this Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration and obliged King Iames as he might easily have done to redress Abuses here and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad it had in all likelihood by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England Scotland and Ireland and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy Whereas now our Men and Money too are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland nor only so but England it self whose free Consent he so much brags of is so Distracted that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes some out of Conscience not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on nor themselves are satisfied with and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France though I doubt not but it was the Intention of the Confederates was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange He could then have no other Motive of Invading England Driving out his Father and Usurping his Throne but mere Ambition seconded by Dutch Policy making use of our Rebelliousness silly Credulity and our addictedness to Lying that they might cheat us of our Money make us defend their Quarrel and impoverish us to that degree that we should not dare to resent it when they get our Trade and câ—zen us of our Plantations as they have done often and then to crown the Dutch Jest laugh at us for a Company of dull-headed block headedly Fools when they have done But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine and vouch'd by the Law of Nations and those are these Three First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain p. 16. Now this hath been so well answered already in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it and methinks this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there before he ventured on this Instance but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over though they have been answered sufficiently and yet never take notice of the Answers However it is sufficient here to observe that this is nothing at all to his purpose he tells us but four lines before That what he is to make out is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England p. 15. And I pray good Sir Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries And if not how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out that the Prince of Orange by virtue of his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself and his Instance proves that any Prince whether they have any such Relation or not have a just Right to concern themselves And what I pray is all this to a Title by Conquest Let it be admitted but not granted and which I suppose will not be easily proved that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince for Invading the Liberty and Religion of his own Subjects hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People whose Liberties he pretends to defend and to set himself King over them Or had Queen Elizabeth upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties a just Right to make her self Queen over them In my Opinion it is a preâ—ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties to make a Conquest of them and if this be the Case Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People but a Crown to themselves and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown His next Instance is in King Iames's time When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia And how does this prove his Point Why he sent to King James for Advice and he had no mind he should engage in it And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it Well But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary and said that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the Bâ—bemians had a just Cause and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous â— Cause And that may be too but without Reflection on that Princess that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel rather than not to take away and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father and which is neither a Religious nor a Righteous Cause His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace and Liberty of the Germans and was Defeated and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain c. Now it does not appear whether thâ— King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just or unjust for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random and never stating them and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute But let that be as it will it makes no difference in the present Dispute for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom And this was plainly the Case The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire and was defeated and it â— had â—een â—eâ—t without Assiâ—â—ence the Emperour might have wholly subdued him which would not â—â—ely have ruined Denmark but have endangered all the Northern Princes and especially England as the Declaration it self speaks there will be an open way for Spain left to do what they pleased And what is this to our Authour's purpose Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War
