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A40415 A Free conference touching the present state of England both at home and abroad, in order to the designs of France 1668 (1668) Wing F2112; ESTC R201279 27,274 80

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snatched the Scepter from the right Owners and Proprietors thereof Nay to such a degree was the Inhospitability of France grown at that time though his Father were thus execrably Murthered before the eyes of the French our King 's own Cozen-german refused him a Retreat that might be secure for his own Person Therefore 't is fit that the English should be disabused once for all by being better informed since France is so far from being assisting or useful unto us upon this Conjuncture that in truth they do seek only to increase our Divisions and Troubles For 't is both their Interest and Maxim so to do which Conduct hath been exactly and hereditarily observed in their Counsels for many Ages together and newly in the last Civil War here since all the Baits which they do present unto us are but so many Apples of Discord which the French Emissaries cast up and down among us purposely to embroil us with our Neighbours or else with one another Next let us consider at present whether we shall find our Accompt better with Spain 'T is evident that solid Reason of State doth totally incline us to leave that other way and you cannot but all acknowledge this to be our true Fundamental Maxim whereby we may keep the Balance in aequilibrio and that our Safety doth most consist in such an aequilibrium why then should we swerve from thence out of vain hopes or quit the Body for the Shadow The Interest of Commerce no way invites us to take part with France and this Truth is so notorious to all the people of England that there is no Eloquence able to perswade them contrary to their own Experience therein The Cause is just and favorable A young * The KING of SPAIN Pupil unworthily oppressed a Peace so solemnly and picusly established as lightly violated by a Process of Cavils and Legerdemain by a Proceeding thereupon full of Surprisals and Violence as well as Pretensions unjustly revived after an Authentick * Vide The Buckler of State and Justice Article 4. Renunciation are so many voices which speak to the Root of our Consciences to call us to that which we owe to Justice Pity good Neighbourhood the Publick Cause of Christendom and our Selves For in this matter is concerned no less than the Case of Royal Successions which France will needs have submitted to the Customs of ordinary Citizens and the Conservation of that Bulwark which is common to all these parts of Europe against this Torrent which threatens the whole Vicinity with a great Inundation and the assuring the Tranquillity of the Christian Republick against an unquiet Nation that will never desist from disturbing of it until their Insolence shall be abated The Foundation then being so solid because we shall in this Opposition have to treat with a Nation that makes profession of Honour and Generosity which hath never yet been accused to be guilty of having violated any publick Treaty and that would rather * The remarkable Integrity of Spain hazzard the loss of their Monarchy than their Reputation the Advantage is both secure and considerable whereas on the account of France we shall appear but as little Accessories and the French will carry us on as the First Motion only according to the rapidness of their Progress by applying us meerly in the course of their Game to their own Ends and thus shall we become the Ministers of their Ambition and be made use of like a pair of Stairs on which they do mean to tread in order to their obtaining the Vniversal Monarchy In fine their Interests if that we are still predestinated to be thus grosly deluded must be the Rule of ours and our future Conduct too and Operations But in taking part with Spain we shall be the Arbitrators of Peace and War and enabled to give the whole weight unto the Resolutions of each Party Then will France consider us with terrour and the apprehension of what our Arms may do and Spain by the addition of our Succours If we do desire Conquests we cannot hope for more lawful ones nor easier Victories than to re-unite by this means our ancient Dominion in France which have formerly been dismembred from the Crown of England But if we shall limit our Designs to the sole establishment of a Peace we may find the Accompt both of Glory and Safety likewise therein since it appears by authentick Letters of Monsieur de Lionn's writing that France is resolved to be content with Reason as soon as ever they do see England fixed to joyn with Spain and the States of the Vnited Provinces So that 't is in our choice whether to make an advantagious War or procure an honest Peace at the first appearance of our preparations in Arms. Whereas on the contrary 't is evident by the Interception of the aforesaid Dispatches that they will despise all manner of Offices and Mediations that are not Armed but rather pursue vigourously their Course whither Fortune shall drive it on so long as they do meet with no powerful Obstacles in the way Therefore because you seem to believe that Spain is reduced to so low a Condition that our Relief would be altogether unuseful to them and serve for nothing but to bring down the Vengeance of France exasperated upon us for God's sake cure your self of this Pannick fear as soon as you can 'T is France endeavours to erect a formidable Power if she finds no Opposition in the approaches thereunto and Spain probably must sink under the burthen unless that Crown be succoured though it is as true also that the Mischief is easily to be prevented if Remedies be applied thereunto in due time and before that the Inconvenience root it self too deep All the Advantage which France hath gained in this last Campaign is no more than an effect of their Address and the over-grown Credulity of Spain rather than of their Valour and Power All the Places which they have conquered in Flanders are but great Countrey-Towns where the People being ever the strongest he that is Master of the Field carries always the Keys of them at his Girdle to enter when he pleases and the winning of one Battel recovers them back again France hath constantly yielded in every thing where she hath found a real Resistence without gaining any thing beyond what the fright of an incommodated Multitude hath holpen them to acquire by such a Surprizing Invasion Spain hath yet great resorts to recur unto provided only they can gain time and the means of making them meet together and thus recover their Spirits We know that she hath made Contracts for considerable sums of Mony and that the Spaniards are now about to put themselves in a way to be able shortly to withstand the strongest Shocks of this War and by the litle Diversion of the Forces of France which we may make without any prejudice to England we can certainly put Spain into a Condition of attaquing
