arbitror exitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemoniis formidolosos 〈◊〉 illts imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam 〈◊〉 utrinque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this War though least voiced I conceive to have been this That the Athenians being grown great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose upon them a Necessity of a War But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preventive War with the latter Philip King of 〈◊〉 in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designs to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who took that for an Offensive War understood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non utrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur sedutrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seem to me ye Romans not to understand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall have War or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no Choosers who prepareth a mighty War both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the War into Macedon or receive it into Italy Antiochus when he incited 〈◊〉 King of 〈◊〉 at that time in Leagne with the 〈◊〉 to joyn with him in War against them setteth before him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fear of the over-spreading Greatness of the Romans 〈◊〉 it to a Fire that continually took and spread from Kingdom to Kingdom Venire Romanos ad 〈◊〉 Regna tollenda ut nullam usquam orbis terrarum nist Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium pervasurum That the Romans came to pull down all Kingdoms and to make the State of Rome an universal Monarchy That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as every State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the Fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seek upon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta justi Metus All particular fears do grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the general Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of War against the Turk it hath been often with great judgement maintained That Christian Princes and States have always a sufficient Ground of Invasive War against the Enemy Not for Cause of Religion but upon a Just Fear For as much as it is a Fundamental Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other provocation make War upon Christendom for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth upon the Christians a perpetual Fear of a War hanging over their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they think good be upon the Prevention Demosthenes exposeth to scorn Wars which are not Preventive comparing those that make them to Countrey Fellows in a Fencing-School that never ward till the Blow be past Ut Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent it a vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si cum alibi verberes illo manus transfort Idum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellows use to do when they play at Wasters such a kinde of War do you Athenians make with Philip For with them he that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither have the skill nor the will Clinias the Candiaen in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace between Nations But that every Nation expects but his Advantage to War upon another But yet in that Excess of Speech there is thus much that may have a Civil Construction Namely that every State ought to stand upon his Guard and rather prevent than be prevented His words are Quam rem fere vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Revera autem omnibus adversus omnes Civitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is ever between all Estates a secret War I know well this Speech is the Objection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it bears thus much of Truth That if that general Malignity and Pre-disposition to War which he untruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a just Fear of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a War as a just Fear but rather cometh near the opinion of Clinias As if there were ever amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to do hurt For he in the Treaty of peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plain language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yielded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one mark it well this was in all Memory the Main Piece of Wisdom in strong and prudent Counsels To be in perpetual watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by Blocking of Trade nor by any the like means have it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serve And whensoever any such Cause did but appear straightways to buy it out with a War and never take up Peace at Credit and upon Interest It is so memorable and it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumvirate of Kings Henry the Eighth of England Francis the First of France and Charles the Fifth Emperour and King of Spain were in their times so provident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to do their best to set the Ballance of Europe upright again And the like diligence was used in the Age before by that League wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story and maketh it as it were the Kalendar of the good dayes of Italy which was contracted between Ferdinando King of Naples Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence and Lodovico Zforza Duke of Milan designed chiefly against
