in print by their owne writers and especially by one in England that is now in highest dignity vnder his Maiesty and another in place of some dignity also by his office who out of their owne bookes cited particulerly by them relate these and other like positions That Princes may be restrained by force pursued iudged and punished by the people excommunicated depriued deposed and cast into hell by the Ministers arraigned condemned and put to death by the inferiour Magistrates whensoeuer in their opinion he becommeth a 〈◊〉 or opposite to the ghospell which in effect falleth out to be so often as these head-strong new brethren shall mislike of his or her gouernement thinke them worthy to be remoued 11. And if to the testimony of our English Protestant writers in this point any be desirous to haue ad ioined the suffrages in like manner of externe authors of the same Religion concerning the same article about the lawfulnes of violent vsage towardes Princes in cases by them prescribed let them read Bezae himselfe in his Apology to the Bishop Claudius de Sainctes in defence and praise of Pultrot that murdered traiterously the famous great Duke of Guise his Maiesties great vncle and supreme Generall of all the French forces as also the discourse of the French famous Minister Suriau otherwise calling himselfe Rosier in his Booke of Reasons why it was lawfull for any of his 〈◊〉 brethren to kill as he saith Charles the ninth King of France and his mother if they would not obey the Caluinian Ghospell as both Launay Belsorest other French writers in their Histories do relate To which effect also was written that notorious and seditious booke intituled 〈◊〉 matin and others by the brethren of the ghospell yea aboue others that most dangerous firebrand by Orsinus Hoto man and the rest of Geneua allowed also by 〈◊〉 intitu led Vindiciaecontra Tyrannos The reuenge vpō Tyrantes conteyning a most shameles publique approbation of all desperate of all villanous attemptes whatsoeuer made or to be made by their brethren against lawfull Princes vnder the name of Tyrantes whensoeuer it might seeme to be done in fauour of their ghospell 12. So as now after all this manifest assertiue doctrine of theirs knowne and confessed in the world and practised by them in so many places for so many yeares in so notorious manner as no man can deny it for this Minister to come peeping forth with certaine poore illations strained inferences against Catholiks for that in certaine cases they acknowledge power to remaine in the head of the Church by way of Canonicall lawes and publique iudgment to restraine exorbitant outragious excesses of Princes when they shall fall out is a ridiculous kind of byting at the heele while the other do strike at the head and so will it also appeare if we obserue the euētes themselues for that heere in this place our Minister for example 〈◊〉 only foure factes or processes of Popes to wit two of Gregories the seauenth and ninth and other two of Pius and Sixtus the fifth who in so many ages haue giuen sentence of depriuation against Princes wheras if we consider but this one age only which hath passed since Luther began and not yet one whole age we shall find many more Princes deposed slaine molested or violated by Protestant people then by all Popes put togeather since the beginning of Pope-dome haue byn troubled or Censured which is a markeable point and not lightly to be passed ouer by prudent Princes for that the reason herof is that the one side proceedeth by lawe publique iudgement and mature deliberation the other by popular mutiny rash and temerarious precipitation And this of doctrine in this place vntill we come to the fourth Chapter where much more is to be added to this effect 13. But if we should come now from doctrine to action and examples of the exercise therof in this behalfe there were no end of the narration and there is no man or woman lightly of any yeares or vnderstanding in publique affaires whose mind and memory is not full of them For who remembreth not what passed in Germany presently almost vpon the beginning of Luthers doctrine at the least not aboue 7. or 8. yeares after to wit from the yeare 〈◊〉 testified aswell by Sleidan and other Protestant Authors as by those that were Catholicke how the new brethrē incited by this new doctrine again 〈◊〉 their Princes both temporall and spirituall tooke armes and entred into tumult and rebellion with such violence and headlong pertinacy throughout al that countrey as in one Prouince only there were aboue two hundred Monasteries and Castels taken razed and spoiled and aboue an hundred and thirty thousand people slaine this was for that beginning which fire once enkindled and the humour of sedition once setled in the heades o that Hereticall faction neuer ceased afterward but continued more or lesse still against 〈◊〉 Emperour Charles the 〈◊〉 vnder diuers deuises and pretences of the 〈◊〉 association and the like vntill more then twenty yeares after to wit vntill the yeare 1546. wherin he was forced to take in hand that great and dangerous warre Luther himselfe 〈◊〉 yet aliue against the Duke of Saxonie Marques of 〈◊〉 and other Protestant Princes whome he subdued therin but not without
great effusion of Christian bloud 14. And the like I might relate of many other particuler States and principalities of Germany as namely that of the Princes and Archbishops Electors of Collen Treuers and Mentz with all the State Palatine of Rhene the Bishoppricke and Dukedome of Liege and other partes adioining where togeather with this new Ghospell especially now deuided into different sectes of Lutheranisme Zuinglianisme Caluinisme Anabaptisme new Arrianisme and the like entred presently new sedition Rebellion and warres and from thence dispersed it selfe longe and wide both North and South East and West In the North to Saxony Denmarke Norway Sweueland Polonia 〈◊〉 and other adioining countries and on the south to Zwitzerland first Sauoy Grisons and other partes next adhering where diuers battailes were fought Zuinglius himselfe being present as the chief stirrer in those of the Cantons of Zwitzerland his countrey and 〈◊〉 therin and Caluin Beza Farellus and other such Ministers being the principall inciters in the Rebellions of Geneua and neighbour countries against the Duke of Sauoy and other Lordes and Princes therof as is apparant by their owne and other mens bookes of the same part and faction 15. Towardes the East the same fire of sedition passed with the same new Protestant Ghospell to Bemeland Austria Hungary Siletia Moldauia and other bordering Prouinces where more or lesse it hath continued till our time wherin we see by lamētable experience that they haue ioined euen with the Turke himselfe against their Soueraigne Lord and Emperour and against the Christian name and cause in despite of Catholicke Religion as Boscaine the famous Caluinian Rebell and others of that Religion or irreligion rather in these partes for some yeares now haue done and finally haue forced the said Emperour for auoiding the fatall ruine of Christendome to graunt him the Princedome of Transiluania during his life which God for his so great wickednes hath soone cut of 16. But to the West partes of the world to wit France and all partes and parcels of that 〈◊〉 Kingdome the same fire was transported with greatest fury of all as doe testify their foure generall most bloudy warres lasting for many yeares togeather wherof if I should recount but the least particulers set downe by their owne histories it would rue any Christian hart to heare or read the same 17. From hence if we draw neere homeward to Flanders England and Scotland the effectes of this new Ghospell and Ghospellers are yet more present vnto our eyes For who can recount the thousandes of people that vpon this occasion haue lost their liues both temporall and eternall as may be feared in these long bloudy warres of the low countries begunne first and continued euer since vpon the entrance of Protestant Religion in those States Who can number the Citties beseiged taken rifled and ransacked The townes and villages burnt and ouerthrowne The countries spoiled The people slaine and murdered about this difference And if we looke into England and the state but of one sole Catholicke Princes gouerning there but for foure or fiue yeares ouer Protestant subiectes misliking her gouernment for Religion yow shall find more conspiracies treasons and Rebellions practised against her in proportion of so few yeares by the said sorte of people if we consider what Northumberland Suffolke VViat Courtney Stafford Fetherstone VVilliam Thomas and others in different conspiracies practiced against her then in more then 40. yeares was done against her Protestant sister by her Catholicke subiectes though neuer so much afflicted iniured and persecuted by her 18. But of all other countries Scotland may be an example and president of Protestant spirites what they are vnder a Catholike Prince or Princesse though otherwise neuer so vertuous or neuer so mild For who can deny the exceeding great prudence moderation benignity liberality and other vertues of the Noble Queene Mary Regent of Scotland Grandmother to our Soueraigne that now raigneth when those furious and seditious Ministers Knox Goodman Mollocke Douglasse Meffan and others began to raise vp her subiectes against her from the yeare 1557. which was the fourth of Queene Maries raigne of England and continued the same in most spitefull and barbarous manner with intolerable insolency both of wordes and actes for 3. or 4. yeares togeather assisted principally by the helpes aide and encouragement of Queene Elizabeth that had succeded in the Crowne of England vntill through griefe sorrow and affliction the excellent Princesse gaue vp the Ghost vpō the yeare 1560. hauing byn 〈◊〉 deposed and the lye giuen her publickly and most 〈◊〉 by them And finally seing herselfe so extreemely 〈◊〉 and inuironed with these rebell forces and with a puissant army sent from England in their succour consumed and pyned away with 〈◊〉 of mind as hath byn said And no Christian could but haue compassion of her case The particulers are written by Knox and Buchanan themselues in their histories of Scotland who were two chiefe firebrandes in that combustion and by Holinshed an English Protestant Author in his description of Scotland allowing well and liking the same according to the sense of English Protestantes who concurred with them both in good will and cooperation 19. And thus much of the Queene Regent but now of her excellent daughter the Queene regnant Mother of our Soueraigne had they any greater respect vnto her notwithstanding all her benignity and benefites towardes them at her new returne out of France when she pardoned all that was past and accepted of new oathes and promises of faithfull obedience at their 〈◊〉 did all this I say any thing auaile her or procure her safty or quietnes in gouerning these new Ghospellers No truly so long as she remained Catholicke that is to her death and after her death they pursued her with the greatest hatred and most barbarous cruelty that euer perhaps was read of against Prince or Princesse before or after her I shall breifly heere set downe some 〈◊〉 particularities of many as I find them 〈◊〉 both in English and Scottish Histories themselues and that by Protestant writers as hath byn said 20. This Noble Queene after long deliberation in France what course to take in those troublesome times when the spirit of the new Caluinian Ghospell had raised tumultes conspiracies warres and Rebellions throughout the most part of all States Kingdomes and Prouinces round about her determined finally to credit the faire promises of her said Protestant subiectes in Scotland and to goe thither which she did and arriued at Lith the 20. of August vpon the yeare 1561. But before she departed from France there being sent to her from the Catholicke party Doctor Iohn Lesley Bishop of Rosse to counsaile her not to trust her bastard-brother Iames Steward Prior of S Andrewes that had byn the cheife Author of all the former broi les in Scotland and was now sent vnto her from the