the French as well as of defending it self and so shall we reduce France into a necessity of demanding peace Spain is not unprovided of Friends nor Allies The Emperour doth already make a great step in favour of the Circle of Burgundie by taking of it intirely under his protection as a Member of his Body The States of the Vnited-Provinces are not asleep neither as to their own proper Interests upon this Conjuncture and after having tried in vain the sweeter waies of appeasing the Tempest they will not abandon themselves on so pressing an Occasion being that they do see well enough their Safetie depends absolutely upon their Resolution We know that they desire a sincere Alliance with us and that they would make all the progresses necessary towards it could they but discern in us any real disposition not to reject the Offer Sweden which is weary to serve but as an Instrument to the Interests of France to the prejudice of their own Affairs will nodoubt also follow our Motions and the most part whom rather Fear than Love doth tie unto the Motions of France will questionless take off the Mask as soon as ever they shall see a considerable Power on foot to Protect them France is a Body replete with ill humours which will easily degenerate into an universal Corruption when the French are never so little shaken The Jealousie alone which our Fleet will give them must needs oblige them to employ the better part of their Troops to furnish their Maritime Coasts and consequently render them the weaker every-where else Besides it is plain that in this last Campaign in which they thought to swallow all up at a bit they made all the Force that they were able and yet were not able notwithstanding to bring into the Field above Fourty thousand men after having drawn out of their Garrisons and the Provision of their Towns all the Strength almost that they had there whereby their Frontiers were left naked Judge then to what point they 'l be reduced when they 'l be put both to furnish their Places on all sides and divide their Troups too in Alsatia Italy the County of * or Catalonia Rossillon and Flanders and that in all these Countries they 'l meet with Enemies to fight against as well as a multitude of Male-contents at home no less formidable within the Center of their own proper Bowels For thus they can build no longer upon the strength of their Army which is destroyed very near already by Labour Sickness Diseases and want of Pay Wherefore they must begin anew and with fresh charges raise more men because the ill usage which their Troups have received doth render them so barren of Souldiers that they are compelled to seek Recruits and as it were beg Supplies with vast sums of Money from other States And this Imaginary Fountain of Treasure of theirs which here is thought to be unexhaustible will be found to have a bottom when our Fleet doth disturb their Commerce the Credit which till then they may get with the Partisans by means of oppressing * Which is the same thing as our Banquer Farmers of the Customes the people with Tax upon Tax will fail The men of business and the Natives being pressed to unsupportable extremities will quickly either cast off the yoke or sink under the burthen and the weight of those Impositions Their incapacity to hold out any longer is well enough seen by the impossibility wherein they now find themselves to make good what they have promised the Portugueses whose Friendship hath been formerly so necessary unto them And if Spain as 't is hoped that it may do once shall take a resolution to be delivered of this intestine War with Portugal by some Accommodation the Spaniards will soon be in a condition of being useful to their Allies feared by their Enemies But if we do suffer the Designs of France to pass by undiscovered impunitively to permit them to conquerthe Low Countreys towards the total oppression of Spain then I cannot but avow that France thus will be most terrible unto us And in case at present we are afraid of drawing their Revenge on our heads then shall we have much juster cause to apprehend the future effects of their Ambition Wherefore at the Bottom of all these Reasons it seems to me that by the same Principle of apprehension which you have of the French we are obliged to oppose these Progresses of theirs which if not stopped would yet render them more redoubtable If so be that we do fear them in the Field having so many Friends that do tender their Alliance unto us our fear were much more justifiable if after the rejecting of all those Offers we alone were exposed to their mercy or that our moderation could exempt us from their out rages but on the contrary rather give the French better Conveniencies of putting these Violences in Execution should such an insipid Counsel prevail for they 'l never consider us farther than we do make our selves Considerable They have Printed Books of their Pretensions to England Experience teaches us even to this day that 't is enough with them to ground a War without giving them any other cause of Hostilitie That we have * Scotland and Irleand Kingdoms belonging to this Monarchy which may very well fit their Designs which is enough to invite the French to attaque them whil'st England is weak History likwise doth shew us how that all our Alliances with the house of Burgundie have still been glorious and useful and all those with France unfortunate prejudicial 'T is ever more dangerous to go out of the beaten Road to travel through By-lanes unknown and dark untried Paths You 'l easily agree with me that the Union of the Vnited Provinces with France is the thing of all others which we ought the most to apprehend as fatal to our Crown and therefore by consequence nothing can be more safe for England than to disunite them Heaven furnishes us now with an occasion of doing that which we shall never be able to recover again should it be neglected if we do suffer it to slip away we shall bring that Republick into a necessity of tying this fatal Knot with France stronglier than ever it was fastned before This Union therefore above all others must be the Object of our Care as it hath of late demonstratively been the cause of our misfortunes I conclude then upon solid Foundations without hesitating That in the first place we must necessarily take part in this War either with Spain or France and next that we must not engage blind-fold without taking right Measures with those who have the same Interest that England hath in the Case thirdly that we must knit our Party firmly together and get all the Advantages we can in this Treaty with Spain as well as all the Security possible with other States without yet exacting from Spain things which are intolerable unto them whom the loss of the Low-Countries for fear of being reduced by the Exorbitancy of our Demands may plunge into a necessity of according to whatever France shall require This Discourse being ended I observed by their Countenances that the two Persons who spake first applauded this Opinion and that the third man was much shaken They had some farther speech together but so softly that I cannot well collect the sense of it after which all the Company embraced and gave one another their hands with a reciprocal promise of secrecy as wel●●s an Union in the same Design And thus they separated each a several way with evidence of great satisfaction friendship And as soon as ever theywere gon I slipped back insensibly again into the former obscurity near the Bed without being seen by any of the Domesticks And thus whilst these particulars werefresh in memory I did set them down in Paper and all that I could remember of their Discourse only to satisfie my own Curiosity and the Cariousness of my Friends THE END