of Braganza though the King of Spain had enjoyed the Crown for Three Generations The Case was this There were Three Pretenders to that Crown and most of the Universities in Europe were emploied to determine which of them had Right when Philip the Second while the Thing was yet under debate seeing them encline most to the Duke of Braganza sends the Duke d' Alva with an Army and very unfairly Surprizes and Oppresses the Headless Nation and decided the Controversie by the Sword This was no Conquest but a manifest Vsurpation for no Battle was fought nor Resistance made Was this parallel to the Case of us in England Was our Nation Headless at the time of the Prince of Orange's Invasion Was it under dispute whether King Iames or he had Right to the Crown Or had King Iames usurp'd it as King Philip had done Was he not in quiet Possession of England which King Philip never was The Portugueze still grumbling and resenting that they were enslav'd to a Foreigner when a King of their own Nation had a Title to it Again their swearing Allegiance to King Philip was too in many regards more justifiable than ours they were kept under by a Foreign Force whereas we do it voluntarily Besides the Spanish King had been one of the Pretenders and the Question was not decided Had the Prince of Orange or his Princess any kind of pretence to England while their Father liv'd Lastly They rose against a Foreign King to introduce one of their own Nation whereas we rose against our own to introduce a Foreigner How shallow then is it to huddle together many Instances and not bring one of them home to his purpose How ridiculous to argue all along from Matters of Fact to Matter of Right Which is just as wise as to pretend that whatever has been done must be well done and is the same as if he would set himself to prove that we were not the first nor the only Rebels Traytors or Perjured Persons that have been in the World but that there have been others both of our own and other Nations before us which we never denied He has not done with his Plot to prove the Paper none of Mr. Ashton's but take which you will tells you p. 28. That either 't is not his or else that he contradicted himself In what I beseech him Why. Mr. Ashton at his Tryal said He could not but own he had a fair Tryall for his Life and yet in his Paper he complains of the severe Charge of the Iudges and hard Measure And where lies the Contradiction Every Man knows that the Tryall is over before the Charge is given or the Verdict brought in by the Jury So that nothing hinders but the Tryall may be fair and seemingly kind though the Charge which came after did aggravate and made the worse Misconstruction as indeed it did of every thing and so was very hard and severe But does Mr. Ashton mention no hard Measures besides Does he not object his close Imprisonment the hasty and violent Proceedings against him and the Industry used in the Return of fiâ—ting Persons to pass upon him the denying of him a Copy of the Panel with an c. at the end of them Were not these hard Measures and some of them villanously unjust and indeed plainly shewed that since they saw him so heartily honest that he would not be warpt the Resolution was taken beforehand by the Party to have his Life per Fas aut Nefas Does he deny these were hard Measures or that Mr. Ashton said true when he told us he had receiv'd such hard Measures He confesses both by his Silence in such main Businesses Is it not a rare piece of Justice to cull out a select Company of Court Pick-thanks who they were sure would hang him and yet deny a Copy of the Panel that he might except against some chief Boute-feus and particularly that malicious Jury Man he so complains of who would never leave pressing and solliciting the rest till they brought them let the Cause be never so ugly into the same Guilt of Murther with themselves Yet a Man who loses his Life by such Tricks is according to this Caviller confident uncharitable or whatever other Character his time-serving Spite thinks fit to put upon him if he do but barely speak of what they did to take away his Life Now after all this Outcry and heavy Charges to lay Load upon the Martyr's Credit what was it he said Though I have I think just reason to complain of the severe Charge given by the Iudges and the hard measure c. Yet as I hope for Pardon at the Hands of my God I do most heartily pray for and forgive them c. Could any thing be said more sweetly or more modestly He onely spoke it in Transcursu and as a Transition to the declaring his Charitable Forgiving of his Enemies He onely said he thought he had received ill Usage and why might not he think so when his Lawyers told him the Law did not reach him there being onely Presumption which was incompetent in that Case Yet this uncharitable Caâ—iller charges him with Confidence and want of Common Charity and employs all his little Tricks of Rhetorick to have it thought he dyed an ill Man and which is the worse Sin of the two to murther as far as he could his Soul and his Credit as a good Christian after the Judges and Jury had murthered his Body But how does he clear the Jury He cites my Lord Coke p. 29. that the Intent is to be discovered by Circumstances c. But does he or any Man say that those Circumstances must not be evidently connected with the Intention that is such as could not have light or could not have been put had there not been such an Intention Otherwise the Evidence rises not above Presumption which that Lawyer declares to be insufficient and therefore he requires Good and Manifest Proof and the Proof of a Man's Intention cannot be said to be manifest unless the Over-act was manifestly connected with it Was it so here Ashton clear'd the occasion of his going over to France to have been upon a quite different Account But the Papers says he were found about him What then Might not another who was in the Company and who onely was conscious of their Contents give them to him to keep Nay would not that Person who was concerned judge it best in Reason rather to give them to a Person which was not at all concerned in them than to another of his own Gang Certainly he would Nothing more frequent in Oliver's Days than for loyal Gentlemen going in Coach to give such Papers which were Treasonable in those days to the Coachman or some Gentlewomen in Company and must such Persons who carried them be concluded guilty of Treason This Circumstance then of having the Papers found upon him which were evidently another Man's Concern as being writ in his