bloud insteed of shed their bloud as though God were a bloud-spiller or comaunded the same to be done vniustly by others but all is strained by the Minister to make vs odious wheras himself indeed is therby made ridiculous And for that I haue byn somewhat longer in this example then I had purposed as also for that by this one if it were but one yow may ghesse of al the rest of his proceeding I wil heere cease referring the rest of this kinde to other more fit places and occasions afterwardes 58. And yet truly I cannot wel pretermit for ending this Chapter one little note more of rare singularity in this man aboue others which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes and this is that the very first wordes of Scripture alledged by him in the first page of his booke for the poesy of his pamphlet are falsly alleadged corrupted and mangled though they conteine but one only verse of Isay the Prophet and then may yow imagine what liberty he will take to himself afterward throughout his whole discourse His sentence or poesy is this Isay. 29. vers 9. But stay your selues and wonder they are blinde and make yow blinde which he would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholickes but let any man read the place of Isay it self and he shall finde no such matter either in wordes or sense but only the word wonder to wit obstupescite admiramini fluctuate vacillate inebriamini non a vino mouemini non ab ebrietate And according to this are the Greek and Hebrew textes also So as what should moue T. M. to set downe so corruptly the very first sentence of his booke and cite the Chapter and verse wherin his fraude may be descried I know not except he obserued not the last clause of the Prophetes precept mouemini non ab ebrietate And so much for this HOVV THIS TREATISE VVAS LAIED ASIDE By sicknesse of the Author and some other causes And why it was taken in hand againe vpon the sight of a Catholicke Answere and a new Reply of T. M. dedicated to his Maiesty with the Authors iudgment of them both CHAP. III. HAuing written hitherto and passed thus far-forth in examination of the Ministers opprobrious libel of Discouery I was partly forced by grieuous sicknesse that continued for some moneths partly also induced for that I vnderstood that another Catholicke man had answered the said libell to lay that which I had written a side as also for that the occasion of time wherin this Treatise was begun soone after the detection of the often forenamed powder-treason seemed in great part to be past and hauing once laied it out of my handes had no great will afterward to goe forward theriwth as an argument of loathsome contention against most odious imputations and calumniations but yet after diuers monethes againe seing the said Catholicke answere to appeare which before I had not viewed togeather with a large Reply to the same by the Minister that first made and deuised the libell and that the said Minister had now resolued vpon instance of the said Answerer to manifest his name to wit of Thomas Morton which before went ciphered with the letters only of T. M. that might aswell haue signified Thomas Malmesbury or Montague or Monte-banke or any such like sur-name and further that he presumed to dedicate the same vnto the Kinges Maiesty by a speciall glosing Epistle full of fond Ministeriall malice against Catholickes intituling his said Reply A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquity heynous Rebellion and more then heathenish 〈◊〉 And further that he had encreased his said worke with two or three new Treatises partly for iustifying of Protestantes in the case of Rebellion and partly for confuting of a Treatise written in defence of Equiuocation I was moued aswell of my self as by others exhortation to resume the thing into my handes againe to adioine by the view of the whole that which was wanting to the full confutation of this Ministers iniquity in laying such heinous Rebellion heathenish Equiuocation vnto Catholickes charge who of all men liuing are most free from iust reprehension in them both and the Caluinian sect and sectaries conuinced to be most guilty in the one and consciencelesse in the other as the iudicious Reader I doubt not shall see euidently proued and confirmed in that which is to ensue 2. It moued me also not a little to goe forward somewhat with this confutation though in as breiffe manner as might be to see that this deuise though neuer so fond and false of charging Catholicke doctrine with Rebellion Equiuocation was applauded not a little by some men of marke in our State as namely by his Maiesties late Attorney Generall aswel in his writing as pleadinges against Catholicks borrowing from this Ministers first Treatise diuers large parcelles and passages of his calumnious imputations about the forenamed two heades of Rebelliō and Equiuocation lending him againe in lue therof for his second Reply sundry obseruations collections of his owne concerning diuers Kings of England that seemed to him not so much to fauour or acknowledge the Bishop of Rome his authority ouer the English Church which yet now vpon further search is found to be contrary and so set downe and demonstrated at large by a late Answere published to the said Attorney his booke of Reportes as I thinke in hast will not be answered Wherupon forsomuch as this new deuised accusation of Rebellious doctrine and Equiuocation is taken vp by so many handes of those that be enemies to Catholicke Religion I thought it conuenient to cleere somewhat more this 〈◊〉 and as I had before I laid aside this worke treated sufficiently as it seemed to me of the former point concerning Rebellious doctrine vpon the sight only of T. M. his first pamphlet as in the precedent two Chapters yow haue seen yet now vpon the appearance of this Minister Thomas Morton in his proper name and person of his new Reply that promiseth full satisfaction in all it seemed necessary that I should goe forward to finish my first intent and to examine the second point or head of his accusation in like manner apperteining to the doctrine of Equiuocation made no lesse odious now by continuall clamours of sycophancy then the other of Rebellion it selfe 3. One other circumstance also stirred me greatly to proceed in this short worke which was that togeather with these bookes sent out of England aduertisement was giuen that this Minister Thomas Morton was Chaplain to my Lord of Canterbury who being head of the spirituall Court of Arches which is or ought to be the supreame for matters of cōscience in England I was in hope to haue some remedy against this his Lordships Chaplaine if I should demonstrate that he dealeth against all conscience obseruing no law either of truth or modesty towardes Catholick men
yow see besides the flat deniall both of King and Queenes supremacy it conuinceth plainly that which our Minister T. M. before denied And so with this conuiction in the sight of all his Brethren we leaue him But yet let vs heare what he saith to some other particulers before by vs obiected 36. To that then of Syr Thomas VVyat the Duke of 〈◊〉 and others he answereth diuersly First the History relateth saith he the pretence of VVyat thus A proclamation against the Queenes marriage desiring all Englishmen to ioine for defence of the Realme c. then that in Queene Maries oration against VVyat there is not to be fond saith he any scruple concerning the cause of Religion thirdly that no Minister of the Ghospell was brought in question as a Commotioner in that cause Lastly if intent might answere for Protestantes accused in that name then is it plaine that it was not Religion If for VVyat and his fellowes it is plaine it was not against the Queene or State but for both So he In all which different clauses of his answer consider if any one be in it self true for as for the first and second though VVyat pretendeth in his proclamation the said marriage with Spaine to be the chiefe cause yet not alone but that the Queene and Counsell saith Fox would also by this marriage as he affirmed bring vpon the Realme miserable seruitude and establishe Popish Religion 37. And the same Fox relateth Queene Maries wordes in her oration thus That the matter of the marriage is but a Spanish cloake saith shee to couer their protensed purpose against our Religion So as in these two pointes the Minister lieth openly but more in the last that VVyats attempt was not against Queene Mary or the state but for both for that Queene Mary in the same oration as both Fox and Holinshead doe iointly relate affirmed VVyats answere to haue byn to Syr Edward Hastinges and Syr Thomas Corn-wallis sent from her vnto them which he also at his arraignment confessed that he and his would haue the gouernance of her person the keeping of the Tower and the placing of her Counsellours And as for the other point whether any Ministers were called in question as Commotioners in that attempt importeth little for so much as no man can doubt but that the Commotion being so generall and for Religion as Fox affirmeth all Ministers hartes and tongues were therin in secret and their handes in like manner so far forth as they durst which being well knowne to Queene Mary her Counsell caused them to proceed against the principall soone after in matter of Religion preferring therin the iniury done to God before the iniuries offered to her self though Doctor Sanders doe affirme that diuers chiefe of the new Clergy amōg them Doctor Cranmer were conuinced to haue conspired in that Rebellion And by this we see how well the Minister hath iustified his Protestantes in this point It is euen as good as their iustification by only faith which maketh them lesse iustifiable then before Let vs passe to some other examples and se what he saith to the Rebellion of Protestantes in other countreys 38. To that which hath byn proposed of Scotland both by the moderate Answerer and by my self also in my first Chapter of this Treatise of so great and intolerable insolencies vsed in Scotland by Protestant-Ministers and their Disciples against Grand-mother Mother Father and sonne all lawfull Princes violated by them he yeeldeth no other answer or satisfaction but that which before hath byn recited that in a Parlament vpon the yeare 1584. the Chronicle of Buchanan was called in by the said Parlament the Kinges highnes then being about eighteene yeares old But what is this to the purpose Did this alter their doctrine or manner of Rebellious proceeding therevpon which they had vsed both against his Maiesty in the time of his minority and against his Mother and Grand-mother before him and against him after this Statute published No truly but they were more earnest in their sedition afterward then before for that the very next yeare after they caused that notorious surprise to be made vpon his Royall person at Striueling before mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise 39. Iames Gibson also one of the chief Ministers being called before his Maiesty and priuy Counsell vpon the one and twentith of December 1585. vsed intollerable speech vnto his