A FREE CONFERENCE Touching The present STATE OF ENLAND Both at home and abroad In order to the DESIGNS of FRANCE LONDON Printed by E. T. for R. Royston Bookseller to the Kings most Excellent Majesty MDCLXVIII Whitehall the 21. Jan. 1667 8. Let this Discourse be Printed By the Appointment of the Right Honourable the Lord Arlington His MAJESTIE 'S Principal Secretary of State Joseph Williamson TO THE READER THIS Conference being imaginarily Scened and yet really performed out of the Treasure of a very great Minister of State 's Capacity it was thought fit to be published now and not b●fore because that respect ought to be pay'd to the Secret of his Majestie 's Affairs so as nothing should anticipate the King 's own labours to give the people satisfaction in his due time touching the tender care that He is graciously pleased to take of all his Subjects in point of Honour Safety Freedom Vnion and Commerce which nothing could more advance than the Conclusion of the Treaty newly made betwixt England and the States of the United Provinces which without flattery may be demonstrated to men of understanding to aim at nothing but the Good of his Subjects in general exempt from all manner of private Interest whatsoever Blessed be God then that it is so happily concluded and that we have a KING whom nothing can ever alienate from the true Interest of his Realms nor no corrupt Counsellour let him be thought to be never so powerful or crafty in order to his own Advantages prevent the Wisdom and the Integrity of such a Prince from prevailing above all the Artifices and Frands of those who would perswade the Nation were they competent Masters of their Art enough so to do that those Counsellours who are not interested can be less prudent or successful than such as did make it their business to appropriate all to themselves and nothing to their Master The French King is much commended for his Parts and Activity but let us see him out do the King of England in this particular of the Treaty both in courage and conduct and then I shall be apt to attribute his Grandeur as much to natural Abilities as extraordinary Fortune but not before A FREE CONFERENCE Touching The present State of ENGLAND Both at home and abroad In order to the Designs of FRANCE THE Adventure which happened unto me lately is of so extraordinary a nature and contains so many important Discoveries in relation to the publick Good in its Progress that I should prove defective towards my Countrey if I did not candidly publish all the Passages both touching the Occasion and the Effects of what followed from this Accident Know then that a Peer of the Realm of England and one whose Merit Quality and the Place which he holds in the Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom are remarkable did invite sundry of his Lordship's best friends to a magnificent Feast and amongst the rest he had the kindness not to omit me out of the number where the excellence of the Chear which he made to his Guests after a most noble manner put the whole Company into such a refined humour of conversing together that the Entertainment was but one intire pleasing Debate how to express our compleat enjoying of each other I was not wanting with the uttermost of vigour and solace to uphold the Genius of this Conference But as the freest speakers do commonly come by the worst in discourse and are the soonest exposed to enterfiering lashes I found my self to be attacqued in so many places at once with the swiftness of other mens reasons and wits who held the opposite Arguments that although I were something heated yet there remained unto me presence of mind enough and success of Intervals to get insensibly out of the Press whil'st the Disorder and Confusion lasted which is usual at such Meetings into another Room I retired then pursuing the opportunity into a fair Gallery which surprised my eyes with the rich Ornaments wherewith it was furnished but not without trouble neither and a Curiosity beyond the Opticks of the place which increased there so as I was diverted from any farther consideration of the Furniture because the place seemed to lie too near the Enemy to dwell any longer upon those Objects Wherefore I went into another Chamber hard by which instantly filled me with new Apprehensions by the means of several large Looking-glasses hanging on the Walls which shewed me my own proper Figure at length on every side and from thence imprinted in my wounded Imagination as many Adversaries as there were angular Reflections out of each Mirrour that appeared to pursue me so furiously that I ran on violently with my head forwards in order to some Escape to the door of another Chamber adjoyning thereunto which opened with such resistence when I thrust against it as if it had been forced with a Petard And thus falling in the attempt I was so stunned that it was a good while after before I could come to my self again But at last having partly recovered my spirits I was surprised with a fresh astonishment as much amazing me as the former had done that I repeated For when I began to open my eyes half way finding that till then they had been altogether unuseful to me I attributed the disorder to want of Sight often feeling in regard of the darkness of the Room to try whether they were still in my head or not Yet perceiving betwixt discerning and doubting that all I essayed of this kind was to no purpose after having deplored the bitterness of an imaginary loss I groped on more and more in the dark until I chanced to come to an Alcone where feeling with my hands I took fast hold upon the Alcone and grasped the pillar of a Bed which had I not lightt upon I must have fallen the second time For thrusting hard against one of the Posts the Counter-stroak of the Wood threw me all along into the middle of a Couch where I remained stretched forth like a Coarse without any motion in the same posture of a precipitate Swoon And then it was that the vapours of my body which were disturbed by the first mistake confusedly did stir through all the parts in the agitated fluctuancy of a sterm though by degrees growing to be undeceived Sleep which appeaseth all the Mutinies in humane creatures did naturally and more agreeably seise upon my Faculties and compose the Tempest with perfect tranquillity of Mind and animal Operations as if I had never been so discomposed 'T is impossible to tell you how long I continued in the state of this Interregnum betwixt life and death nor what care the Company took to learn what was become of me but in vain blaming me for having left them or rather the War begun using all sorts of means to find where I was and bring me back to the Combate I shall only tell you by the way that about Sun-set
You know as well or better than I can tell you the Condition of the Revenue and the excessive Expence of this Realm which inevitably must carry the War from home unless we mean supinely to be destroyed and therefore of necessity must our Wings be suffered to grow again after this clipping before that we do offer to make a new Flight You cannot be ignorant too that Commerc● i●the Soul the Life of this Kingdom which is the Chanel from whence the Abundance of it flows And the Wealth which we formerly enjoyed and rendred us so considerable in the World beside the fresh Experiment of the Disorder and Interruption which the War brought into all the Traffick of the Land hath made us clearly see that for Merchant-mens Fleets to be changed into Naval Armies and the Substance of the people melted into Magazins unusefully which might more profitably be imployed in rich and gainful Navigations cannot be the proper Interest of England If we consider the present State of France We shall find that all the rest of Europe bows under that Power and those who are the most concerned to succour Spain bleed at the Nose only without being able to break the Impostume within The Intelligences of France and their practices make their way every-where either with Bribes or by Address Victory waits still on all their Motions and by having redressed the Abuses of their Exchequer they have laid an unexhaustible foundation of Money within themselves Over and above that the French are a Nation or rather a Seminary of Nobility and Souldiers so versed in