may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words none of them being artificial Law Terms but such honest English as every Gentleman that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank is capable of understanding and using But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy disjoyns by his Discourse illiterate from unskill'd in the Law and refers the Four cramp Words to the former and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter and when he has done he tells us very sadly one may justly wonder at it and indeed it is very wonderful For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie is altogether Monstrous He tells us p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things To assert his Principles and to testifie his Innocency and he sets himself to prove that he did neither As for the former he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience and then confutes him most learnedly by telling us That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King and he is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government who has Title to it by immediate Succession Now comes this acute Gentleman and pretends without Shame or Wit that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such in their clear unbâ—ass'd and 〈◊〉 in us Thoughts but to anoâ—her who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so or who dare not do otherwise And then after he had prevaâ—icated thus eg egiously he teâ—ls us very gravely That certainly there must be some gâ—eaâ— mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church Whereas if there be any 't is manifestly on his side but to say the plain Truth there is no mistake at all even on his side but an open Prevarication and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet making our Passiâ—e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object which is to make the Principles of our Church face abâ—ut with the Times and point as a Weather-cock does to the Wind to a Dispossessour of the true Prince so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party and keep under or Murther by his new Laws and new Judges those who dare be Loyal He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it If he means that only some of them are found there it reaches not home to his purpose But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there he shews himself to be very weak Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word and it only is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow is the most unanimous Exposition of it avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith that is does not hold it part of her Faith he should have produced such and so many genuine grave and eminent Members of one Church as are beyond Exception who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense and upon that ground held the contrary I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock who is so flexible a Complier with every side that I fear he is of no side and ready to be of any as God-Mâ—mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry or some such irresistible Temptation As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector 's days who had Abdicated twiâ—e if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days when honest Principles as yet unantiquated made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution but all adher'd to their legal King though all of them suffered in their Estates and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty But as our Author told us formerly that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds so he tells us here that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince whatever his Principles were or his Practices might be as God's Vicegerent and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power All this says he he might have done and have been alive still because as he contends King William was his rightful lawful Prince So that it seâ—ms let King William be of what Principles he will even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames or let his Practices be what they will even to the Subverting all our Liberties Properties nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only and consequently to obey him as such Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book and makes all the Deserters and fiâ—st Adherers to the Prince of Orange and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King and the Consent of the Nation he talks of to be Irreligious and Wicked For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned which comes within the compass of his whatever his Principles are or his Practices might be and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent it follows unavoidably that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion in the highest Degree who deserted him opposed him turned him out and set up a Stranger in his stead Yet this Action of theirs confest
by the Wheel of Fortune was laid flat and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar and could find no Foundation to fix upon nor any Basis that would fit it None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine relying I suppose on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest which was formerly ready to be published but upon the taking of Mons some sâ—op was put to it at that time If this be as true as it is told me with much assurance we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time for had that Project been heartily encouraged our Countrey-men had been all Slaves and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion it being indeed in that Case his own so that when Parliaments would give no more he might by setting up his Title when he pleased take all and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot At length comes this Gentleman and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts and not at all likely to take he will needs strain a Note above Ela and settle it on a higher Foundation viz. on the Law of Nations which allows Independent Governments to right themselves by Force or by making War on him that injures them But because he saw no War was made no Army fought nor a Stroke struck â— so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England he very politickly