highnes calling him Persecutour and comparing him to Ieroboam threating his rooting out and the like which his Maiesty can best remember So as such doctrine and such practice being held by them their new Ghospelling Brethren of Scotland in those dayes it is a simple satisfaction for our Minister to come forth now with a reuocation of Buchanans Chronicle as though that did remedy the matter or as though that reuocation had byn made by them I meane the Ministers repentant for their former doctrine and not rather by the Ciuill Magistrate impugned and resisted by the other And this for the present of Scotland 40. To the examples of France alledged by the Answerer of infinite rebellions made by the Protestants for many yeares togeather against sundry Crowned Princes of that Realm of which attempts many were so barbarous as without horrour they cannot be vttered And one French writer affirmeth that within the compasse of one yeare which was 1562. two and fourty thousand Priestes Religious and Ecclesiasticall persons were most desperately murdered aboue twenty thousand Churches cast on the grounde and within the compasse of ten yeares by the witnes of a Protestant writer Colignius two millions of men were slaine two thousand Monasteries ouerthrowne nine hundred hospitalles destroyed aboue two hundred Citties Castelles ruined vnder one only K. Henry the third To all this I say he answereth that according to the Historicall Collections which he hath seene of French affaires the fault of all this is to be laid vpon the house of Guise who being strangers sought to suppresse the natural Princes of the bloud Royal in France as also to oppresse the Ghospellers But suppose this were true which I hold to be most false slaūderous yet could not this particuler passion of the house of Guise make lawfull the Protestants Rebellion against their naturall lawfull Kinges no more then if now in England the Catholikes or Puritanes should rebell against his Maiesty for that some noble man or men of the Counsell were knowne to be their enemies 41. To the examples of Caluin and Beza in Geneua both for doctrine and practize he answereth first for doctrine granting Caluins sentence to be That when a King vsurpeth Gods throne he looseth hu Royalty And againe If the King exalt himself to Godes throne and commaundeth any thing contra Deum against God then to pull him downe Moreouer he granteth that Caluin vseth this phrase That when a King doth so behaue himself we
with God and the Prince follow their word and direction 33. And albeit God did some-times vse for externall guiding and direction of Priestes and Priestly affaires the authority of good Kinges in those daies especially when they were Prophetes also as Dauid Salomon in the correcting and remouing of some Priestes yet this was extraordinary and proueth not that simply and absolutly Kingly dignity and authority was aboue Priesthood in that law albeit also it be most true which the Authors by this man heere alledged Salmeron Cunerus Carerius and the rest doe note that the Priesthood of the old Testament was nothing comparable to that of the new this descending directly from the person and office of Christ himself and indued with farre higher and more powerfull spirituall authority for guiding of soules then had the Priestes of the old law which was but a figure of the new therfore to argue from that to this is a plaine fallacy and abusing of the Reader 34. Wherfore leauing this of the comparison betweene Kinges and Priestes of the old and new Testament I will end this first point with the very same conclusion concerning the safty of Princes from violence of their subiectes which our Aduersary himself alledgeth out of our Catholicke Author Cunerus in these wordes VVe are taught saith he from the example of the people of God as your Cunerus teacheth with great patience to endure the tyranny of mortall Kinges yea when wee haue power to resist and because they be next vnder God in earth in all their iniuries to commend their reuenge vnto God nay he teacheth Kinges another excellent rule of pollicy fitting for the preseruation of all States which is that he who succeedeth a King violently murdered of any though of Godly zeale yet ought he to reueng his Predecessours death by the death of the malefactours So T.M. And now followeth that of the Ghospell Ex ore tuo te indico serue 〈◊〉 for first I would aske him is not this Catholicke doctrine Is it not ours doth he not heere call the Author therof Cunerus ours how then doth he affirme euery where that our doctrine teacheth killing of Princes Let him shew vs any of his Authors that euer of this argument hath written so moderatly 35. And yet further I must aske him whether he will stand to the iudgment of this our Cunerus when he commeth to the point indeed How incorrigible Princes in some cases may lawfully be restrained as also depriued by the Common-wealth and consent of the supreame Pastour will he stand to this I say or rather fleet back againe to the doctrine of the Scottish Geneuian French Flemish Ministers when the King should mislike him and especially for his Religion wherof I make little doubt what euer he saith heere finding himself and his at good ease And finally I would aske him seriously whether he would haue his Maiesty of England to practice that excellent rule of pollicy which he so highly comendeth out of our 〈◊〉 who notwithstanding saith not a word therof by way of rule or obseruation but only affirmeth that Amasias did iustly put to death those seruantes of King Ioas that vpon zeale had slaine him in his bed I would aske him I say whether indeed he would wish his Maiesty of England to put the same rule and so highly commended pollicy in vse against such as violently murdered abetted or procured the same against not only his Predecessours but parentes and immediate Progenitours Father Mother and Grand-mother And then we know how many Ministers and their friendes would enter into that daunce but these men frame their tongues according to times fit occasiōs And with this he endeth his proofes out of the old Testament Out of the new Testament §. 2. 36. ANd then comming to the second part he beginneth his discourse with this title The former question disputed according to the state of the new Testament and presently in our manner he giueth the onset with this proposition The Pope hath all absolute and direct power and dominion temporall ouer all Kinges and Kingdomes of the world c. And for proofe therof citeth Carerius and Bozius in the margent and beginneth to lay forth their proofes and then against these two that hold the opinion of Canonistes wherof before we haue treated to wit that Christ was the immediate Lord of all temporalties and consequently also is his substitute he opposeth Franciscus de Victoria Bellarmine Sanders and others that hold the other opinion to wit that the Pope hath not directly but indirectly only such authority to deale with Princes in temporall affaires and so not informing his Reader that these are different opinions of the manner how the Pope hath this authority but yet that both do agree in the thing it self that he hath it he playeth pleasantly vpon the matter and would make men thinke that he taketh vs at great aduantage as contrary or rather contradictory among our selues which indeed is no more cōtradiction then if two Lawiers agreeing that such a noble man had such an office or authority ouer such a Lordship by succession from the Crowne should differ only in this whether the said office were giuen by the Prince seuerally and expressely by particuler gift and writinges or were giuen by a certaine consequence included in the gift of the said Lordship The differēce were nothing in the thing or certainty of authority but in the manner of hauing it and so is it heere and yet out of this difference of these two opiniōs doth our Minister furnish himself with good probability of argmentes on the one side as though they were his owne who otherwise would appeare very poore pittiful therin And this tricke he plaied before with the moderate Answerer when he serued himself of the two differēt opinions of some Deuines and Canonistes about the question VVhether Hereticks before personall denuntiation and sentence giuen be subiect to externall penalties appointed by the Canons And generally he runneth to this shift more then any other commonly of his fellow-writers which I haue seene in these our dayes to wit that whersoeuer he findeth any difference of opinions in disputable matters betweene our Catholicke writers which S. Augustine saith may stand with integrity of faith there he setteth downe any one of these opinions for ours and argueth against it with the argumentes of the other or bringeth in the others authority wordes against the same which maketh some shew or muster of matter on his side wheras in deed and substance he hath nothing at all 37. It were ouer long to examine in this place all the obiections which he putteth downe on our behalfe vnder the second head of our proofes concerning the time of the new Testament calling them Romish pretences and the fond resolutions he giueth vnto them as first that we doe found the Popes temporall sword vpon the keyes giuen by
some English Kings that seemed not to respect much the Popes authority in some occasions which he hath borrowed out of Syr Edward Cookes Reportes he may see the answere to that booke and so I thinke remaine satisfied Wherefore this shall suffice for the second head of argumentes throughout the new Testament though after also in the examination of some falsifications we shall haue occasion to say more Argumentes from Reason §. 3. 43. VVHerfore to passe no further in the second point of argumentes vnder the new Testament we shall say a word or two only of the third to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason for so he intituleth them to wit Popish Argumentes from reason And to the end you may see his talent therin wee shal examine only the third reason in this place which he declareth in these wordes Except saith the Romish pretence there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes God had not prouided sufficiētly for his Church for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Bonifacius and saith This obiection is in your Extrauagantes and so it may be called because it rangeth extra that is without the bondes of Godes ordinance c. But as in all his other citations generally he is neuer lightly true and sincere in all points no not thrice I thinke veryly throughout all this lying booke of his so neither heere and it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shiftes and corruptions they are so many and thicke and craftily hudled vp togeather As for example heere first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all but only in a certaine addition to the ordinary glosse or Commentary of Iohn Picard which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonistes to be true that Christ was Lord absolutly in this life ouer all not only in spirituall authority but in temporall also he inferreth therby Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church Kingdome vpon earth Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset qui haec omnia posset except he had left some such one substitute or Vicar after him as should be able to performe all these thinges to wit as belong both to spirituall and temporall power according as necessity shall require which later clause yow see that T. M. cut of as he added the other about Apostata Princes And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this little