the trade of War as this provision puts them in a Posture never to be savingly justled I grant Their Designs are Vast and their Pretensions ill-grounded but how can we take cognizance of that are we Knights-errant to expose our lives in the revenging of other mens Quarrels The large interposition of Sea which divides us from the rest of the World may shelter us enough from their Attempts without founding of our safety upon the Conservation of our Neighbours But suppose we had such an abundance of Charity to spare as to hazzard our own safety in favour of another's we should at least be secured before-hand that when we are at a second Charge of succonring them it might prove profitable unto them otherwise the mischief being grown to that point of Extremity where now it rests all insignificant Remedies of this nature would but anger them the more to no purpose And Spain being deeply engaged in the War of Portugal which is alone able to give the Spaniards work enough as the Spanish Counsels stand divided and according to the flowness of their Operations their Treasure being exhausted likewise and the principal places of Flanders in the hands of the French and those which remain unconquered hardly in a condition to make any Resistance when they shall be attacqued which disposes that Crown to seek a Peace with France on any terms and the Propositions in order to a League offensive and defensive with them which they make to us being tendred only to England as a wily Lure to oblige the French to conclude it the sooner out of an Apprehension that we may resolve to assist Spain why should we rashly I pray thrust our Sickle into this blighted Corn Indeed when Inconveniences are visible on all sides of the Prospect of such Treaties the wisest Counsel sure is to suspend the Resolution awhile For on which part can we place our Interest thus without incurring blame justly The Party of Spain is weak and unlucky that of France is unjust and contrary to our good shall we then sacrifice our selves for Spain which for three years together hath stood Idle with their arms folded a-cross without so much as proffering to help us whilst three of the greatest Powers of Christendom let one another Bloud and thus were only Passive in our Ruin Must we then joyn with France which were so lately combined with our Enemies to destroy us and that tore the Victory out of our hands when we had it sure Shall we contribute the Liquor of our Veins to facilitate their Progress which ought to be so redoubted by this Nation and so become instrumental towards the erecting of a Coloslus which must certainly tread us under soot with the weight of it All these Considerations which I submit to your Prudence oblige me to conclude That there being no Part to be taken in this War which is not destructive the best will be to take no Part but sit still and observe how the Game is play'd and in the mean time to provide for the repairing our Revenues and quieting of Disorders at home by conciliating and re-uniting the minds of the People the Re-establishment of Commerce and to put our selves into such a Condition that the Conquerour may not be able to make a wrong use of his Victory to our prejudice And in the mean time not to remain altogether Idle in the common Danger of Europe we may contribute our endeavours to obtain a Peace and by a happy Accommodation stop the course of these Conquests which give us such just Jealousie He had scarce made an end of speakieg when a little murmur arose among the rest of the Conferrers which made me conceive that they did no wayes approve of what he did urge Wherein I found that I was not deceived neither because he which sat right over against him answered him presently after this manner If Peace were a Benefit which alwaies did depend upon our own Choice and if War were not ordinarily speaking a Mischief as necessary as the other is the Question which we do treat of now might easily be resolved and would not require any longer deliberation But it is not enough to conserve Peace to have a pacifick Spirit if our Neighbours likewise be not of the same disposition towards it which in effect is to reckon without the Host by founding the hopes of our future Quiet barely on the promises of our own Moderation since those who are the most in love with Peace are oftentimes involved in the opposite Agitation whether they will or no by some violent motion of Fortune and so frequently stumble upon War in the Flight which they make from it and thus suffocate the Peace by too much avoiding War I do avow that the Reasons which were alledged before could not be answered if he who did so well deduce them were able to assure us upon good grounds that in keeping our selves Neuters in this War of the Low Countreys we might be sheltered from the storm of another War both in the present and the future tense of such Vicissitudes or peaceably and long injoy so happy a Tranquility which makes him believe that we ought to despise for that speculation all manner of useful occasions which Fortune doth daily offer unto us But in truth my Lord Would you venter to be Caution thereupon to the State and pawn your Faith to
the Kingdom and your Honour concerning the Event For my own part I hold you to wise and too quick-sighted to imagine meerly on the presumption of unsolid hopes that there can be the least shadow or colour of safety remaining for us if one of these two Monarchies which are at this time engaged in a War should fall under the absolute power of the other or if they do re-nnite again by an Agreement in which possibly as we have handled the matter we may very well not be comprehended In case you 'l avow this Truth which all the World knows to be so it follow that you must grant that all those Inconveniencies which were already alledged to to keep us out all kinds of Engagement are not longer valid when there is an indispensable Necessity and the Welfare and the Safety of the State are at stake I shall not enlarge my self hereon to represent unto you that our Predecessours ever held this to be a fundamental Maxim of their Conduct to hold the Balance equal between these two Great Monarchies and that on which side soever they turned the Scales Victory did usually follow that Counterpoise which never failed to put things into that just Temperament that preserves the Health of this Realm By which means in some sort they made themselves the Arbitrators of Christendom because by afforing their Help unto one of the two Parties they became in effect Masters over them both by still keeping one of them at their Devotion and in our Dependency through the prospect of those Succours which they do continually need from hence and the other with the apprehension of this Assistance For thus the English what with the force of their Arms and the power of Arbitrating in Treaties have alwayes been the Law-givers to the Success both of their Friends and their Enemies by holding within the palms of their hands the Results of War and Peace finding both in the one and the other those Advantages and Safeties which this Nation most desired But laying aside these old absolete Maxims from which notwithstanding wise men will not willingly depart without the pressure of some invincible Necessity to come to the Circumstances of the present time It is evident that the War of the Low Countries cannot possible terminate otherwise than by the Fall and Oppression of one of the two Parties or by an Accommodation made betwixt them If they do agree and that England hath no share in the Treaty Who will assure us that they 'l not unite for our Ruine or at least France which cannot remain long without War will not turn