twists with it and with the Success of this Iust War p. 11. the Consent of the People too This I must confess is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other 't is made of Contradictions and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus a Goat-Stag or some such whimsical Conceit that imports two or more different Natures clapt together But this new fangled Notion of Right he has invented consists not of merely different but opposite Natures War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon and Consent signifies Voluntariness Again the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all So that to come in by Force of War and at the same time by Consent is to be beaten voluntarily to be forced willingly to resist yieldingly to submit withall our Hearts yet against our Will or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us But to say the Truth there was neither a fair War subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent nor a clear free and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation but as will shortly appear a mere Trick manag'd by an Ambitious Invader and his Confederates seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences and Forgeries to bubble and fool the Common People and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it and how prettily the Baby will look There is besides the Laws of the Land says he p. 11. a Law of Nations by which Sovereign Independent-Governments when injured may Right themselves by a Iust War Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation and this War had Success therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together as he told us p. 10. to clear this whole Matter Let us now take it gently to pieces and lay each part of it down easily lest it fall asunder of it self and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely 'T is deny'd then that there were in our Case two Nations or several Independent Governments 'T is deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned 'T is deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends 'T is deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War or that he righted himself by Force or came by the Consent of the People and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means or foul Means 't is deny'd he has any Right at all what he has how he came by it or how he still keeps it shall be declared hereafter First then That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew â—efore so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged but 't is becoming his small Politicks to ampâ—â—fie mightily and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies But to be short and slight or rather perfectly silent in those pâ—rticulâ—rs on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends we grant him then that Independent Governments may when injured have a Right to demand and if it be deny'd them take Satisfaction by force of Arms for 't is no more than every Man knows and yields to but 't is deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose or does his Cause the least service For Secondly 'T is deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments and so his Discourse falls to the gâ—ound The Sâ—ates of Holland indeed make a Government but those good Men who never told lye in their Lives disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador and like wise Men lest it should not succeed would not be seen in it but made use of Fâ—ot of Wâ—elp to do their own Jobbs 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily and took our Money very readily Besides they were Allies to King Iames which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations to which he recurrs And lastly if they made this War and had Success in it I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them it would follow by this Discourse that They and not He are our Lords and Masters a Title which the Hollanders do not quâ—t but still assert on due occasions That their State-holder manages England for their behoof as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects by pretending that England was now under Holland and that
but the immediate Successour for their King otherwise those Laws yet standing whatever was done against them was beyond all Excuse illegal and treasonable in the highest Degree Nor lastly did the Convention unanunorisly and freely consent The Common-wealthâ—sh Party could not 〈◊〉 to bring in a New King while the Old one was Alive and had not resigned Being thus at a loss when they had computed the Number of their Faction who they knew would vote any thing they put the King's Abdication to vote It was carried though it was such a Piece of bold Impudence as was at another time and will be for all future Ages enough to make all the Convention held Mad-men The King was commanded out of his Palace to a Prison and all Treaty with him refused and so being made justly apprehensive by his Father's Fate he had retired for his Safety but well foreseeing the ambitious Drift of the Prince of Orange He both by his Letter from Rochester and divers others afterwards particularly in that to the Lords both claimed the Government challenged their Allegiance desired them to prepare things for his safe Return and signified he would be within Convenient distance to receive and answer their Proposals He told them the Right was His and bid them remember that none but Himself was or could be their Sovereign Besides It was fresh in every Man's Memory how his Royal Brother King Charles had retired also for his Safety continued many Years out of England yet no Man living ever thought nor were his very Enemies so senseless and shameless as to object that he had Abdicated his Crown Yet notwithstanding all this and in despight of common Sense Claiming was called Abdicating and the Challenging their Allegiance was voted Renouncing it They might better have voted that the Huntington Colt driven down to the Bridge at Cambridge was a