being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprize The Cingeing of the King of Spains Beard The Enterprize of Eighty Eight deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spain in the year 1588. the greatest Navy that ever swam upon the Sea For though there have been far greater Fleets for number yet for the Bulk and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Provisions never the like The Design was to make not an Invasion onely but an utter Conquest of this Kingdom The number of Vessels were one hundred and thirty whereof Galliasses and Gallions seventy two goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with Thirty thousand Souldiers and Mariners This Navy was the Preparation of five whole years at the least It bare it self also upon Divine Assistance For it received special Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolical Mission for the Reducement of this Kingdom to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelve called by the name of the Twelve Apostles But it was truely conceived that this Kingdom of England could never be over-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readiness in Flanders a mighty strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of Fifty thousand veterane Souldiers under the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henry the Fourth of his time These were designed to joyn with the Forces at Sea There being prepared a number of Flat-bottom'd Boats to transport the Land Forces under the Wing and Protection of the Great Navy For they made no account but that the Navy should be absolute Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part to the number of near one hundred Ships Not so great of Bulk indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more serviceable Besides a less Fleet of 30 Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readiness at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of Ten thousand dispersed amongst the Coast Towns in the Southern Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of Twenty five thousand Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of Twenty five thousand for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queens Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers throughout all Parts of the Realm that were put in readiness but not drawn together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martial Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valor The Fortune of the War made this Enterprize at first a Play at Base The Spanish Navy set forth out of the Groyne in May was disperst and driven back by Weather Our Navy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare up towards the Coast of Spain to have fought with the Spanish Navy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly upon advertisement that the Spaniards were gone back and upon some doubt also that they might pass towards the Coast of England whilest we were seeking them afar off returned likewise into Plimouth about the middle of July At that time came more confident Advertisement though false not onely to the Lord Admiral but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that year Whereupon our Navy was upon the point of Disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Invincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish Ostentation throughout Europe was discovered upon the Western Coast. It was a kinde of Surprize For that as was said many of our men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Nevertheless the Admiral with such Ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness made forth towards them In so much as of one hundred Ships there came scarce thirty to work Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set upon them and gave them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselves continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of five or six days followed them close fought with them continually made great slaughter of their Men took two of their great Ships and gave divers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soon after they sank and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selves in the mean time receiving little or no hurt Near Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-Forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Coming But this was but an Invention and Pretension given out by the Spaniards Partly upon a Spanish Envy against that Duke being an Italian and his Son a Competitor to Portugal But chiefly to save the Monstrous Scorn and Disreputation which they and their Nation received by the Success of that Enterprize Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their General by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight until the Land-Forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his own underhand to cross the Design But it was both a strange Commission and a strange Obedience to a Commission for Men in the midst of their own blood and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Laws of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprize by no less Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England under the Seignorie in chief of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spain Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Favour and Trust of the King of Spain by the great Employments and Services that he performed in France And again it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come down and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Navy upon those proofs of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they received and how little hurt they did by reason of the Activity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a General of small Courage and Experience And having lost at the first two of their bravest Commanders at Sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de Oquenda durst not put it to a Battel at Sea but set up their rest wholly upon the Land-Enterprize