sentence now to the thing it selfe 44. The reason if we consider it without passion is strong and weighty and founded vpon the prouidence wisedome and goodnes of almighty God who hauing prouided diligently and admirably for the preseruation of all other thinges and Communities by him created or ordained should leaue the Christian Common-wealth vnfurnished of all remedy for the greatest euill of all others that possibly can fall out which is the corruption of the head that may destroy the whole body wherof he is head if it be not redressed As if for examples sake the Prince would extirpate Christian Religion bring in Mahometisme or other such abhomination ouerthrow all good lawes plant and establish vice dissolution Atheisme or commit some other such exorbitant wickednes as were not tolerable wherunto notwithstanding mans frailty without the helpe of Godes grace is or may be subiect In this case saith the obiection some remedy must haue byn left by Christ or els his diuine wisdome and prouidence had not prouided sufficiently for the preseruation of his Kingdome as by light of nature he left remedy to the body of euery Common-wealth vnder the Gentiles before his cōming which is euident both by Plato Aristotle Cicero others that wrote of Common-wealthes in those dayes and did alwayes presume that the said Common-wealthes had sufficient authority by law of nature to restraine exorbitant Princes when they were perilous to the publicke and the same haue held al other learned men that euer wrote of that argument afterward 45. But as for our Catholicke learned men both Deuines and Lawiers though they affirme as out of T. M. his frequent allegations of them in this his Treatise is euident that all obedience both externall and internall in conscience and workes is by Godes ordinance due vnto them yet that in such publicke perilles of the Church Common-wealth as before are mentioned when they fal out Christ our Sauiour hath not left his Church wholy remedilesse but rather that besides the naturall right which ech Kingdome hath to defend themselues in certaine cases he left also supreame power in his high Priest and immediate substitute to direct and moderate that power and to adde also of his owne whē extraordinary need requireth though with great deliberation consultation weighty motiues lawfull meanes and other like circumstances 46. This I say is Catholicke doctrine but what Protestants doctrine is were hard to set downe for that they speake therin as time and occasion serueth them hauing no rule or Canon at all wherto they are bound For what was both their doctrine and practice when and where they were discontented with their Princes both in England Scotland Flanders Geneua and France is euident by that which before we haue alledged in the first fourth Chapters of this booke now this man telleth vs another tale for the time present but what he would say or doe if he were in the discontented occasion of those his fellow-Authors that wrote so sharpely and violently no man can tell but let vs see now at length how substantially he doth satisfy this obiectiō for he giueth three or foure seuerall solutions therunto you shall heare what ones they are 47. The first is from Godes ordinance saith he for by the word of God as your Cunerus Deuinely reasoneth which is not partiall nor by the self pleasing fancy of sensuall affection must this question be determined though therfore it may seeme to vs a decree of nature for euery one to defend himself and the thinges he doth enioy yet the Law of God doth forbid to doe this by taking armes against the higher powers c. So T. M. out of our Cunerus And it is well that he alloweth this Catholicke writer to reason deuinely so far forth as he may seeme to make for him though in truth in the cōclusion of his discourse he is wholy against him For as first his whole speech in this seauenth Chapter by him cited is expresly against the Hollanders that vnder diuers pretences both of Religion and Scriptures for the same liberty of their countrey and the like tooke armes against their true naturall King which he reproueth and condemneth very piously and learnedly throughout this whole Chapter and in the
consequently that he may assigne a Church to the Arrians Wherto I answere saith S. Ambrose trouble not your selfe O Emperour nor thinke that yow haue Imperiall right ouer those thinges that are diuine doe not exalt your selfe but if yow wil raigne long be subiect to God for it is written that those thinges that belong to God must be giuen to God and to Cesar only those thinges that belōg to Cesar Pallaces appertaine to the Emperour but Churches to the Priest the right of defending publicke walles is committed to yow but not of sacred thinges Thus Doctor Barkley out of S. Ambrose in the very place cited by T. M. which he thought good wholy to pretermit and cut of as not making for his purpose and so had he done more wisely if he had left out also the other authority of Pope Leo which he reciteth in the eight place of authorities out of ancient Fathers in these wordes 18. The eighth Father saith he is Pope Leo writing to a true Catholicke Emperour saying Yow may not be ignorant that your Princely power is giuen vnto yow not only in worldly regiment but also spirituall for the preseruation of the Church as if he said not only in cases temporall but also in spirituall so far as it belongeth to the outward preseruation not to the personall administration of them and this is the substance of our English oath And surther neither doe our Kinges of England chalenge nor subiectes condescend vnto In which wordes yow see two thinges are conteined first what authority S. Leo the Pope aboue eleuen hundred yeares gone ascribed vnto Leo the Emperour in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall The second by this mans assertion that neither our Kinges of England chaleng nor doe the subiectes condescend vnto any more in the oath of the Supremacy that is proposed vnto them which if it be so I see no cause why all English Catholickes may not take the same in like manner so far forth as S. Leo alloweth spiritual authority to the Emperour of his time Wherfore it behooueth that the Reader stand attent to the deciding of this question for if this be true which heere he saith our controuersy about the Supremacy is at an end 19. First then about the former point let vs consider how many waies T. M. hath corrupted the foresaid authority of S. Leo partly by fraudulent allegation in Latin and partly by false translation into English For that in Latin it goeth thus as himself putteth it downe in the margent Debes incunctanter aduertere Regiam potestatem non solùm ad mundi regimen sed maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam Yow ought ô Emperour resolutly to consider that your Kingly power is not only giuen vnto yow for gouernment of the world or worldly affaires but especially for defence of the Church and then doe ensue immediatly these other wordes also in S. Leo suppressed fraudulently by the Minister for that they explicate the meaning of the Author Vt ausus nefarios comprimendo quae bene sunt statuta defendas veram pacem his quae sunt turbata restituas To the end that yow may by repressing audacious attemptes both defend those thinges that are well ordeined and decreed as namely in the late generall Councell of Calcedon and restore peace where matters are troubled as in the Citty and Sea of Alexandria where the Patriarch Proterius being slaine and murdered by the conspiracy of the Dioscorian Heretickes lately condemned in the said Councell all thinges are in most violent garboiles which require your imperiall power to remedy compose and compresse the same 20. This is the true meaning of S. Leo his speech to the good and Religious Emperour of the same name as appeareth throughout the whole Epistle heere cited and diuers others Nonne perspicuum est saith he quibus pietas vestra succurrere quibus obuiare ne Alexandrina Ecclesia c. Is it not euident whome your Imperiall piety ought to assist and succour and whome yow ought to resist and represse to the end the Church of Alexandria that hitherto hath byn the house of praier become not a den of theeues Surely it is most manifest that by this late barbarous and most furious cruelty in murdering that Patriarch all the light of heauenly Sacramentes is there extinguished Intercepta est Sacrificij oblatio defecit chrismatis sanctificatio c. The oblation of sacrifice is intermitted the hallowing of Chrisme is ceassed and all diuine misteries of our Religion haue withdrawne themselues from those parricidiall handes of those Heretickes that haue murdered their owne Father and Patriarch Proterius burned his body and cast the ashes into the ayer 21. This then was the cause and occasion wherin the holy Pope Leo did implore the helpe and secular arme of Leo the Emperour for chastising those turbulent Heretiks to which effect he saith that his Kingly power was not only giuen him for the gouernmēt of the world but also for the defence of the Church which our Minister doth absurdly translate not only in worldly regiment but also spirituall for the preseruation of the Church turning ad into in and praesidium into preseruation and then maketh the commentary which before we haue set downe As if he had said quoth he not only in causes temporall but also in spirituall so far as it belongeth to outward preseruation not to the personall administratiō of them 22. And heere now he sheweth himself intangled not only about the assertion of Imperiall power in spirituall matters by that S. Leo saith it is giuen ad praesidium Ecclesiae to the defence of the Church which proueth nothing at all for him but against him rather as yow see and much more in the explication therof to wit what is meant by this authority how farre it strecheth it self wherin truly I neuer found Protestant yet that could cleerly set downe the same so as he could make it a distinct doctrine from ours and giue it that limites which his fellowes would agree vnto or themselues make probable 23. About which matter M. Morton heere as yow see who seemeth no small man amongest them and his booke must be presumed to haue come forth with the approbation and allowance of his Lord and Maister the Archbishop at least saith as yow haue heard that it is no more but such as S. Leo allowed in the Emperour ad Ecclesiae praesidium to the defence of the Church and Church matters and men and for punishing Heretickes that troubled the same And further more T. M. expoundeth the matter saying That this Imperiall Kingly authority in spirituall causes reacheth no further but as it belongeth to outward preseruation not to the personall administration of them And doe not we graunt also the same Or doe not we teach that temporall Princes power ought principally as S. Leo saith to extend it self to the defence ad preseruation