Sturgeon that an Apple is an Oyster or that Chalk is Cheese for thâ—se are onely different Things not directly Opposites as aâ—e the other No Wonder then it cost the Factious Party such Sweat and Toil to get such a damnable Contradiction enacted Such a Solliciting Cajolling Frighting Such Hurry and Clamour Make him King make him King enough to put sober Mankind out of its Senses Besides a Dutch Army over-awing them and the Fear of being accused afterwards to the New King as disaffected to him which considering his Humour impatient of Opposition in a pretence he was violently bent upon might either prove their Ruine or at least make them live very uneasie under him Take one short but very significant Instance how things were carried in those Mad Days as it was related by a Noble Peeâ— who was himself very forward for the Abdication to his Friends upon occasion There being no Judges yet appointed there was a Debate in the Convention what Gentlemen of the long Robe should be made choiâ—e of to assist in the House Some named Sir Francis Pemberton Sir Robert Sawyer and Mr. Finch but the Lords Mordant Delamere and some others took Fire suddenly and brake out into big and boisterous Language telling the House flatly and plainly We will have none of those who have been Instruments in the late Reign Upon which a sudden Damp seized all the Lords as if they had been attackt in Flank and Rear with Canons and Mortars or the Thunder from Mount Sinai For we lookt on them said that Lord as on so many Princes of Orange or such as might not be contradicted for fear of his Displeasure and in the same Manner most Votes were forced till we had the Grace to be pliable to what the Military Lords and their Complices proposed Is not this a strange kind of free Consent when the Heads of the Faction did All at their Pleasure and the rest who made up the Generality durst do Nothing at all but what was agreeable to the Arbitrary Will of the Prince of Orange and his insolent Adherents And yet though their own Party was so great and had all those Advantages to back them they were able to carry it but by a very few Votes as appears by the Catalogues of each And which gives a greater Blemish in the House of Lords than it had Advantage in the House of Commons Six Dukes and Thirty Lords protested solemnly against it and their Protestations stand yet upon Record And the Generality of the others admitted it because they judged it would be a Ruine to themselves and withall worse for King Iames if the Government should settle into a Common-wealth than if they should keep up Monarchy by setting up a King de Facto at present which is all they intended at first as divers of them have declared privately to those Friends they durst trust though now they are carried down by the Current of the Times into many Treasonable Actions contrary to their first Intentions So dangerous is it to recede from Principles in Compliance with any present Circumstances whatever Seeing then all this whole Turn of our State depends upon the Abdication Vote as on its Bottom and sole Foundation and no King was chosen but in Supposition of King Iames's Relinquishing and voluntary divesting himself of his Crown it follows that the True Ground of King William's Right to the Government is a piece of mâ—re Nonsense which we English Men call a Bull And therefore since none of the many minded Writâ—rs who have gone about to settle his Authority have light on this Seventh and truest Title of his I thought it fit to let them know it that all his Friends may adore this mysterious Monster this Bull and in their Devotions cry aloud These are the Gods that brought our Israel out of the Land of Aegypt out of the House of Bondage i.e. from under the Government of King James And for not thinking this Bull to be rational and falling down and adoring it our Loyal Martyr suffered But to put an upshot to this whole Business Let any Man who has but Eyes and common Sense peruse these following Letters of King Iames's to the Lords of the Council and the House of Lords and Commons and he must whether he will or no plainly see how prodigiously senseless this pretence is of that King's Abdication on which and which onely the Convocation grounded their Dethroning him and Setting up the Prince of Orange in his stead His Majesties Letter to the Lords and others of his Privy-Council JAMES R. My Lords WHen We saw that it was no longer Safe for Us to remain within Our Kingdom of England and that thereupon We had taken Our Resolutions to withdraw for some time We left to be Communicated to You and to all Our Subjects the Reasons of Our withdrawing And were likewise resolved at the same time to leave such Oâ—ders behind Us to You of Our Privy-Council as might best suit with the present State of Affairs But that being altogether Unsafe for Us at that time We now think fit to let you know that
with another to prevent his utter Overthrow and Destruction and in such a case for wise and politick Ends to stop the exorbitant and dangerous Growth of a potent Neighbour and for the same Prince to take away another Prince's Crown because he is uneasie and ungratefull to his Subjects Yet after such fallacious Inferences our Author with his wonted Modesty adds Let those who now with as much Ignorance as Confidence upbraid Men with Renouncing the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England read and consider these Passages and if any thing will make them more wise and humble this will He contends all along to prove from those Instances which are of several Independent Governours and so relate to the Law of Nations that this Proceeding of the Prince of Orange is not repugnant to the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England p. 15. and more particularly afterwards from the Homilies p. 21 22. which say we are bound to obey a Heathen Tyrant and to pray for him from the Jews who were commended to pray for the King of Babylon and for obeying Augustus lastly from our Saviour's acknowledging the Roman President 's Power and