Forces thorowout all Ireland from the Plaees and Nests where they had setled themselves in greater strength as in regard of the natural Situation of the Places than that was of Kinsale Which were Castle haven Baltimore and Beere-haven Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could devise against the Irish Land and Nation Insomuch as D'Aquila said in open Treaty That when the Devil upon the Mount did shew Christ all the Kingdoms of the Earth and the Glory of them he did not doubt 〈◊〉 the devil left out Ireland and kept it for himself I cease here omitting not a few other proofs of the English Valor and Fortune in their later times As at the Suburbs of Paris at the Raveline at Druse in Normandy some Encounters in Britanny and at Ostend and divers others Partly because some of them have not been proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness as to have sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited It is true that amongst all the late Adventures the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins into the West-Indies was unfortunate Yet in such sort as it doth not break or interrupt our Prescription To have had the better of the Spaniards upon all Fights of late For the Disaster of that Journey was caused chiefly by sickness As might well appear by the Deaths of both the Generals Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins of the same sickness amongst the rest The Land-Enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature Counsel for it was grounded upon a false account that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them But yet it sorted not to any Fight of importance but to a Retreat after the English had proved the strength of their first Fort and had notice of the two other Forts beyond by which they were to have marched It is true that in the Return of the English Fleet they were set upon by Avellaneda Admiral of 20 great great ships Spanish our Fleet being but 14 full of sick men deprived of their two Generals at Sea and having no pretence but to journey homewards And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes with some small offer of Fight and came off with loss Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt up on dealing with the English as Avellaneda made great brags of it for no greater matter than the waiting upon the English a far off from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio Which nevertheless in the Language of a Souldier and of a Spaniard he called a Chace But before I proceed further it is good to meet with an Objection which if it be not removed the Conclusion of Experience from the time past to the time present will not be sound and perfect For it will be said that in the former times whereof we have spoken Spain was not so mighty as now it is And England on the other side was more afore-hand in all matters of Power Therefore let us compare with indifferency these Disparities of times and we shall plainly perceive that they make for the advantage of England at this present time And because we will less wander in Generalities we will fix the Comparison to precise Times Comparing the State of Spain and England in the year 88. with this present year that now runneth In handling of this Point I will not meddle with any Personal Comparisons of the Princes Councellors and Commanders by Sea or Land that were then and that are now in both Kingdoms Spain and England but onely rest upon Real Points for the true Ballancing of the State of the Forces and Affairs of both Times And yet these Personal Comparisons I omit not but that I could evidently shew that even in these Personal Respects the Ballance sways on our part But because I would say nothing that may favour of a spirit of Flattery or Censure of the present Government First therefore it is certain that Spain hath not now a foot of Ground in quiet possession more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline and the Palatinate it is a Maxim in State that all Countreys of new Acquest till they be setled are rather matters of Burthen than Strength On the other side England hath Scotland united Ireland reduc'd to obedience and planted which are mighty augmentations Secondly in 88. the Kingdom of France able alone to counterpoize Spain it self much more in conjunction was torn with the Party of the League which gave Law to their King and depended wholly upon Spain Now France is united under a valiant young King generally obeyed if he will himself King of Navarre as well as of France And that is no ways taken Prisoner though he be tyed in a double chain of Alliance with Spain Thirdly in 88. there sate in the See of Rome a fierce thundering Fryer that would set all at six and seven Or at six and five if you allude to his Name And though he would after have turned his teeth upon Spain yet he was taken order with before it came to that Now there is ascended to the Papacy a Personage that came in by a chaste Election no ways obliged to the Party of the Spaniards A man bred in Embassages and Affairs of State That hath much of the Prince and nothing of the Fryer And one that though he love the Chair of the Papacy well yet he loveth the Carpet above the Chair That is Italy and the Liberties thereof well likewise Fourthly in 88. the King of Denmark was a stranger to England and rather inclined to Spain Now the King is incorporated to the Blood of England Engaged in the Quarrel of the Palatinate Then also Venice Savoy and the Princes and Cities of Germany had but a dull Fear of the Greatness of Spain upon a general Apprehension onely of the spreading and ambitious Designs of that Nation Now that fear is sharpned and pointed by the Spaniards late Enterprises upon the Valtoline and the Palatinate which come nearer them Fiftly and lastly the Dutch which is the Spaniards perpetual Duellist hath now at this present five Ships to one and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible whatsoever is given out that the Coffers of Spain should now be fuller than they were in 88. For at that time Spain had no other Wars save those of the Low Countreys which were grown into an Ordinary Now they have had coupled therewith the Extraordinary of the Valtoline and the Palatinate And so I conclude my Answer to the Objection raised touching the Difference of times Not entring into more secret passages of State But keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca speaketh Plus significat