of the Church In this then we agree and haue no difference 24. There followeth in T. M. his assertion heere But not in the personall administration of them to wit of spirituall causes this now is a shift dissembling the difficulty and true State of the question which is in whome consisteth the supreame power to treate iudge and determine in spirituall causes which this man flying as not able to resolue telleth vs only that he cannot personally administer the same which yet I would aske him why For as a Bishop may personally performe all the actions that he hath giuen authority to inferiour Priestes to doe in their functions and a temporall Prince may execute in his owne person if he list any inferiour authority that he hath giuen to others in temporall affaires so if he haue supreame authority spirituall also why may he not in like manner execute the same by himself if he please But of this is sufficiently writteÌ„ of late in the foresaid booke of Answere to Syr Edward Cooke where also is shewed that a farre greater authority spirituall was giuen to King Henry the eight by Parlament then this that T. M. alloweth his Maiesty now for outward preseruation of the Church to wit To be head therof in as ample manner as euer the Pope was or could be held before him ouer England and to King Edward though then but of ten yeares old was granted also by Parlament That he had originally in himself by his Crowne and Scepter all Episcopall authority so as the Bishops and Archbishops had no other power or spirituall authority then was deriued from him to Queene Elizabeth by like graunt of Parlament was also giuen as great authority spirituall and Ecclesiasticall ouer the Church and Clergy of England as euer any person had or could exercise before which was and is another thing then this outward preseruation which T. M. now assigneth hauing pared the same in minced wordes to his purpose to make it seeme little or nothing but dareth not stand to it if he be called to the triall 25. Wherfore this matter being of so great importance and consequence as yow see I doe heere take hold of this his publicke assertion and require that it may be made good to wit that this is the substance meaning only of the English oath and that neither our Kinges of England doe chalenge more nor subiectes required to condescend to more then to grant to their authority for outward preseruation or ad Ecclesiae praesidium as S. Leo his wordes and meaning are and I dare assure him that al Catholickes in England will presently take the oath and so for this point there will be an attonement Me thinkes that such publicke doctrine should not be so publickly printed and set forth without publicke allowance and intention to performe and make it good Yf this be really meant we may easely be accorded if not then will the Reader see what credit may be giuen to any thing they publish notwithstanding this booke commeth forth with this speciall commendation of Published by authority c. 26. And for conclusion of all it may be noted that there hath byn not only lacke of truth and fidelity in citing Pope Leo for Ecclesiasticall Supremacy in Emperours aboue Popes but want of modesty discretion also for so much as no one ancient Father doth more often and earnestly inculcate the contrary for the preheminence of the Sea of Rome then doth S. Leo in so much that Iohn Caluin not being able otherwise to answere him saith that he was tooto desirous of glory dominion and so shifteth him of that way and therfore he was no fit instance for T. M. to bring heere in proofe of spirituall supremacy in temporall Princes 27. But yet in the very next page after he vseth a far greater immodesty or rather perfidy in my opinioÌ„ in calumniation of Cardinall Bellarmine whome he abuseth notably both in allegation exposition translation application and vaine insultation for thus he citeth in his text out of him Ancient generall Councelles saith the Romish pretence were not gathered without the cost of good and Christian Emperours and were made by their consentes for in those dayes the Popes did make supplication to the Emperour that by his authority he would gather Synods but after those times all causes were changed because the Pope who is head in spirituall matters cannot be subiect in temporall Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil cap. 13. § Habemus ergo 28. And hauing alledged this resolutioÌ„ of Bellarmine the Minister insulteth ouer him in these words Who would thinke this man could be a Papist much lesse a Iesuit how much lesse a Cardinal who thus disableth the title of the Pope granting to vs in these wordes after these times that is after six hundred yeares the truth of purer antiquities challenging Popes to be subiect vnto Christian Emperours And yet who but a Papist would as it were in despite of antiquity defend the degenerate state saying after those times Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters As if he should haue said Then gratious fauour of ancient Christian Emperours then sound iudgment of ancient reuerend Fathers then deuout subiection of ancient holy Popes in summe then ancient purity and pure antiquity adieu But we may not so bastardly reiect the depositum and doctrine of humble subiection which we haue receaued from our Fathers of the first six hundred yeares and not so only but which as your Barkley witnesseth the vniuersall Christian world imbraced with common consent for a full thousand yeares So he 29. And doe yow see how this Minister triumpheth Who would thinke that men of conscience or credit could make such ostentation vpon meere lies deuised by themselues as now wee shall shew all this bragge to be And as for D. Barkley alledged in the last lines let any man read him in the booke and Chapter cited and he will wonder at the impudency of this vaunter for he speaketh no one word of gathering Councells or comparison of spirituall authority betweene the Pope and Emperour concerning their gathering of Councelles or Synodes but of a quite different subiect of taking armes by subiectes against their lawfull temporall Princes And what will our Minister then answere to this manifest calumniation so apparently conuinced out of Doctor Barkley But let vs passe to the view of that which toucheth Cardinall Bellarmine against whome all this tempest is raised 30. First then we shall set downe his wordes in Latin according as T. M. citeth him in his margent Tunc Concilia generalia fiebant saith he non sine Imperatorum sumptibus eo tempore Pontifex subiiciebat se Imperatoribus in temporalibus ideo non poterant inuito Imperatore aliquid agere idâ—irco Pontifex supplicabat Imperatori vt iuberet conuocari Synodum At post illa tempora omnes causae
of Protestants writeth of him Gregorius admodum leuiter agnouit Christum verbum Euangelij Gregory did know Christ and his ghospell very sleightly and then talking of S. Gregories famous workes and writing so greatly esteemed by learned and holy men he saith of his sermons Gregorij conciones ne teruncium quidem valent Gregories sermons are not worth a halfpenny And then speaking of an other parte of his workes or bookes called his Dialogues saith 〈◊〉 eum in Dialogo suo crassè decepit The dyuell did grossely deceaue him in his Dialogue and thus of him 22. And as for S. Augustine who is the second in ranke of his Apostrophe albeit they do not reiect him with so great contempt as S. Gregory yet when he maketh against them they esteeme him little Quisest Augustinus saith Luther against King Henry of England quis nos coget illi credere Who is Augustine or who shall compell vs to beleeue him but S. Hierome whome next M. Iewell adioyneth they handle much more spitefully Quinte Hieronyme saith Luther conculcamus cum tua Bethlem cuculla deserto Know thou Hierome that we do tread thee vnder our feete with thy Bethlem thy hood and they desert And againe in an other place VVhat can be more carnally spoken more wickedly sacrilegiously and blasphemously then that of Hierome Virginitas caelum coniugium terram replet Virginity doth fill heauen marriage filleth the earth And yet further I know no man saith he to whom I am so much an enemy as to Hierome for that he writeth nothing but of fasting choise of meates and of virginity and in truth Hierome should not be 〈◊〉 among the Doctors of the Church for that he was an hereticke c. And Caluin saith of the same Doctor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 natura fuit cauillator Hierome was by nature a wrangler But Beza worse then all calleth him blasphemous wicked and impious and iniurious to the Apostle 23. Of S. 〈◊〉 whom M. Iewell calleth vpon in the fourth place Luther writeth thus Chrysostomum nullo loco habeo non est nisi loquaculus I hold Chrysostome in no accompt at all for that he is a brabling fellow And the Magdeburgians in their historie say of him contemptuously that he was bonorum operum Encomiastes liberi arbitrij patronū agebat a prayser of good workes and an aduocate for freewill So that yow see that the cause of their reiection and contempt is for that they are contrary in their doctrine As for S. Leo named by M. Iewell in the fifth place of Fathers it is easy to imagine of what credit he was among them seing that in the very controuersy of the Popes Supremacy heere handled by him both Caluin and Beza do note and cōdemne him of Ambition for taking vpon him and defending that authority Constat saith Beza Leonem in epistolis Romanae Sedis antichristianae arrogantiam planè spirasse It is manifest that Leo in his Epistles doth clearly breath forth the arrogancy of that Antichristian Roman Sea which in other wordes Caluin also Beza his maister doth confirme which being so and all this knowne to M. Iewell I would aske why he did call vpon these Fathers so earnestly saying If we be deceaued heerin yow are they that haue deceaued vs as though he had taught nothing but that they taught and that their authority had byn his rule as their aule was Paul and Christ Nay why doth he himselfe afterward expressely and by name reiect S. Leo in some of these very articles for proofe wherof he doth here call vpon him And namely about the Popes Supremacy and sacrifice of the Masse saying That there was no credit to be giuen vnto him c. Is not this double dealing Is not this pernicious Equiuocation on one side to call vpon him on the other to reiect him 24. Nay why did he adde further O Dionyse O Anacletus O Sixtus as though he had followed their doctrine also or admitted their authority wheras neither himselfe nor other Protestantes are knowne to admit any booke or worke of theirs now extant but to reiect and rayle against them all Dionysius Areopagita saith Luther nihil habet solidae eruditionis Dionysius Areopagita hath no solide learning at all Your counterfeit Anacletus saith M. Iewell to Doctor Harding doth not clayme all the Bishops throughout the world as belonging to his admission And the like they say of the other out of all with is euidently conuinced that this Apostrophe of M. Iewell to these Fathers O Gregory O Augustine O Hierome O Chrysostome O Leo O Dionyse c. if we be deceaued yow haue deceaued vs was an hypocriticall Equiuocation to deceaue the hearer contrary to the knowledge and conscience of himselfe that vttered the wordes for he could not be ignorant but that they were against him and his doctrine for that otherwise they had neuer byn so reiected and discredited by him and his 25. The fourth reason is for that the said ancient Protestantes Maisters of M. Iewell and from whome he tooke his learning and spirite did in sundry of the Articles heere by him named reiect contemne the ancient Fathers as contrary vnto them and their doctrine and how then could M. Iewell so confidently call vpon them in the same Let any man read Martin Luther in his booke de Captiuitate Babylonica about the Sacrifice of the Masse and he shall fynd that he reiecteth all the Fathers in that controuersy Si nihil habetur saith he quod dicatur tutius est omnia negare quà m Missae Sacrificium esse concedere If there be nothing to answere to the Authorityes of the Fathers it is more safe to deny all then to grant that the Masse is a Sacrifice And in an other booke Profiteor inprimis c. I do in the very beginning make this profession against those that will cry out that I teach against the vse of the Church and decree of Fathers heerin that I respect none of these thinges And yet further against King Henry of England Dicta Patrum induxit Rex c. The King bringeth in the sayings of Fathers against me for his massing Sacrifice and scoffeth at my folly that I would seeme more wise then all they but this is that which I said before that these Thomisticall asses haue nothing to bring forth but a multitude of men And then he goeth forward saying That if a thousand Augustines and a thousand Cyprians stand against him in this matter he careth not And fynally in another booke Non moramur si clamitent Papistae Ecclesia Ecclesia Patres Patres c. We care nothing at all if Papists cry out against vs the Church the Church Fathers Fathers they are but the sayings or deeds of men in so great a cause as this we care nothing for them And to the very same effect