their Arms against us But if Spain falls we shall then be like Dancers of the Ropes that have lost their Counterpoise and so are ready to tumble down every step they make What good opinion soever we have of France it cannot be denied notwithstanding that in this Case after the French have triumphed over Spain they will be Masters over our Fortune too and that our being thus must intirely depend upon their Moderation For Gentlemen do you think that we can take rest securely upon so weak a Foundation as the Giddiness of their Charity is since 't is certain that the most Christian King hath too much Ardour and desire of Glory to dwell in Idleness at home after such a Conquest And therefore seeing his Dominions and Reputation not ably increased he will form to himself new Idea's of enlarging the bounds of his Empire both by Sea and Land according to the knowledge which we have of the divers Inclinations of his Court whereof some will put him on to become Master of the Commerce of Europe and employ those vast Treasures he hath heaped together in order to that Design this way others to engage him in the finishing of his Conquests over all the Low Countreysj and some likewise to begin by us to open the Path to the Subduing of all other States which may probably oppose this Design So that which advice soever of these he doth embrace 't will be equally dangerous as to us here and perpetually oblige us to stand upon our Guard with the Burthen of a continued Expence on our backs as well as the Incommodities of a War though we seem to be in Peace with him On this Position then I say that the worst Party for England that can be taken whether by choice or necessity is that of sitting Neuters By uniting with Spain we do follow our ancient Maxim and Interest which hath ever been successful to this Nation which is to be still Masters of the Balance betwixt these two Monarchies as I urged before Should we therefore embrace the Party of France we may hope for a considerable portion in the Spoils of Spain And both in the one and the other case we shall find our Surety and other Advantages in the Treaties of Peace which shall be made But by remaining Neutral we must needs equally offend both and so cannot eschew being exposed friendless to the Resentments and the Ambition of the Conqueror as well as the Scorn and the Reproaches of all the rest of Christendom for having insipidly abandoned our proper Reason of State without being either good or wicked in a matter of such universal Concernment whereby the name of English-men will remain so much in the Oblivion of Europe that no body will scarce remember there is such a Nation in the World excepting only those who have a mind to Conquer us I read in the Scripture so base a Character of none as of them who are neither hot nor cold And able Statesmen have alwayes reproved this kind of Tepidness or Half-conduct to be both unuseful and dangerous Media via nec Amicos parat nec Inimicos tollit Wherefore England must of necessity either preserve the Low-Countryes against the Usurpation of the French which is our Bulwark or raise a new Fence that shall shelter us from being Conquered To preserve the first then Spain must be assisted from hence and to make a new Rampart we must divide the Spoil with France Experience hath sufficiently shewn us that our Ports are not inaccessible and Reason demonstrates that those can never be secure from the like Attempts but by keeping a powerful Fleet out at Sea that we may be absolute Masters there 'T is a Maxim also which admits neither of exception nor diminution That a well-governed Kingdom is obliged to arm when War is kindled in the Neighbourhood And though we should resolve to take part neither with the one Interest nor the other yet we must be in a Posture to hinder the Torrent from coming upon our Land that so the Conquerour may not have a mind to extend his Conquests hitherwards Here then is the Charge of Arming which on this Conjuncture is inevitable the equipping of a Fleet and raising of Souldiers to be mutually entertained at the Charge of the People if we do not speedily take some Party and all this Expence without
vast Designs of which the Partisans of Spain make a Chimaerical Monster to intimidate the English from taking part with their best and properest Interest in the Case But when once we are entred into a Communion of Conquests with the French the subduing of Flanders will serve us as Ladders to arrive at other Projects by wherein we may probably hope to find our Profit and Satisfaction mutually together as well as the Pleasure of a just Revenge I set aside he Conquest of the Indies which we could not fail to encompass whil'st France doth hold all the Forces of Spain in play both by Sea and Land and so occupied that they 'l never be able to retain what they hold in the New World no more than that remainder of Territories which yet they stand possessed of nearer hand Wherefore as to what regards the Interest of this Kingdom what I have last urged methinks might suffice to make you of my Opinion And if we do impartially consider that of the Royal Family What can be more important and convenient for it than to have at their Devotion a neighbouring Power hard by which is so Formidable and that is able to protect them in a few hours from all manner of Revolutions that they may and perhaps not without cause neither apprehend at home by thus commanding both the Treasures and the Armies of France whenever they shall have any need of them to put a Bridle in the mouths of all such as do seek to check their Authority I avow that our properest Interest were to hold the Balance equal between Spain and France if we could but we should then have thought sooner of that whil'st these matters were in a condition to be disputed For at present the Weight of the Case inclining totally to one Side so that we can no longer oppose France with Spain as a Barricado against their Designs we must now think how to become our selves the Counterpoise of France and the Defence of Europe by establishing of our Power beyond Seas on solid Foundations that all other Princes may consider us hereafter as the only People who are capable of resisting the Design of the Vniversal Monarchy and so as France it self may not be able impunitively to thwart England in this Resolution because then our Safety will be much more firmly settled by our own strength than with the force of others and all those who apprehend the Progress of France will conjoyn with us and become tyed to the Fortune of England as they would be at this instant to Spain if they saw that Monarchy in a Condition to be able to maintain them So that all those Reasons do oblige me to conclude that we must no longer hesitate on this point of taking part with France and accept of those advantagious Offers which the French make unto us both in respect of the publick good of Christendom as well as our own particular security since by being united to them in a Knot of such inseparable Conditions and on a Conjuncture of Affairs because of which they dare refuse us nothing that we ask what need we fear from the opposite Conjunction of any other parties All the Assistents at this Conference began to express Indignation against this part of his Discourse and shewed by their Unquietness all the while that he spake thus that they had much ado to keep from interrupting of him or to refrain from answering Tumultuously before that he had made an end But as they offered to reply in heat all at once to deliver their thoughts on this subject the Master of the House who had not yet delivered his sense to the Company broke silence and with a little smile which