the growing Power of the Venetians But yet so as the Confederates had a perpetual eye one upon another that none of them should overtop To conclude therefore howsoever some School-men otherwise Reverend Men yet fitter to guide Pen knives than Swords seem precisely to stand upon it That every Offensive War must be Ultio A Revenge that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Injury yet neither do they descend to this Point which we now handle of a Just Fear Neither are they of Authority to judge this Question against all the Presidents of time For certainly as long as Men are Men the Sons as the Poets allude of Prometheus and not of Epimetheus and as long as Reason is Reason A Just Fear will be a Just Cause of a Preventive War But especially if it be Part of the Case that there be a Nation that is manifestly detected to aspire to Monarchy and new Acquests Then other States assuredly cannot be justly accused for not staying for the first Blow Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesie to be the last that shall be eaten up Nay I observe further that in that passage of Plato which I cited before and even in the Tenet of that Person that beareth the Resolving Part and not the Objecting Part a Just Fear is justified for a Cause of an Invasive War though the same Fear proceed not from the fault of the Foreign State to be assailed For it is there insinuated That if a State out of the distemper of their own Body do fear Sedition and Intestine Troubles to break out amongst themselves they may discharge their own ill Humours upon a Foreign War for a Cure And this kinde of Cure was tendred by Jasper Coligni Admiral of France to Charles the Nineth the French King when by a vive and forcible Perswasion he moved him to a War upon Flanders for the better Extinguishment of the Civil Wars of France But neither was that Counsel prosperous Neither will I maintain that Position For I will never set Politiqu's against Ethicks Especially for that true Ethicks are but as a Hand-maid to Divinity and Religion Surely Saint Thomas who had the largest heart of the School Divines bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraved Passions which reign in making Wars speaking out of St. Augustine Nocendi Cupiditas ulciscendi Credulitas implacaius implacabilis Animus Feritas Rebellandi Libido Dominandi si quae sunt similia haec sunt qu ae in bellis jure culpaniur And the same St I hom as in his own Text defining of the just Causes of a War doth leave it upon very general Terms Requirilur ad Billum Cause justa ut scilicet illi qui impugnaniur propter al qu im culpam Impugnationem mereantur For Impugnatio Culpae is a far more general word than Vltio Injurae And thus much for the first Proposition of the Second Ground of a War with Spain Namely that A just Fear is a just Cause of a War And that A Preventive War is a true Defensive The Second or Minor Proposition was this That this Kingdom hath Cause of Just Fear of Overthrow from Spain Wherein it is true that Fears are ever seen in dimmer lights than Facts And on the otherside Fears use many times to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion as they rather dazle Mens eyes than open them And therefore I will speak in that manner which the Subject requires That is probably and moderately and briefly Neither will I deduce these Fears to present Occurrences but point onely at general Grounds leaving the rest to more secret Counsels Is it nothing that the Crown of Spain hath enlarged the Bounds thereof within this last sixscore years much more than the Ottomans I speak not of Matches or Unions but of Arms Occupations Invasions Granada Naples Milan Portugal the East and West Indies All these are actual Additions to that Crown They had a minde to French Britain the lower Part of Piccardi and Piemont but they have let fall their Bit. They have to this day such a hovering possession of the Valtoline as an Hobby hath over a Lark And the Palatinate is in their Tallons So that nothing is more manifest than that this Nation of Spain runs a race still of Empire when all other States of Christendom stand in effect at a stay Look then a little further into the Titles whereby they have acquired and do now hold these new Portions of their Crown and you will finde them of so many varieties and such natures to speak with due respect as may appear to be easily minted and such as can hardly at any time be wanting And therefore so many new Conquests and Purchases so many Strokes of the Larum-Bell of Fear and Awaking to other Nations and the Facility of the Titles which hand over head have served their turn doth ring the Peal so much the sharper and the louder Shall we descend from their general Disposition to enlarge their Dominions to their particular Disposition and Eye of Appetite which they have had towards us They have now twice sought to impatronize themselves of this Kingdom of England once by Marriage with Queen Mary And the second by Conquest in 88. when their Forces by Sea and Land were not inferiour to those they have now And at that time in 88. the Counsel and Design of Spain was by many Advertisements revealed and laid open to be That they found the War upon the Low 〈◊〉 so churlish and longsome as they grew then to a Resolution that as long as England stood in state to succour those Countreys they should but consume themselves in an endless War And therefore there was no other way but to assail and depress England which was as a Back of Steel to the Flemmings And who can warrant I pray that the same Counsel and Design will not return again So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger For if we suffer the Flemmings to be ruined they are our Cut-work and we shall remain Naked and Dismantled If we succour them strongly as is fit and set them upon their feet and do not withal weaken Spain we hazard to change the Scene of the War and to turn it upon Ireland or England Like unto Rheums and Destuxions which if you apply a strong Repercussive to the Place affected and do not take away the Cause of the Disease will shift and fall straightways to another Joynt or Place They have also twice invaded Ireland Once under the Popes Banner when they were defeated by the Lord Grey And after in their own name when they were defeated by the Lord Mountjoy So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards us But it will be said This is an Almanack for the old Year Since 88. all hath been well Spain hath not assailed this Kingdom howsoever by two several Invasions from us migh tily provoked It is true but then consider that immediately after 88. they were embroyled for