c. by his letters patentes with the counsell and consent of the Bishops and Counsellours of his nation did giue to the 〈◊〉 of Abindon in Barkshire and to one Ruchinus Abbot of that Monastery a certayne portiō of his land to wit fifteene Mansians in a place called by the country-men Culnam with all profittes and commodityes great and small appertayning thervnto for euerlasting inheritance And that the foresaid Ruchinus c. should be quiet from all right of the Bishop for euer so as the inhabitantes of that place shall not be depressed for the tyme to come by the yoke of any Bishop or his officers but that in all euentes of thinges and controuersyes of causes they shall be subiect to the decree of the Abbot of the said Monastery so as c. And then doth M. Attorney continue his speach thus This Charter was pleaded in 1. H. 7. and vouched by Stanford as at large appeareth which Charter graunted aboue 850. yeares sithence was after confirmed per Eduinum Britaniae Anglorum Regem Monarcham anno Domini 955. by which appeareth that the King by this Charter made in Parliament for it appeareth to be made by the Counsell and consent of his Bishops Senators of his Kingdome which were assembled in Parlament did discharge and exempt the said Abbot from the Iurisdiction of the Bishop c. And by the same Charter did grant to the same Abbot Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction within his said Abbey which Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction being deriued from the Crowne continued vntill the dissolution of the said Abbey in the raigne of King Henry the eight So he 85. And by this yow may see what an important conclusion he doth inferre of the Kinges supreme iurisdiction in spirituall affayres at that time Whervnto the Deuine comming to answere and supposing that M. Attorney would not falsity or belye his Authors hauing protested most solemnly fol. 40. of his his booke that he had cyted truly the very wordes and textes of the lawes resolutions iudgmentes and actes of Parlament all publicke and in print without any inference argument or amplification quoting particularly the bookes yeares leaues Chapters and other such like certayne references as euery man at his pleasure may see and read them c. The answerer I say hearing this formall protestation and supposing besides that the man would haue some respect to his credit and honour in this behalfe granting all as it lay answered the same as yow may see in his booke but now vpon better search it falleth out that this whole 〈◊〉 was falsely alledged by M. Attorney in the very point of the principall controuersy in hand about the Kinges spiritual Iurisdiction for that whatsoeuer the Charter did ascribe expresly to the Pope his Authority the Attorney suppressing the true wordes relateth it as proceeding from the King temporall authority of his Crowne For proofe wherof I shall set downe the very wordes of my learned friends letter out of England about this point after view taken of the law-bookes themselues and then let any man say how farre M Attorney is to be credited in any thing he writeth or speaketh against Catholickes 86. As concerning saith he the Charter of King Kenulphus for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon yow must know that M. Attorney hath egregiously abused his Reader in that and other points For the Case standeth thus That in the first yeare of King Henry the 7. Humphrey Stafford was attainted by Act of Parlament of high 〈◊〉 and tooke Sanctuary first in Colchester in Essex after fled to Culnam and tooke Sanctuary in the Abbey of Abindon and being taken from thence brought vnto the Tower of London from thence brought vnto the Kings-bench he pleaded that he was drawne by force out of the said Sanctuary of Culnam and prayed his Counsell to plead that poynt which by all the Iudges of both benches was graunted vnto him And so they pleaded in this manner 87. Idem Humphridus per Consilium suum dixit quod Kenulphus Rex Merciorum per litteras suas patentes consilio consensu Episcoporum Senatorum gentis suae largitus fuit Monasterio de Abindon ac cuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij illius quandam ruris sui portionem id est quindecim Mansias in loco qui a ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam cum omnibus vtilitatibus ad 〈◊〉 pertinentibus tam in magnis quà m in modicis rebus in aeternam haereditatem Et quod praedictus Ruchinus ab omni Regis obstaculo Episcopali iure in sempiternum esset quietus vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis aut ministrorum suorum Episcopiue aut suorum Officialium iugo inde deprimerentur sed in cunctis rerum euentibus discussionibus causarum Abbatis Monasterij praedicti decreto subijcerentur 〈◊〉 quod c. And heere ceaseth M. Attorney leauing out as yow see in his recitall the wordes that go before ab omni Regis obstaculo c. that the monastery should be free from all obstacle of the King as also these wordes vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deprimantur that the inhabitants be not opprest with any yoke of any King or his ministers wherby is euident that the King in his Charter did for his part giue exemptions from temporall royall power but especially the fraude is seen by cutting of the wordes that do ensue which decyde the whole controuersy which are these Et etiam allegauit vltra quod Leo tunc Papa concessit dicto Abbati dictas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et quod Eduinus tunc Britaniae Anglorum Rex Monarchus concessit quod praefatum Monasterium omnis terrenae seruitutis esset liberum quae 〈◊〉 praedecessoribus suis Catholicis videlicet à dicto Sancto Leone Papa dicto Rege Kenulpho c. Et quod virtute litter arum bullarum praedictarum tempore confectionis earundem eadem villa de Culnam fuit Sanctuarium locus priuilegiatus c. Which in English is thus And moreouer the said Humphrey Stafford by his Counsell alledged furthet for himselfe that Pope Leo had graunted vnto the said Abbot the said immunityes and priuiledges that K. Edwin then King monarch ouer all the English in Britany had graunted that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude which by his Catholike predecessors to wit the said holy Pope 〈◊〉 the said King Kenulphus was graunted and that at the tyme of the making of the foresaid letters patentes and Bulles the said village or towne of Culnam was a Sanctuary and priuiledged place by vertue of the said patents and Bulles 88. This is word for word the very plea of Humphrey Stafford for the Sāctuary of the Monastery of Abindon as it was pleaded by his learned Counsell in law euen as it is recorded in the reportes of the yeares of King Henry the seauenth as
they are printed by Pinson the law-printer in the tyme of King Henry the eight before the Protestant religion came vp And the Lord Brooke in his Abridgement of the law in the tytle of Corone placito 129. doth accordingly sett downe the same case with mencyoning of the Bulles of Pope 〈◊〉 for the said immunities and priuiledges But all the Protestant editions in the tyme of the late Queene Elizabeth printed by Tottell and 〈◊〉 wert haue committed a notable tricke of falsificatiō in leauing out altogeathcr these markable wordes That Leo then Pope did graunt the said immunityes and priuiledges and also those wordes of King Edwyn which of his Catholike 〈◊〉 S. Leo King Kenulphus were granted c. And againe By force of the letters and Bulles aforesaid the said village of Culnam was a Sanctuary and place priuiledged 89. And hereby allois euident that the King did not by his Charter in Parliament for it appeareth to be made by the Counsell and consent of his Bishops and Senators not by Parlament as M. Attorney doth misreport it neyther was there any Parlament held at that tyme in the land or many hundred yeares after for as it appeareth by Holinsheds Cronicle pag. 34. the first vse of Parlament in England was in the tyme of King Henry the first it is cleare I say that the King did not discharge and exempt the said Abbot from Iurisdiction of the Bishop nor did graunt vnto the said Abbot Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction within the said Abbey neyther had that Abbot any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction deriued from the Crowne But as it appeareth by the authenticke reporte of the Case the Pope and the King did both ioyne in making the said Sanctuary according vnto their seuerall powers authorityes So that the exemption from Episcopall Iurisdiction did proceed duely from the graunt of Pope Leo as likewise the exemption from all regall and temporall Iurisdiction proceed from the Charter of King Kenulphus Note also that King Edwins grant was only that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude and toucheth not any spirituall immunities or iurisdiction at all 90. Thus farre my friend out of England And by this now yow may see how well M. Attorney hath obserued his foresaid protestation that he had cyted the very wordes and textes of the lawes without any inference argumēt or amplification at all And this being my friends aduertisement from England with like obseruation of many other places cyted by M. Attorney with like fidelity I thought good to produce this one amongst many being the first in order for a taste in this place reseruing the rest to a fitter or at leastwise to a second Edition of the foresaid answere of the Catholicke Deuyne where euery thing may be referred to his due place And with this will I end both this Chapter and the whole Booke THE CONCLVSION OF THE VVHOLE VVORKE VVith a briefe exhortation vnto Catholickes not to use the liberty of Equiuocation euen in lawfull cases but where some urgent occasion induceth them therunto CHAP. XIII AND now gentle reader hauing brought this Treatise to an end and iustified as I hope our Catholicke doctrine in the eyes and Iudgments of all indifferent men from the two odious imputations of Rebellion and Equiuocation iniuriouslie cast vpon the same by the malice of Thomas Morton there remayneth nothing but that I conclude this our small labour with an exhortation to all Catholicke people not only to abstayne from the first which is vtterly vnlawfull I meane the attempting of any thing contrary to their loyall dutyes in subiection be their pressures neuer so great but also from the practice and frequent vse of the second though in some cases most lawfull as abundantly hath byn 〈◊〉 except some vrgent occasion or obligation either of defence of innocency secresy right iustice or the auoyding of open wrong do force them to the contrary For as the holy Apostle in two seuerall places affirmeth to the Corinthians in cases not much vnlike to this about matter of scandall Omnia mihi licent sed non omnia expediunt All thinges are lawfull vnto me touching meates