had somthing in it grave and scornful dexterously intermingled together addressing himself to him who had spoken with so much length just before held on the Debate as follows I know your prudence my Lord too well says he and your Lordship 's disinteressed zeal for the good of the State to believe that you can mean seriously what you have urged on the behalf of France but rather am perswaded and that easily too that with an ingenious Artifice you have thus disguised your own true Sentiments of this Case the better to penetrate into the bottom of ours and so give opportunity to see clearlier through all the Reasons and the Doubts which may be formed there upon touching this Matter of which we do now treat since the truth of any Argument doth never so well appear and endure the light as when it is sifted to the very root and that the Reflexion thereof is exalted by the opposition of the contrary sense So that in combating with your Opinion I shall still think that we doe not disagree but rather to dissent in the Exposition of a vain Phantasm which you erected for sport sake to divert us and give the Company Recreation Allow me then to tell you that this project upon which you have thus exercised the acuteness of your wit with so good a Grace is both unprofitable and Chimaerical no less than shameful and unjust and ruinous towards England to all intents and purposes whatsoever whereas the design of succouring Spain is facil honourable profitable necessary and suitable to the Fundamental Maxims of our State And if you please to afford me never so little attention it will not be difficult for me to prove unto you very clearly according to your own Judgment what I shall propose of this nature that we shall perfectly accord in one and the same Result and convince you fully of the truth thereof The Design which you mention is of the like nature that it were to demolish an old strong Edifice to build a new Castle in the Air or like his who to renew his youth consented to be cut into pieces and put his several members into an Alembick of Glass To follow your Counsel then we must alter the whole Constitution of our Politicks form innovated Interests and Forreign Maxims by turning all things upside down even from the Accidents to the very Genius of the Nation and distil more modern Bloud into the veins of the people than that which they have hereditarily received from Father to Son But let us I beseech you examine on what Ground and with what Materials this new Edifice is to be raised That Earth which you have proposed unto us to make it out of is a moving sort of Sand or a Floating Island in which we can never fix on any firm Bottom 'T is upon France that you would have us establish our Fortune to found a power which one day may counterbalance the power of the French or at least shelter us from their vast Designs Nay you will needs have France made the Instrument of a greatness in a Neighbour which they ought to suspect if they be not besotted by so putting England into a state to be able e're long to stop their progresses and erect a Bulwark in
the rest Because thus the French will shut us quite out of the whole Traffick of the Low Countries and will be alwayes in a Condition to drive the English away from thence unless we do resolve continually to keep a Fleet at Sea for the conserving of them If this Design be hollow and visionary it is not less shameful than Airy and full of Injustice We have no manner of Pretension on the Monarchy of Spain nor is it our Genius to whet our spirits to form Castles in the Clouds of Chimaerical Rights What Glory can it be to our Arms to help to oppress a King in Minority of six years old by surprize only because we find him now to be rudely attacqued and unprovided on a frivolous pretext immediately after the French had given the Queen his Mother and his principal Ministers of State at Madrid such solemn Assurances to the contrary as well as at Paris touching the inviolable continuation of a good Peace and a sincere Friendship The manner which Spain hath held and acted with us newly in relation to England when we were assaulted by three powerful Enemies at one time ought to oblige us at least to be deaf to the artificial Allurements of France For although the French have tryed by all the wayes imaginable and with Offers incomparably more advantagious than those which they do make to us at present to the end that so they might have gained the Forces of Spain to unite with them to our inevitable Oppression yet was it never in their power to shake the unalterable Amity which the Spanish Nation have for us by a kind of natural Sympathy which one knows not how better to express than by the Immutability of it whether we do oblige or disoblige them Would it not then be an Ingratitude totally inconsistent with the Honour and the Hospitality of the English temper so soon to forget this Kindness since at the same instant that Spain was the deepliest engaged against Portugal they did notwithstanding openly oppose the Designs of France which seemed to the prejudice of England by refusing them in contemplation of us firmly and with great resolution Passage for those Troups of theirs which they sent to ruine the Bishop of Munster our Ally and Confederate then We cannot complain of any Injurie or Attempt wherein the Spaniards have tampered against England No League nor ancient Treaty doth oblige us to second the Designs of France and we cannot conclude new Alliances with the French to this purpose without directly contravening that Treaty which we have lately ratified with Spain Let us see then what the Herald is to say to the Spaniards that shall be sent to denounce War unto them on this occasion from England or with what Reasons we shall be able to fill a Manifesto which we would offer to the Publick whereby to justifie the Causes of this Rupture Wherefore I leave the Care my Lord to you being that you seem to be the Author of this Counsel to found it well in the point of Justice But pray see that you perform it better and with more grace than the Writer of the Queen of France's Pretensions hath done I say farther yet That this Design is both prejudicial and destructive and that it carries along with it most pernicious Consequences as well in the present time as the time to come For from the very moment that we do break with Spain our Commerce will cease with the effects of all those great Advantages which the Spaniards have * By the Treaty last ratified at Madrid by the Earle of Sandwich His Majestie 's Embassadour there newly granted unto us and the Merchants of this Realm who trade there will justly be confiscated since all the Profit that we draw from thence must on these terms infallibly redound in favour of the Hollanders whilst our Arms do busie the Spaniards in the Low Countreys and the French as they do their utmost against Spain at the same instant will seize their principal Ports into their power and thus become absolute Masters of the Commerce by putting themselves into a Posture to erect a Dominion over the Sea which we can never afterwards be able to resist Not above three years ago France was hardly able to set forth Twenty Ships that is to say Men of War now they have Sixty large Vessels ready furnished and well armed and do apply all their industry and pains in every part to augment the number Could the Ghost of Queen Elizabeth return back into the World again she would justly reproach us who are the Ministers of State here in England for having abandoned her good Maxims by tamely suffering before our eyes a Maritime Power to increase which she so diligently kept down throughout the whole course of her Reign Whereas