a great time in the Protection of the League of France whereby they had their hands full After being brought extream low by their vast and continual Embracements they were enforced to be quiet that they might take breath and do Reparations upon their former Wastes But now of late Things seem to come a pace to their former Estate Nay with far greater Disadvantage to us For now that they have almost continued and as it were arched their Dominions from Milan by the Valtoline and Palatinate to the Low Countreys We see how they thirst and pant after the utter Ruine of those States Having in contempt almost the German Nation and doubting little opposition except it come from England Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined to our own manifest prejudice Or put it upon the hazard I spake of before that Spain will cast at the fairest Neither is the point of Internal Danger which groweth upon us to be forgotten This That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted both in Dependance towards Spain and amongst themselves than they have been Wherein again comes to be remembred the Case of 88. For then also it appeared by divers secret Letters that the Design of Spain was for some years before the Invasion attempted to prepare a Party in this Kingdom to adhere to the Foreigner at his coming And they bragged that they doubted not but to abuse and lay asleep the Queen and Council of England as to have any fear of the Party of Papists here For that they knew they said the State would but cast the eye and look about to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party under whom it might unite it self And finding none worth the thinking on the State would rest secure and take no apprehension Whereas they meant they said to take a course to deal with the People and particulars by Reconcilements and Confessions and Secret Promises and cared not for any Head of Party And this was the true reason why after that the Seminaries began to blossom and to make Missions into England which was about the three and twentieth year of Queen Elizabeth at what time also was the first suspition of the Spanish Invasion then and not before grew the sharp and severe Laws to be made against the Papists And therefore the Papists may do well to change their thanks And whereas they thank Spain for their Favours to thank them for their Perils and Miseries if they should fall upon them For that nothing ever made their Case so ill as the Doubt of the Greatness of Spain which adding Reason of State to Matter of Conscience and Religion did whet the Laws against them And this Case also seemeth in some sort to return again at this time except the Clemency of his Majesty and the State do superabound As for my part I do wish it should And that the Proceedings towards them may rather tend to Security and Providence and Point of State than to Persecution for Religion But to conclude These Things briefly touched may serve as in a Subject Conjectural and Future for to represent how just Cause of Fear this Kingdom may have towards Spain Omitting as I said before all present and more secret Occurrences The third Ground of a War with Spain I have set down to be A Just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion Which needeth little Speech For if this War be a Defensive as I have proved it to be no Man will doubt That a Defensive War against a Foreigner for Religion is lawful Of an Offensive War there is more Dispute And yet in that instance of the War for the Holy Land and Sepulchre I do wonder sometimes that the School-Men want words to defend that which St. Bernard wanted words to commend But I that in this little Extract of a Treatise do omit things necessary am not to handle things unnecessary No man I say will doubt but if the Pope or King of Spain would demand of us to forsake our Religion upon pain of a War it were as unjust a Demand as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eyes And we see all the Heathen did stile their Defensive Wars Pro Aris Focis Placing their Altars before their Hearths So that it is in vain of this to speak further Onely this is true That the Fear of the Subversion of our Religion from Spain is the more just for that all other Catholick Princes and States content and contain themselves to maintain their Religion within their own Dominions and meddle not with the Subjects of other States Whereas the Practice of Spain hath been both in Charles the Fifth's time and in the time of the League in France by War And now with us by Conditions of Treaty to intermeddle with Foreign States and to declare themselves Protectors General of the Party of Catholicks through the World As if the Crown of Spain had a little of this That they would plant the Popes Laws by Arms as the Ottomans do the Law of Mahomet Thus much concerning the first main Point of Justifying the Quarrel if the King shall enter into a War For this that I have said and all that followeth to be said is but to shew what he may do The Second main Part of that I have propounded to speak of is the Ballance of Forces between Spain and us And this also tendeth to no more but what the King may do For what he may do s of two kindes What he may do as Just And what he may do as Possible Of the one I have already spoken Of the other I am now to speak I said Spain was no such Giant And yet if he were a Giant it will be but as it was between David and Goliah for God is on our side But to leave all Arguments that are Supernatural and to speak in an Humane and Politick Sense I am led to think that Spain is no Over-match for England by that which leadeth all Men That is Experience and Reason And with Experience I will begin For there all Reason beginneth Is it Fortune shall we think that in all Actions of War or Arms great and small which have happened these many years ever since Spain and England have had any thing to debate one with the other the English upon all Encounters have perpetually come off with honour and the better It is not fortune sure She is not so constant There is somewhat in the Nation and Natural Courage of the People or some such thing I will make a brief List of the Particulars themselves in an Historical Truth no ways strowted nor made greater by Language This were a fit Speech you will say for a General in the Head of an Army when they wére going to Battel Yes And it is no less fit Speech to be spoken in the Head of a Council upon