and other such thinges but all are not expedient to be practised And againe Omnia 〈◊〉 licent sed non omnia edificant All things are lawfull vnto me but all things do not edifye So I say in this case that albeit a man may without breach of truth or offence of almighty God in certayne cases equiuocate or vse a doubtfull speach for a good and necessary end either in oath or out of oath though the hearer doe not alwayes vnderstand it or be deceyued therwith and that many holy men haue done the same yea Christ himselfe that is the example and paterne of all holinesse and truth in speach as by many examples before at large hath byn declared yet considering the tymes and condition therof wherin Catholicks at this day liue in England the offence and scandall which Protestants and some others that vnderstand not the lawfulnes therof or will not vnderstand the same do receyue or raise thervpon my wish and counsell to Catholickes should be to vse the benefit of this liberty most sparingly euen in lawfull thinges and neuer but vpon great and vrgent 〈◊〉 and occasions 2. And the reasons of this my wish and counsell are principally the two already touched The one the auoyding of scandall euen with the Aduersary himself and that as Catholicke Religion is the only true in doctrine so the practice also therof in conuersation should not only be in all truth and sincerity re ipsa in very deed but in opinion likewise and estimation of others in so much as the word of a Catholicke man ought to weigh more then the oath of an other and the oath or promise of a Catholicke more then any band or obligation of an other which for the most parte I doubt not but is so already taken in England For that albeit by this doctrine before declared about Equiuocation men do know that Catholickes in certayne cases may vse the same yet know they also that the said cases are straitly limited with many exceptions and that in common conuersation as in buying selling traffique and the like Equiuocation may not be vsed to the 〈◊〉 or preiudice of any man and that in Iudgments and tribunals where most vse therof doth fall out all lawyers Iudges and Magistrates do know in Catholicke Countryes wherin the 〈◊〉 may vse Equiuocation wherin not and consequently truth Iustice can suffer no wrōg therby And moreouer they know as before hath byn said that the obligation of a Catholicke man is so great to auoyde all kynd of lyes whether veniall or mortall as for the gayning of a world no one is wittingly and willingly to be committed which accōpt I doubt whether men of other sectes and Religion do make or noe So as though already I perswade my self that
num 8. Abused by Tho. Morton Ibid. num 27. VVitnesses hovv and vvhen they are obliged to speake the truth cap. 10. nu 25. 26. Y YESTVVERT the Printer his falsification in printing the Charter of K. Kenulphus cap. 12. nu 88. Z ZVINGLIVS the chiefe styrrer of Rebellion in the Cantons of Zuitzerland c. 1. num 14. Slaine Ibid. Zuinglianisme impugned by Luther cap. 2. nu 15. 16. FINIS The Authors first intention 4. Reg. 18. Esay 36. 〈◊〉 of hearers Reasons of the dedication Sundry heades vvherin Equiuocation is touched both in Lavv and Deuinity T M his appâ—ale to his Maiesty Epist â— initio The conformity of T. M. A Minister of simple truth Epistle to the King A sayned march against his Maiesty A 〈◊〉 march against his Maiesty VaÌ„guard 〈◊〉 CathoIicke Gentlemen suffering for his Maiesties title 〈◊〉 accused for their deuotion to the title of Scotland * Gen. 11. 7. 9. The vanity 〈◊〉 T. M in deuidinge our tongues A fond vaunt of T. M. refated Epist. ad Regem A false and malitious obseruation of T. M. against Popes refuted Hovv T. M. his bookes are so published as not published Epistle to the King against Equiuocation T. M. his idle Epistle to the deceaued brethren 1. Tim. 2. The diffi culty of 〈◊〉 M. hovv men may knovv vvhat is done 〈◊〉 they are a sleepe resolued Iohn 11. Priesthood of the old TestameÌ„t derided by T. M. greatly honored by Christ and his Apostles Act. 23. Heb. 7. 1. Thes. 2. False calumniations Baron tom 2. anno 100. sub finem in tom 8. anno 604. fusè The defence of the bodily assumptioÌ„ of the B. virgin See S. Bernard in his 5. Sermons of the Assumption of our B. Lady alibi Miracles vvrought by God for the coÌ„uersion of the Indians scoffed at by T. M. Act. 4. Marc. vlt. The contumely of T. M. about S. Francis louse * Anglicanos * Flemus Plus quà m ciuilia The pittifull 〈◊〉 of EnglaÌ„d Iusque datum sceleri Populumque potentem in sua c. Mat. 12. Exasperations Psal. 136. Malitious extension Of bookes and pamphletes Commotion of vvales In the Epistle of T. H. 22. Iunij 1605. * Auant false and lying Varlets saith one your vvordes are vaine and your hopes are more vaine Sir Edward Cookes booke against Catholicks His argument M. Attorneyes paradox of English Kings * Novv I heare it is answered False odious 〈◊〉 of M. Attorney The booke of T. M. about Romish doctrine A discourse vvithout name of Author or truth of argument Another Treatise Two other furious bookes * Now they are passed The Princely moderation of his Maiesty in his speach VVhat is Catholicum according to S. Augustine VVhich is the best sort of Catholicks My Lord of Salisbury his booke Against my Lord of Salisburies Deuine The first question about authority ouer Princes The second questioÌ„ The third questioÌ„ Sess. 15. About the doctrine of Equiuocation The law fulnes necessity and circumstances of EquiuocatioÌ„ The argument of the ensuing booke against T. M. The 〈◊〉 drift and seditious scope of T. M. The maine propositioÌ„ of T. M. censured Cicero lib. offic Inconueniences of exasperation and despaire Sheepe-biters not to be tolerated in a Common vvealth His vniuersall proposition improued by diuerse particulers 10. Reasons About doctrine and practice of Rebellion 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. An impor tant consideratioÌ„ Caluinian doctrine about obe 〈◊〉 to Princes Archb. of Cant. in the first Booke of dangerous positions cap. 4. 5. and 〈◊〉 in the Suruey of pretended discipline Forraine vvriters of Protestantes pernicious doctrine against Princes Launay in Replique Christienne lib. 1. c. 9. 6 n. 1566. Belfor lib. 6. cap. 〈◊〉 fol. 1565. A ' markeable point Practice of the Protestant doctrine for tumultes against Princes The Rebellions vpon Luthers doctrine The Smalcaldian associatioÌ„ Multitudes of insurrectioÌ„s against true Princes by the nevv Ghospel North. South In the East In the VVest France Flanders England Scotland See the Histories of ScotlaÌ„d 〈◊〉 by BucchanaÌ„ and Knox and by Holinshed and my Lord of 〈◊〉 his booke of dangerous Positions cap. 2. 3. 4. c. 〈◊〉 afflictions and death of Q Mary Regent of Scotland 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proceeding against his Maiesties Mother A brief summe of matters fallen out in Scotland 〈◊〉 Holinsh. 〈◊〉 supra Prior 〈◊〉 made Earle of Murrey 1563. 1566. The barbarous murther of the Secretary Dauid The murther of the King The barbarous dealing against his 〈◊〉 Mother VVhat the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath suffered at Protestats handes in 〈◊〉 of disobe dience RebellioÌ„ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intollerable insolencies of Ministers against the King A vveighty consideratioÌ„ 〈◊〉 Princes Streyned 〈◊〉 against Catholickes The comparison betvveene the disobedience of Catholicks and ProtestaÌ„ts A decalogue of T. M. his reasons hardly streined Hovv T. M. proueth his assertions Iurginicius M. VVright M Reinoldes D. Gifford 〈◊〉 No sociability in doctrine but in coÌ„uersation there may be Perkins Catholick The harde speeches against Caluinistes ansvvered CaluinoTurcismus of M. Reinoldes Maister VVrights speeches D. Thomas 2. 2. quaest 5. art 3. Ibidem quaest 10. art 6. Hovv heinous a sinne heresy is * See Tertull li. de pudicitia Cypr. li. 4. ep 2. Athan ser. 2 contr Arrian Aug. li. de gratia Hier. con lucifer c. Tit. 3. M. Reinoldes collection about moderne heresies Franciscus Stancarus Minister epad Regem Poloniae Conradus Schlusselburgius in l. de Theologia CaluinistaruÌ„ impress Francof 1592. l. 2. art 13. 〈◊〉 Schulz lib. de 50. 〈◊〉 lit A. 6. lit Q. 〈◊〉 Tilmanus Heshusius AEgidius Hunnius fol. 181. Apo. 12. Many bookes of the learneder Protestantes against Caluinistes Ioannes Modestus 1587. Ioannes Matthias Albertus Grauerus RefutatioÌ„ of his second medium Luther contr art Louanien Thes. 27. Luther de Caena Dotomo 2. Ger. f. 182 190. Concerning the penalties incurred by Heresy according to the Canons The moderation of S. Augustine vvillingly admitted Aug. lib. de vtilitate credendi ad Honoratum Manichaeum VVho is an Hereticke lib. 4. de bap contra Donatistasc 16. Euery one that belieueth heresy is not properly an Hereticke Choice or election make Heresy Dol. par 1 pag. 13. cyted in Discouery pag. 9. DolemaÌ„s text abused in vvordes sense D. Bouchier p. 36. cyted in Disc. pa. 8. His cauillation against D. Bouchier Buchan l. de iure regni p. 13 Stapleton in Dydimo pa. 261 cyted in Disc. pa. 8. Peeuish vvraÌ„gling against D. StapletoÌ„ Buchanan li. de iure regnip 61 Reginaldus de iusta Reip. auctoritate c. c. 1. cited in Disc. pa. 8. 1. Pet. 2. M. Reinol des discourse M. Reinolds abu sed by T. M. The secoÌ„d charge ansv vered about the Popes authority The ansvver to S. Edvvard Cooke T. M. putteth his fictions for our positions Calumniation 〈◊〉 coÌ„uinced Catholick Princes successioÌ„s resisted by ProtestaÌ„ts CalumnÌ„ia tioÌ„ against Doleman Doleman part 1. pag. 216. T. M. 〈◊〉 bad dealing A
fly them and auoid their conuersation the answerer of the pamphlet for better milding and pacifying the distempered humour of this enraged Minister told him that English Protestantes were not simply held in that accompt with vs to wit for excommunicate Heretickes in such degree as they were either to be auoided or subiect to the penalties apointed by holy Canons for ancient Heretickes vnderstanding as himself doth sufficiently insinuate this to be in regard that they are not nor any among them to his knowledge expressely and by name denounced and condemned for conuict in that behalf which circumstance of particuler condemnation and denuntiation by most lawiers and Deuines opinions is necessary before the said punishmentes especially externall can be inflicted albeit the internall to wit the losse of grace separatiō from the Church excommunicatiō the like be incurred ipso facto by the holding and professing of any condemned Heresy whatsoeuer as before in the precedent Chapter more largely we haue declared 10. But for the externall punishments as debarring from conuersation and communication with them losse of goodes honours and dignities depriuation of offices inhability to inherit note of infamy incapacity of Christian buriall and the like there being two opinions betweene Catholicke writers the one more large and mild that none of these punishments are to be actually incurred but after particuler denuntiation and sentence giuen by a Iudge against the party the other more seuere that in some cases the notoriousnes of the thing may be so great as in some part they may therby be incurred without sentence the iust moderate answerer for so he intituleth his booke and in this point sheweth it by effectes made choice rather of the more temperate mild opinion which in like manner is the more vniuersall among both Canonistes and Catholicke Deuines he thinking it sufficiēt to cite only to that purpose as in his answere he did the Councell of Lateran Cunerus Nauar and others but he might haue cited many more for in truth it is the more common opinion by much as