Authority as given him from God Nay he argues a fortiori p. 21. from the Homilies thus If they and consequently the Church of England declare we are bound by God's Word to obey a Heathen Tyrant much more ought we by the Doctrines and Principles of our Church to pay Allegiance to good and religious Princes c. This is the full force of his Argument why we ought to pay Allegiance to the present Governours But first We cannot think thâ—m good and religious whilst we see they have wilfully broken and obstinately continue to break God's holy Commandments the Observing of which is the best Test of Goodness and Religion Next he leâ—ves the main Point which Dr. Sherlock mentions out of his Convocations that are better Declarers of the Church of England's Doctrine than the Homilies That the Authority of all those Conquerours was to be thoroughly settled so that there was no morâ—l Possibility the former Governour in case he had been alive could evâ—r by himself or his Friends be restored and therefore we seldom or never hear that any of such ejected or subdued Sovereigns did ever struggle for their Kingdoms or went about to recover them Hâ—w this suits with our preseâ—t Câ—se where the former supreme Governour is living did ever and does still claim it pursues the Recovery of it has a most potent Monarch abroad for his Friend who espouses his Quarrel has engaged his Honour he will either restore him to his Crown or lose his own is easie to be discerned But moreover which is nâ—â—ess material in this Business King Iames has great Parties in each of the three Nations who do not acknowledge thâ— present Governours and look upon them as unjust Vsurpers of their Father's Right Besides which alters the Case extremely here was no Conquest or subduing England by Force nay no War at all exercised upon it His bad Cause forces this mercenary Writer to shuffle to and fro and pretend now one Thing now another but all of them when they come to be scann'd and applied equally to no purpose Conquest he dares not call it in down right Terms for fear of disgusting all England by making us all Slaves yet those Instances of Rightfall Power which he brings and would have us think to be parallel to this New Government and proper to aâ—et it were all true Successes in War and by consequence perfect Conquests 'T is easie to discern by these Hints what he would be at and not hard to conjecture what Title though they have agreed of none hitherto they intend at length to pitch upon finally unless the Patriots of the Subjects Liberty do in time restrain such audacious Attempts Thus far in Answer to his settling King William's Title which being shown to be incoherent and ill grounded in every Regard it follows that Mr. Ashton suffered for a Righteous Cause and for his due Allegiance to his true Sovereign which entitles him to the Honour of a glorious Martyr and this in case he had endeavoured to make way for his Master's Restauration It remains to vindicate his Paper from those other petty Exceptions this Gâ—ntleman makes against it He denies p. 24. that King Iames's Usage after the Prince of Orange's Arrival was very hard severe and unjust Let the World judge A Council was held at Windsor upon Notice of the King 's being in hold at Feversham where it was debated whether or no he should be sent to the Tower And 't is well known who they were that voted in the Affirmative But the Prince having laid his Design feared that if the King staid here some Accommodation would be made so he sent Monsieur Zuylisten to tell him he would have him to stay at Rochester which being a Port Town and towards the Sea might afford him opportunity to escape out of England The Message mist him so he returned to White-hall The next Night the Prince of Orange sent three Lords to him at Midnight to tell him he would have him remove by Ten the next Morning to Ham a place very unlikely to be approved of there being as the King objected neither Furniture nor Provisions for him and therefore as he expected he moved for his Return to Rochester which after his sitting an hour in his Barge waiting his Pleasure was granted And thither he was pack'd away in great State with Dutch Myrmidons now to the eternal Shame of English Suâ—jects their King's Gaolers under whom he suffered Hardship enough but he was not allowed out of his own Exchequer one Farthing to bear his Charges The King had before this sent him a Message by the Earl of Feversham offering to settle all things in Parliament to His and the Kingdom 's Satisfaction Now had the Prince of Orange meant sincerely in what he pretended and come onely for the Good of the Nation what could he have wished more But what would have obliged and sweetened another did highly exasperate him for he relish'd this Condescendence of his soâ—ll being indeed unsuitable to the ambitious Aim he proposed to himself that first contrary to the Law of Nations he made his Ambassadour Prisoner and thâ—n sent his Worshipfull Command at Midnight to his Father to be gone out of his own Palace to a Prison for they told him a Guard was appointed for him at Ham-house whither the Prince of Orange ordered him to go the next Morning enough to let the King see what he was to expect He tells the Prince of Orange could have prevented his going away true But then he feared the Nation would only reduce King Iames not depose him much less chuse another their own King being present it was therefore thought more Politick to fright him away and then pretend Abdication and the Necessity of a new Government which he knew well as he and