quam loquitur Here I would pass over from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discover a wonderful Erroneous observation that walketh about and is commonly received contrary to all the Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldom or never be got out again But nothing is less true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Britain and after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles fairly left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now have put it in deposite What they will do with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speak truly of later Times they have rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprizes than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more antient times leaving their Purchases in Africk which they after abandoned when their great Emperor Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to go from Isburg and as if it had been in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten which I doubt not will be the Hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I have to think that Spain will be no Over-match to Great Britain if his Majesty shal enter into a War out of Experience Records of time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principal and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I pass it over though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the United Provinces lie all in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Rivers which are Natural Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spain they are so scattered as it yieldeth great choice of the Scenes of the War and promiseth slow Succours unto such Part as shall be attempted There be three main parts of Military Puissance Men Money and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speak not Take it from the Witnesses that have been produced before Yet the old observation is not untrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valor lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valor of Glory and a Valor of Natural Courage are two things But let that pass and let us speak of Number Spain is a Nation thin sown of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soil And partly because their Natives are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possess So that it hath bin accounted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelve thousand Native Spaniards in an Army And it is certain as we have touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spain consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battel it would be a long work to draw on Supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassador that was brought to see the Treasury of St. Mark at Venice and still he lookt down to the ground And being asked why he so lookt down said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow again as his Masters had But howsoever it be of their Treasure certainly the Forces have scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorly slowly It is true they have the Wallons who are tall Souldiers but that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world again such a Spring and Seminary of brave Militar People as in England Scotland Ireland and the United Provinces So as if Wars should mowe them down never so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come up again For Money no doubt it is the principal Part of the Greatness of Spain For by that they maintain a Veterane Army And Spain is the onely State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the tick lish and brittle State of the Greatness of Spain Their Greatness consisteth in their Treasure their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it be well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatness turneth is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoever whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britain and the United Provinces be not able to beat the Spainard at Sea For if that be so the Links of that Chain whereby they hold their Greatness are dissolved Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spain be such as we have made it yet we ought to descend into our own Case which we shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a War with Spain To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Objection For whereas Wars are generally Causes of Poverty or Consumption on the contrary part the special Nature of this War with Spain if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucrative and Restorative War So that if we go roundly on at the first the War in continuance will find it self And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules Labors by Land and Jasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take upon me the knowledge how the Princes States and Councels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spain For that trencheth into the secret Occurents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I have forborn to meddle But to speak of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrel and Jealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spain almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchy Navarre Naples and Millain And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in 30 or 40 years cometh a Pope that casteth his eye upon the Kingdom of Naples to recover it to the Church As it was in the minds of Julius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germany I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France and Great Britain or Denmark for the