may be seene by the wordes of these learned men ensuing Antoninus p. 3. tit 25. cap. 3. Angelus verbo Excomunicat 8. n. 3. Sotus 4. dist 22. q. 1. art 1. Victor in summa de Sacram. tract de excom Armilla verbo Excomunicat nu 50. Rosel excommunicat 6. nu 44. Siluest verb. Excommunicat 5. q. 3. Caëtan in summa Ledes 4. dist q. 23. art 1. and diuers others 11. But now this Minister finding that some Catholicke Author did hold the other opinion in like manner that in certaine cases some of the forenamed punishmentes might be incurred before particular denunciation by an Ecclesiasticall Iudge triumpheth greatly as though he had taken the said answerer at great aduantage and found plausible matter to entertaine cauillation against him and therupon spendeth diuers Chapters of his Reply in citing some of those Authors to his purpose without telling his Reader that it is a matter in dispute or question among Catholicke writers but as though all were cleere and resolued on his side he citeth not only Panormitan Bannes and others but the Iesuite also Gregorie de Valentia in these wordes If the guilt of Heresy be so notorious saith he as that by no euasion it can be concealed the party doth incurre the penalty thus far that his subiectes may deny such a Lord all fealty yea before the sentence of iudgment In alledging of which authority though but short as you see he vseth the same fraud which commonly yow shall find in all the rest or most part of his allegations to wit that somewhat is mangled added or left out of purpose to make the thing sound against vs as heere the Latin text hath Haeresis siuè Apostasiae à fide of Heresy or Apostasy from the faith and then paena praedicta incurritur ex parte the foresaid punishment is in part incurred and lastly Non tamen ita vt teneantur subditi Domino Haeretico aut Apostatae obsequium negare but yet that subiectes are not bound to deny obedience to their Lord that is an Hereticke or Apostata all with moderations our Minister cutteth of and leaueth out to the effect that yow may imagine But for that of these trickes we shall haue afterward occasiō to treat more particulerly I will intermit the same now returne to speake a word or two more of the foresaid moderate Answere made to the Ministers slaunderous discouery soone after the publication therof in England though not come to my handes in many monethes after 12. And wheras the Answerer both in regard of the exasperation of times then running and to performe the title of his booke which is A iust and moderate Answer indeauoreth euery where prudently to fly the occasion of more offence and exulceration and to worke the moderation that he might without iniury of the truth for this seemeth to haue byn his purpose especially in affirming that no Protestantes are held by vs for excommunicate Heretickes meaning therby denounced by name as before hath byn decsared this other stickler and stirrer of coles will needes take vpon him to proue at large that Protestantes are esteemed to be truly Hereticks excommunicate and subiect to all the Censures of the Church which any ancient Hereticke was in times past and to this effect he bringeth in the definition of an Hereticke set downe by Catholicke writers the explicatiō of persons excommunicate and the application of Ecclesiasticall Censures against them both which he proueth by three meanes to wit of Generall Councelles Popes Decrees and Doctors iudgmentes by all which he proueth Protestantes to be esteemed Heretickes held for guilty of all the paines and penalties therof both internall and externall spirituall and temporall in the sight sense and opinion of all the vniuersall Catholicke Church for many ages togeather And is not he worthy of a good fee thinke yow for pleading for Protestantes in this manner 13. But whatsoeuer he may deserue in this which I leaue to other mens iudgmentes I must needes say that in two or three other pointes he hath deserued little of the Protestant cause and so I thinke will his Lord and Maister say when he shall make true reflexion vpō the case for first he hath brought in a needlesse cōparison betweene the stirring humours of Protestant Catholicke people in matter of obedience to their Princes which must needs fal out to the great disgrace of the Protestant party as by the afore alledged examples and other proofes may appeare and be seene by the eye 14. Secondly he taketh vpon him yet more fondly in the second part of this his Reply to make a publique iustification of all Protestantes for rebelling against their Princes in any countrey whatsoeuer but more particulerly and especially in England therin doth so iustify Cranmer Ridley Syr Tho. VVyat others that conspired against Q. Mary in England Knox
Buchanan Goodman and like Ministers in Scotland turning vpside downe that State against their Soueraignes the Rebellions raised in Suetia Polonia Germany Switzerland France and other countreys as his iustification is a more plaine condemnation of them and their spirits and doctrine in that behalfe then if he had said nothing at all as partly shall afterwardes appeare by some instances that we shall alledge therof 15. Thirdly he doth with as little discretion bring in that accusation before mentioned of hard wordes vsed by some of our Authors against his party that followeth Caluins doctrine as namely That they belieue no one article truly of the Christian Creed That they are Heretickes therin far worse and in more damnable state thē Turkes Iewes or Infidelles That their doctrine leadeth by consequence to Turcisme and Infidelity c. for by this occasion both the Author of the moderate Answere hath alledged many cleere authorities of principall Protestantes themselues that are of the same opinion and we haue added many more therunto in the precedēt Chapter of this booke wherby is made manifest that the profession of Caluins doctrine is no lesse held for Heresy Apostasy and infidelity by all other sortes of Protestantes of our daies then by Catholicke men themselues and much more may be added for iustification of that point which needed not to haue byn brought in but vpon this occasion to shew that English Protestantes are held for Hereticks not only by the Catholick Church whose iudgment most importeth but by the cheiffe pillars also of the Protestantes profession in other countreys And when I doe name Heresy and Heretickes the prudent Reader will remember that I doe name the most heinous and damnable thing that any Christian cogitation can comprehend no matter of iest or dispute but of terrour and teares 16. Fourthly I can as little commend the Ministers wit for drawing into the field againe a new disputation and speciall Treatise of his adioined in the end of this his Reply about Equiuocation or doubtfull speeches sometimes lawfull to be vsed for good and pious endes and for auoiding sinne and other hurtes both spirituall temporall wherin though the lawfulnes and necessity therof both by law of nature diuine and humane haue byn made euident vpon diuers occasions in England these later yeares since this calumniation was raised against vertuous and learned mē about the same yet one proofe wee shall adde more heere in this place which before I haue not seen set downe at any length which is that not only Protestantes themselues doe both vse and abuse the same as the Answerer declareth but that this very Author our Minister that inueigheth so sharpely ignorantly against the manner of speech which he calleth Equiuocation is forced in almost infinite places of his Reply either to graunt that he doth Equiuocate or els that he lyeth flatly And for this also I remit my self to the proofes that after shall ensue 17. And so to conclude this Chapter concerning my iudgment about the Answere and Reply to the foresaid Discouery of Rebellion and Equiuocation I must needes say that the Answerer hath endeauored to effectuate so much as he promised in the title of his booke which was of a iust and moderate Answere and in performance therof hath not only borne on matters temperately as before hath byn shewed but spared also his Aduersary in many pointes and namely in passing ouer his allegations without note or check hauing not perhaps either time or commodity of bookes to examine the same or perswading himself that in so small a pamphlet and palpable matter a Minister would not aduenture to vse so many falsifications but he was deceaued not knowing so well this generation of men who finding their cause deuoid of truth are forced to hold vp the credit therof by sleightes of falshood In the rest the Answerer quitteth himself learnedly and sheweth much reading in particuler as by the multiplicity of Authors by him alledged doth well appeare But the Replier is so far of from performing his promise of a full satufaction concerning double Romish Iniquity as he hath scarce satisfied fully or meanly any one argument or authority alledged by his aduersary who though I may presume he will best declare himself by his Reioinder to this Reply if he thinke him worthy of so much labour as in truth I doe not especially at this time when so grieuous punishmentes are procured in England by him his like for such as doe presume to answer their bookes yet meane I also briefly in this Treatise by some examples to make it manifest leauing the rest to himself to be treated and refuted by him more largely abundantly when he shall thinke it best conuenient my purpose being only to lay forth in general the iniuries which this Minister doth offer vnto all Catholick people by slaundering them in the foresaid two odious accusations of Rebelliō Equiuocation wherof hauing treated sufficiently about the first in the two foregoing Chapters and shall doe more in two other that ensue we meane by Godes help to passe thence to the other generall head of Equiuocation to handle the same with no lesse euidency of truth equity and piety of Catholicke doctrine therin then hath byn declared in the other before cōcerning our innocency wherin I remit me willingly to the indifferent Readers iudgmēt censure VVHAT THE MINISTER THOMAS MORTON DOTH IN THIS REPLY and full satisfaction ansvvere CONCERNING The former point of charge against Protestantes for Rebellion Conspiracies and Disobedience the effect wherof is drawne to three principall Questions CHAP. IIII. ANd now after iudgment giuen of this Ministers Reply in generall it shall be needfull that we descend somewhat to particulars for proofe therof And wheras he by so many sleightes and turninges of diuisions and subdiuisions numbers members of thinges to be handled or rather hudled as also by transmutation from due places alteration of order clipping and culling of wordes and sentences endeauoreth so to entangle the sight and vnderstanding of his Reader especially the more vnlearned as he may not easily finde where he walketh nor when he answereth to purpose and when not when he leaueth out and when he putteth in all when he dealeth plainly and when fraudulently and by consequence after much reading can scarce be able to make any firme conclusion at all about the matter in controuersy Our course shall be quyte contrary endeauoring to bring all to breuity perspicuity and certainty so much as in vs lyeth for so we thinke it necessary for the Readers true satisfaction after the small satisfaction he can receiue by the full satisfaction promised by this Minister 2. Wherfore to reduce all that before hath byn said by him or his Answerer or my self concerning the charge of sedition and Rebellion vnto some perspicuous order and method three pointes seeme vnto me most important to be considered in this matter as