but Possession It makes the saying of the Thâ—eves This is mine I stole it very strong Reason and good Sense He 'll say these Cases are not parallel to his But why are they not if a true Prince has as good Right to his Crown as a Subject has to his Money or his Goods For if he has then a Possession transfers the Right of a Crown so it must transfer the Right of a Purse a Cloak c. And with so much the more Reason as the Right of the Crown on which the common Good of the Nation depends ought to be more fixt and unalienable than the Right of private Men to their Goods which are of an inferior Concern Now if the Law of the Land require us to swear Allegiance as due to any present Possessor the same Law declares that Allegiance and consequently the Crown is his Right otherwise the Law would oblige me to swear false And if the Law of the Land declares the Prince of Orange has Right To what end did this Gentleman all this while run about to the Law of Nations to patch him up a Title It must be a pitiful Cause that makes a Man who otherwise has wit enough still interfere thus with himself But he says That if an Oath of Allegiance should not follow Possession there would be infinite Snares to the Consciences of all such who are requir'd to obey but are not bound to enquire into the Right of War Note by the way one of those shuffling Tricks of which his Book is full He begins with Oaths but proceeds as if only Obedience were required As if a Man could not live quietly under a Government without Swearing and calling God to witness that the Governor has Right to the Kingdom and consequently to our Allegiance whether we know he has or no. But let us apply our selves to his Discourse All the play of these Men is to persuade the World that this business of Allegiance due to King Iames only is a Kind of dubious Case and then if they can but get their Judgment to bover they hope that Interest or Fear may turn the Ballance and make them swear to King William Whereas we maintain that 't is a most plain Case which none but byass'd Men can doubt of Is it not evident to all that King Iames was Three Years agoe the undoubted Supreme Governor and that all the World held that none but he had Right to the Crown and consequently that Allegiance would then be lawfully sworn to none but him Is it not evident that he is living and has not given up his Right and so by the common course of the World 't is evidently his still Is it not evident even to themselves that the new Right of the Prince of Orange is obscure that Men are in several Minds about the Ground and Reason of it some alledging one Thing others another which shews that England it self is not satisfied with the Truth of his Title but is led on by Fear or Interest Is it not evident that very many conscientious and good Men amongst whom are the Primate and some Bishops and many reverend and worthy Pastors of our Church do refuse to take the New Oath whose Authority far outweighs all the others in regard they have no Motive but pure Conscience since they are ruin'd for refusing whereas the Complying Party find Interest and the Favour of great Men by their mercenary Submission Is it not manifestly evident to every sincere Christian's Conscience even of the most ordinary Capacity that Oaths are most Sacred Things and that those Oaths which were due or have been sworn upon certain Grounds to an undoubted and indisputable Authority ought not to be unsworn again by swearing Allegiance upon uncertain Grounds to a dubious at least and disputable Authority So that here is no moot Case in the Business as he would pretend but plain Sense which every sincere and conscientious Christian is capable of comprehending There is no danger then of infinite Snares as he madly calls them not of any at all but those of weak Fears or base Interest which have already ensnared many Consciences and are spread every where as the Devil's Nets to entangle and ensnare the unwary unstable and worldly minded Men. He asks p. 26. If it be Perjury and Rebellion in the now French King's Conquests for the Inhabitants to take Oaths of Fidelity to the French King Now this is a very pleasant Gentleman and for all his objecting p. 19. The admiring the French Conduct to this sort of Maiâ— Mr. Ashton's Friends He hath said more for the French King than any Iacobite in England will say and the rankest French Man in the World can say no more and that is that he hath a Right to all the Places he has over-run with his Arms in Flanders Savoy yea and the Principality of Orange too But then Where is that independant Sovereignty which our Author talks of as necessary and essential to make a Title by Conquest For he is possess'd of the Principality of Orange and therefore according to our Author the King of France is Prince of Orange and no body else And not to meddle with what Right Conquest conveys as being foreign to the present Question here is this vast difference in the two Cases The King of France actually Conquered these Places and People the Prince of Orange did not Conquer England and none but a Mad-man will say he did And therefore if the Author would have made the Case parallel he should thus have put his Question Whether it would not have been Perjury for the Inhabitants of those Places to have put the Government into the French King's Hands to transfer their Allegiance and to take an Oath of Fidelity to him when it was in their Power to resist nay when he could not do it otherwise but by themselves and by their own Contrivance and Assistance In that Case which is plainly ours I stick not to affirm that it is Perjury and Rebellion with a witness and no Man who hath not his Ear bored and is became a Slave to Interest can have the Face to deny it And yet for all that he goes on If it be not Perjury and Rebellion in those Conquer'd Provinces How comes it to be so here By which we say again he is ready to maintain for he does here manifestly suggest it already That England is the Prince of Orange's by Conquest and all our Lives and Estates are at his Disposal And there wants nothing but one of his infinite Snares a good rich Deanry or Bishoprick to make him perfectly hold and openly maintain that Opinion Parliaments had best look to such Libels in time left the pretended Conqueror come to abdicate them too as Vseless or Obstacles to the pretence of Conquest and make all our Countrey-men become Slaves to his Ambition But what meant he by his instancing p. 26 27. in the Portugueze's swearing Allegiance to the Duke