liberty of the Germane Nation and for the Expulsion of Spanish and foreign Forces than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry II. the French King upon the same Articles against Charles V. who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany through the discord of the German Princes which himself had so wen and fomented Which League at that time did the Deed and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany and re-integrated that Nation in their antient Liberty and Honor For the West Indies though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there except it have been from England yet nevertheless I see all Princes lay a kind of claim unto them accounting the Title of Spain but as a Monopoly of those large Countreys wherein they have in great part but an Imaginary Possession For Africk upon the West the Moors of Valentia expulsed and their Allies do yet hang as a Cloud or Storm over Spain Gabor on the East is like an Anniversary Wind that riseth every year upon the Party of Austria And Persia hath entred into Hostolity with Spain and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus It is within every mans observation also that Venice doth think their State almost on fire if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline That Savoy hath learnt by fresh experience That Alliance with Spain is no Security against the Ambition of Spain And that of Bavaria hath likewise bin taught that Merit and Service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day Neither do I say for all this but that Spain may rectifie much of this ill blood by their particular and cunning Negotiations But yet there it is in the Body and may break out no man knows when into ill Accidents but at least it sheweth plainly that which serveth for our purpose That Spain is much destitute of Assur'd and Confident Confederates And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Speech of a Councellor of State in Spain at this day which was not without Salt He said to his Master the King of Spain that now is upon occasion Sir I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort Tour Majesty hath but two Enemies whereof the one is All the World And the other is Tour own Ministers And thus I end the Second Main Part I propounded to speak of which was The Ballancing of the Forces between the Kings Majesty and the King of Spain if a War must follow FINIS AN ADVERTISEMENT Touching an HOLY WAR Written in the Year 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of WINCHESTER last deceased LONDON Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson and Sold by William Lee 1670. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND Father in GOD Lancelot Andrews Lord Bishop of WINCHESTER And Counsellour of Estate to his MAJESTY My Lord AMongst Consolations it is not the least to represent to a Mans self like Examples of Calamity in others For Examples give a quicker Impression than Arguments And besides they certifie us that which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction That no new thing is happened unto us This they do the better by how much the Examples are liker in circumstances to our own Case And more especially if they fell upon Persons that are greater and worthier than our selves For as it savoureth of Vanity to match our selves highly in our own conceit So on the otherside it is a good sound Conclusion that if our Betters have sustained the like Events we have the less cause to be grieved In this kind of Consolation I have not been wanting to my Self Though as a Christian I have tasted through Gods great goodness of higher Remedies Having therefore through the Variety of my Reading set before me many Examples both of Ancient and Later Times my Thoughts I confess have chiefly stayed upon three Particulars as the most Eminent and the most Resembling All three Persons that had held chief place of Authority in their Countries All three ruined not by War or by any other Disaster but by Justice and Sentence as Delinquents and Criminals All three famous Writers insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity is now as to Posterity but as a little Picture of Night-work remaining amongst the fair and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works And all three if that were anything to the matter fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising again For that they were every one of them restored with great glory but to their further Ruine and Destruction ending in a violent Death The Men were Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca Persons that I durst not claim Affinity with except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it When I had cast mine Eyes upon these Examples I was carried on further to observe how they did bear their Fortunes and principally how they did employ their Times being banished and disabled for Publick Business To the end that I might learn by them And that they might be as well my Counsellours as my Comforters Whereupon I happened to note how diversly their Fortunes wrought upon them especially in that point at which I did most aim which was the employing of their Times and Pens In Cicero I saw that during his Banishment which was almost two years he was so softned and dejected as he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles And yet in mine opinion he had least reason of the Three to be discouraged For that although it was judged and judged by the highest kind of Judgment in form of a Statute or Law that he should be banished And his whole Estate confiscated and seized And his houses pulled down And that it should be highly penal for any Man to propound his Repeal Yet his Case even then had no great Blot of Ignominy but it was thought but a Tempest of Popularity which overthrew him Demosthenes contrariwise though his Case was foul being condemned for Bribery And not simple Bribery but Bribery in the Nature of Treason and Disloyalty yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune as during his Banishment he did much busie himself and intermeddle with matters of State And took upon him to Counsel the State as if he had been still at the Helm by letters As appears by some Epistles of his which are extant Seneca indeed who was condemned for many Corruptions and Crimes and banished into a solitary Island kept a Mean And though his Pen did not freese yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Business But spent his time in writing Books of excellent Argument and Use for all Ages Though he might have made better Choice sometimes of his Dedications These Examples confirmed me much in a Resolution whereunto I was otherwise inclined to spend my Time wholly in Writing And to put forth that poor Talent or half Talent or what it is that God hath given me not as heretofore to particular Exchanges but to Banks or