you are so far from opposing the Growth of this Power that you rather seem to desire England should facilitate the wayes to make it grow the faster and render it yet more formidable than it is by the Acquisition of the Sea-Ports which in conclusion must infallibly bring France to be Mistress of the Commerce of the Indies All the World knows the vast quantity of Money and Arms which the French have accumulated to that End alone out of the richest Purses of that Kingdom I agree to what hath been said before very prudently in this Conference that our Power and Greatness doth principally consist in the matter of Commerce and therefore I conclude even from thence by an unerrable Consequence that Commerce ought to be the chief Object of our Jealousie and that we are bound to be as tender of the Conservation of this Benefit as of the Apples of our Eyes But then we must look far off how to prevent whatsoever may hinder the Progress of Trade or diminish the abundance of this Commerce We have nothing to fear in this particular on the accompt of Spain which applies little towards Traffick and leaveth almost all the Advantages thereof freely to the English in their own proper Ports But if this Interest should fall into the power of an industrious and active Nation and a People covetous of Gain as the French are we are not to expect any share of the Utility or to partake with France therein but rather that they will prescribe the Law of Commerce unto the English according to their own will and pleasure As soon as ever 't is known that we do treat of Conjunction with France one of these two things must necessarily happen either that Spain finding it self uncapable to resist the Union of both Forces will send a Blank to the French King to make such Conditions with them as he thinks best by conceding unto him all their Portion in the Low Countreys or that all the rest of the Powers of Europe justly apprehending so terrible an Union will joyn with Spain to stop the Torrent of our Designs In the first state of the Case then we shall quickly find our selves
taken for persons deluded in this Negotiation and France only gather all the fruit of the Couzenage of which the Shame of having been so grosly cheated can only remain to us when the whole World discerns that the desire of Prey hath prevailed with England above the Faith of those solemn Treaties which we have made with the Crown of Spain and thus shall we obtain no other Advantage by having made such a false step than to have facilitated the means for France to unite all the Low Countreys to that Crown without striking one Blow to the eternal and irreparable damage of the Crown of England For who can assure us that from the same instant when we do declare unto France our intention to unite with them the French instead of uniting their Party with England will not rather prevail the sooner in their Pretensions with Spain to make the Spaniards because of this Apprehension disposed to accord to whatsoever France shall demand which is as the old Proverb says to keep the Mule at our Cost and hold the stirrup unto the French or play a ridiculous part in making use only of Scare-crows and give a false Alarm to favour the Designs of others Next who shall secure us that after Spain hath yielded because of this Apprehension the Low Countreys to the disposition of France That the Spaniards and the French shall not then streightly unite together to be revenged of us and bring us down The affinity of Bloud Religion and the hopes which the most Christian King may found to himself upon the Succession to this Monarchy if the Renunciation of the Queen once comes to be annulled are strong Links that may very well unite them together and the Principle of the Division which is at present betwixt them having no other foundation but reciprocal Jealousie touching the Equality of their Power this Emulation will expire as soon as ever that France doth see Spain in a Condition to be no longer able to dispute the sovereign Arbitrage of Christendom with them and the Cause of their hatred being taken away all the Effects thereof will cease likewise And then the common Interests of both will unite them in a Bond which is inseparable any more from whence our Ruine must infallibly arise because the Substance and Surety of England solely depends upon the Emulation of these two Powers as the Temperament of a humane Body consists in the opposition of the Elementary Qualities But what shall we say of the States of the Vnited Provinces Can we reasonably believe that they 'l remain without Motion or that they 'l not awaken at the noise only of this Negotiation which we shall carry on with France to the Destruction of Spain Since 't is evident they have no other course to take than to prevent us but by joyning themselves with France before we have finished this Treaty or else to bind their Interests fast with the Spanish Crown and the Empire on the first occasion And then are we excluded from all our Pretensions and all the hopes of our vast Conquests which we have fancied unto our selves And in the next place also shall we be replunged into a long and dangerous War from whence we came but just now as it were to escape with so much difficulty and damage France hath yet proposed nothing unto us directly touching the Ports of Ostend and Neuport to be given to the English and 't is apparent as to England by sundry authentick Documents that the French have no mind to treat seriously with us on this Point unless that they do find us disposed to unite with Spain and the States of the Vnited Provinces for the common Defence Whereas 't is no less certain that the French have expresly made the very same Propositions and more advantagious ones unto the said States by soliciting them to re-combine with France in order to their old Design of dividing the Low Countreys mutually between each other to the entire Exclusion both of us and the Spaniards being fully agreed as to this particular at the beginning of the War past Whereby 't is clearly to be foreseen that France considers us no farther than as the worst of their Prospects and that the French will alwayes be ready to buy dearer the Amity of the States of the United Provinces than ours Would it not then be a great imprudence in us to serve them as Instruments on such disgraceful and disadvantagious Terms to contribute towards the engaging of the Hollanders to their Party It being out of doubt that the Jealousie which we should so give them of our Negotiation with France would be a powerful incitement to the States to put them upon being before-hand with us in this Treaty and cut the Grass after this manner under our Feet But admit all this should cease I do not see what Measures we can take at this time with France nor what Assurances or Precautions the French may give us in a Treaty so as to shelter England from the Danger of that known Maxim of theirs which is In all Confederations to be bound by no other Rule but their Interest meerly I avow that the Rupture of the Pyrenean Treaty frights me and the remembrance of their Proceeding held with us heretofore throughout all the Course of our late War with Holland hath made me so incredulous that they must shew me many Miracles and evident ones too before I shall be converted to have the least good opinion of the Sincerity of their Faith and Dealing That which you have alledged touching the Support which the Royal House of England may particularly hope for from the Amity of France is both a delicate and a dangerous Stone to stir The Glory and the Safety of our KING doth only consist in the Love of his People and a streight union betwixt His MAJESTY and his present Parliament since He hath no other sound Interest to rely upon but that of the Kingdom having need of no other Arms or Assistence The hearty Affections of his Subjects and his own Royal Vertues will be as so many Gittadels erected to maintain his Authority and any other project is contrary both to his Genius and his admirable Prudence For all those who shall dare to inspire any other thoughts into His MAJESTY will infallibly undergo the weight of his displeasure as Enemies to his Fame and Quiet But at the Bottom of all what help can he rationally expect from France should he come to need it which God defend after their unworthy abandoning of the King his Father in his greatest Distress and of the King which now is likewise when the Wheel of Fortune ran against them even to the Exstirpation of the Royal Line had not He by whom Kings reign wonderfully restored them to the Throne of their Ancestors It was that shameful Treaty which the French ratified with those Usurpers then that sacrificed CHARLES the First to the Ambition of the Tyrant Oliver Cromwel who had