after full Age the Sons should Expulse their Fathers and Mothers out of their Possessions and put them to their Pensions For these Cases of Women to govern Men Sons the Fathers Slaves Free-Men are much in the same degree All being total Violations and Perversions of the Laws of Nature and Nations For the West-Indies I perceive Martins you have read Garcilazzo de Viega who himself was descended of the race of the Incaes a Mestizo and is willing to make the best of the Vertues and Manners of his Country And yet in troth he doth it soberly and credibly enough Yet you shall hardly edifie me that those Nations might not by the Law of Nature have been subdued by any Nation that had only Policy and Moral Vertue Though the Propagation of the Faith whereof we shall speak in the proper place were set by and not made part of the Case Surely their Nakedness being with them in most parts of that Country without all Vail or Covering was a great Defacement For in the acknowledgment of 〈◊〉 was the first Sense of Sin And the Heresie of the Adamites was ever accounted an affront of Nature But upon these I stand not Nor yet upon their Idiocy in thinking that Horses did eat their Bitts and Letters speak and the like Nor yet upon their Sorceries which are almost common to all Idolatrous Nations But I say their Sacrificing and more especially their Eating of Men is such an Abomination as methinks a Mans Face should be a little confused to deny that this Custom joyned with the rest did not make it lawful for the Spaniards to invade their Territory forfeited by the Law of Nature And either to reduce them or displant them But far 〈◊〉 from me yet nevertheless to justifie the Cruelties which were at first used towards them which had their reward soon after There being not one of the Principal of the first Conquerors Lut died a violen Death himself And was well followed by the Deaths of many more Of Examples enough Except we should add the Labours of Hercules An Example which though it be flourished with much Fabulous Matter yet so much it hath that it doth notably set 〈◊〉 the consent of all Nations and Ages in the approbation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and debellating of Gyants Monsters and Foren 〈◊〉 not only as lawful but as Meritorious even of Divine 〈◊〉 And this although the Deliverer came from the one End of the World unto the other Let us now set down some Arguments to prove the same Regarding rather Weight than Number as in such a Conserence as this is fit The first Argument shall be this It is a great Errour and a narrowness or straightness of Mind if any Man think that Nations have nothing to do one with another except there be either an Union in Soveraignty or a Conjunction in Pacts or Leagues There are other Bands of Society and implicite Confederation That of Colonies or Transmigrants towards their Mother Nation 〈◊〉 unius labii is somewhat For as the Confusion of Tongues was a mark of Separation so the Being of one Language is a mark of Union To have the same Fundamental Laws and Customs in chief is yet more As it was between the Grecians in respect of the Barbarians To be of one Sect or Worship If it be a False Worship I speak not of it for that is but Fratres in Malo But above all these there is the Supream and Indissoluble Consanguinity and Society between Men in general Of which the Heathen Poet whom the Apostle calls to witness saith We are all his Generation But much more we Christians unto whom it is revealed in particularity that all Men came from one Lump of Earth And that two singular Persons were the Parents from whom all the Generations of the World are descended We I say ought to acknowledge that no Nations are wholly Aliens and Strangers the one to the other And not to be less charitable than the person introduced by the Comick Poet Homosum Humani nihil à me alienum puto Now if there be such a Tacite League or Confederation sure it is not idle It is against somewhat or some Body Who should they be Is it against Wild Beasts Or the Elements of Fire and Water No it is against such Routs and Sholes of People as have utterly degenerate from the Laws of Nature As have in their very Body and frame of Estate a Monsirosity And may be truly accounted according to the Examples we have formerly recited Common Enemies and Grievances of Mankind Or Disgraces and Reproaches to Humane Nature Such People all Nations are interessed and ought to be resenting to suppress Considering that the Particular States themselves being the Delinquents can give no redress And this I say is not to be measured so much by the Principles of Jurists as by Lex Charitatis Lex proximi which includes the Samaritan as well as the Levite Lex Filiorum Adae de Massâ unâ Upon which Original Laws this Opinion is grounded Which to deny if a man may speak freely were almost to be a Schismatick in Nature The rest was not perfected AN OFFER To our Late Sovereign KING JAMES OF A DIGEST To be made of the LAWS of ENGLAND LONDON Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson and Sold by William Lee 1670. TO THE KING OF A DIGEST To be made of the LAWS of ENGLAND Most Excellent Soveraign AMongst the Degrees and Acts of Soveraign or rather Heroical Honour the First or Second is the Person and Merit of a Lam-giver Princes that govern well are Fathers of the People But if a Father breed his Son well or allow him well while he liveth but leave him nothing at his Death whereby both he and his Children and his Childrens Children may be the better Surely the care and Piety of a Father is not in him compleat So Kings if they make a Portion of an Age happy by their good Government yet if they do not make Testaments as God Almighty doth whereby a Perpetuity of Good may descend to their Country they are but Mortal and Transitory Benefactors Domitian a few days before he died dream't that a Golden Head did rise upon the nape of his Neck Which was truly performed in the Golden Age that followed his times for five Successions But Kings by giving their Subjects good Laws may if they will in their own time joyn and graft this Golden Head upon their own Necks after their Death Nay they may make Nabuchadonozors Image of Monarchy golden from Head to Foot And if any of the Meaner sort of Politiques that are sighted only to see the worst of things think That Laws are but Cobwebs and that good Princes will do well without them and bad will not stand much upon them The Discourse is neither good nor wise For certain it is that good Laws are some bridle to bad Princes And as a very Wall about Government And if Tyrants sometime make a breach