Glory or hope to get any fruit by so unprofitable a Counsel wherein our Souldiers will never learn the Discipline of War or extract any Utility from such Prizes as being uncapable after this manner to share in the Booty or in the Victories and Treaties of Accommodation according to their several events Whereas by taking part either with Spain or France the Charge would be much less because he whom we aid would largely contribute towards it and the Prizes gotten at Sea might help to discharge the Expence both of the Naval and the Land-Forces And thus would our Souldiers be exercised and our Nation make a noise again abroad and regain the Reputation which we have of late but too ignominiously lost in the World For when our men shall be trained up daily in strict Discipline beyond Seas we shall by this means establish a Seminary of good and able fighting men at the Cost of others which will be the firm Pillars of the Party and render us considerable in the eyes of all our Neighbours Besides this Course may be a vent so to discharge the Realm of ill humours a great company of Idle persons which now being without Employment are a burthen to the Publick and who one day are capable too of disturbing the domestick Tranquillity of the State whereas on the contrary what Success soever this War shall have we shall alwayes find our Accompt in the end of an Accommodation whereof being thus prepared we cannot fail of having the principal Benefit and part All these Considerations then seem unto me to be so convincing that they do oblige me absolutely to condemn the Opinion of Neutrality as inconsistent with our Glory Safety and Fundamental Reasons of State by concluding positively that we ought to lend an ear to those Propositions which shall be made unto us from all Parties and embrace those which shall be found to be most agreeable and convenient to the Interest of the Kingdom And in the interim to be the more considered by both these great Parties and better assured against all manner of Attempts my Advice is That without any longer loss of time a strong Fleet should be presently got ready and that as many dayes as we have to spare before the next Campagne since now every hour is precious that is not well spent as to this purpose may be employed to render us hence forwards necessary unto them whose Cause we shall resolve to embrace and as formidable to those against whom we intend to declare so that on both sides we may be the Commanders of the whole affairs and give it respite or motion by the sole Rule of the Interests of England After that he had spoken thus I did observe by the Countenance of the other two persons that had not yet spoken that this Discourse did not displease them wherefore without any farther reflexion one of them briskly began to speak to this effect Your Reasons said he are so convincing that I do not only render my consent unto them without any Reply but mean to make use of them to serve as the Basis and Foundation of that Edifice which I have a long time meditated upon in order to the fundamental Maxims of State of this Nation Therefore without more ceremony or delay I see that we must act and take one of the two Parties For any other Counsel would be dangerous and destructive by exposing of us to a thousand Inconveniencies which all the humane Prudence imaginable cannot be capable of preventing or avoiding in process of time I remain also agreed with you that in the choice of which Party we are to take we ought not to consider more than just what our own Interest properly is which is the Rule of that Conduct of Monarchis that as the Soul and the Spirit vivifying the whole Figure before us gives it motion in the Body of the State It rests then to form the Consequences upon these Principles and decide which of the two Parties is the most convenient France offers Roses unto us Spain nothing but Thorns The first presents us with a Scheme of Conquests without Dangers the last with a prospect of Dangers without Profit The one invites us to be their Companions of assured Victories of which they have already beaten the way the other doth solicite us and implore our Aid only to help them out of the mire without any other Benefit than as the old Proverb sayes There 's your labour for your pains at the price of our Blood and Lives If we shall engage in the Assistence of Spain in succouring them we run a Risco of being lost our selves without yet being able to re-establish them But by joyning with France we shall partake of the Spoils with them which we can never by force be able to take out of their hands since the Progress of France is now arrived at such a point of Effect that all our Powers combined together are not sufficient to stop it and then both our Resistences and Succours will serve but to ruine the Spaniards the sooner and bring the Vengeance of the French upon our own heads And if Spain comes to sink under the weight of the War all the Burthen of that Fall centers upon England alone In fine 't is agitated therefore singly as to this particular Whether we will needs chuse to embark in a Vessel so driven with storms or in a Ship which sails at ease with full Sails seconded with the favourable Gales of Fortune But in case all these material Objections cannot divert us from engaging in the ill Fortune of the Spaniards let us see on what Terms at least we can assist them usefully If we shall send Troups into the Low Countreys to their Aid 't is in effect to overwhelm them by the very weight and charge of those Succours and sacrifice so many of our own Subjects to Famine and misery as we do thus send Souldiers unto them because they have neither Countrey enough left to Lodge them in when they come thither nor the Means to Entertain them after once they are there If we succour them meerly by Sea that kind of help will not hinder France from taking of their Towns in the mean time one by one and so though we should a little incommodate France we shall not ease Flanders at all and such an Assistence will in conclusion prove none because 't is an Application of the Plaister too remotely and on the wrong side of the Wound If then the Loss of the Low Countreys be inevitable let us do what we can were it not much better that we should have our share in the Parcels of so great a Shipwrack than to suffer France to ingross them all to themselves since upposing that we do divide Booties with the French on this occasion the Places which by this means must necessarily fall into our hands will be so many new Bulwarks to England which may shelter us for the future against their