to call it A necessity imposed vpon the Lacedemonians of a Warre Which are the Words of a meere Defensiue Adding that the other Causes were but specious and Popular Verissimam quidem sed minimè sermone celebratam arbitror extitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemonijs formidolosos necessitatem illis imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam ferebantur vtrinque Causae istae fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this Warre though least voyced I conceiue to haue beene this That the Athenians being growne great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose vpon them a necessity of a Warre But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preuentiue Warre with the latter Philip King of Macedon in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designes to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who tooke that for an Offensius War vnderstood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non vtrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terrâ marique ingens bellum molitur sed vtrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seeme to me ye Romans not to vnderstand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall haue Warre or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no choosers who prepareth a mighty Warre both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the Warre into Macedon or receiue it into Italy Antiochus when he incited Prusias King of Bithynia at that time in league with the Romans to ioyne with him in Warre against them setteth before him a iust Feare of the ouerspreading Greatnesse of the Romans comparing it to a Fire that continually tooke and spread from Kingdome to Kingdome Venire Romanos ad omnia Regna tollenda vt nullum vsquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Vt quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium peruasurū That the Romans came to pull downe all Kingdomes and to make the State of Rome an vniuersall Monarchie That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as euery State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seeke vpon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta iusti Metus All particular feares doe grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the generall Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of Warre against the Turke it hath beene often with great iudgement maintained That Christian Princes and States haue alwayes a sufficient Ground of Inuasiue Warre against the Enemie Not for Cause of Religion but vpon a iust Feare Forasmuch as it is a Fundamentall Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other prouocation make warre vpon Christendome for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth vpon the Christians a perpetuall Feare of a Warre hanging ouer their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they thinke good be vpon the Preuention Demosthenes exposeth to scorne Wars which are not Preuentiue comparing those that make them to country Fellowes in a Fence Schoole that neuer ward till the blow be past Vt Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent ita vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si eum alibi verberes illò manus transfert Ictum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellowes vse to doe when they play at Wasters such a kinde of warre doe you Athenians make with Philip For with them hee that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither haue the skill northe will Clinias the Candian in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace betweene Nations But that euery Nation expects but his aduantage to Warre vpon another But yet in that Excesse of Speech there is thus much that may haue a ciuill Construction Namely that euery State ought to stand vpon his guard and rather preuent than be preuented His words are Quam rem ferè vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Reuera autem omnibus aduersus omnes Ciuitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is euer betweene all Estates a secret Warre I know well this Speech is the Obiection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it beares thus much of Truth That if that generall Malignity and Predisposition to Warre which hee vntruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a iust Feare of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a Warre as a iust Feare But rather commeth neare the Opinion of Clinias As if there were euer amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to doe hurt For he in the Treaty of Peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plaine language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yeelded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one marke it well this was in all Memory the maine peece of Wisdome in strong and prudent Counsels To bee in perpetuall watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by blocking of Trade nor by any the like meanes haue it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serue And whensoeuer any such Cause did but appeare straight-wayes to buy it out with a Warre and neuer to take vp Peace at credit and vpon Interest It is so memorable as it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumuirate of Kings Henry the eight of England Francis the first of France and Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spaine were in their times so prouident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to doe their best to set the Ballance of Europe vpright againe And the like diligence was vsed in the Age before by
of their great Shipping besides 50. or 60. of their smaller Vessels And that in the sight and vnder the Fauour of their Forts And almost vnder the Eye of their great Admirall the best Commander of Spaine by Sea the Marquis de Santa Cruz without euer being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprise The Câ—ngeing of the King of Spaines Beard The Enterprise of 88. deserueth to bee stood vpon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spaine in the yeare 1588. the greatest Nauy that euer swam vpon the Sea For though there haue beene farre greater Fleets for Number yet for the Bulke and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Prouisions neuer the like The Designe was to make not an Inuasion only but an vtter Conquest of this Kingdome The Number of Vessels were 130. whereof Galliasses and Gallions 72 goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with 30000. Souldiers and Mariners This Nauy was the Preparation of fiue whole yeares at the least It bare it selfe also vpon Diuine Assistance For it receiued speciall Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolicall Mission for the reducement of this Kingdome to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelue called by the names of the Twelue Apostles But it was truly conceiued that this Kingdome of England could neuer be ouer-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readinesse in Flanders a mightie strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of 50000. veterane Souldiers vnder the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henrie the fourth of his time These were designed to ioyne with the forces at Sea There being prepared a Number of flat bottomed boats to transport the Land-Forces vnder the Wing and Protection of the Great Nauy For they made no account but that the Nauy should be absolutely Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part â—o the number of neare 100. Ships Not so great of Bulke indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more seruiceable Besides a lesse Fleet of 30. Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readinesse at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of 10000 dispersed amongst the Coast Townes in the Southerne Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of 25000. Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of 25000. for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queenes Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers thorowout all Parts of the Realme that were put in readinesse but not drawne together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martiall Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valour The Fortune of the Warre made this enterprise at first a Play at Base The Spanish Nauy set forth out of the Groyne in May and was dispersed and driuen backe by Weather Our Nauy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare vp towards the Coast of Spaine to haue fought with the Spanish Nauy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly vpon aduertisement that the Spaniards were gone backe and vpon some doubt also that they might passe by towards the Coast of England whilest wee were seeking them a farre off returned likewise into Plimouth about the Middle of Iuly At that time came more confident Aduertisement though false not only to the Lord Admirall but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that yeare Whereupon our Nauy was vpon the point of disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Inuincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish ostentation thorowout Europe was discouered vpon the Westerne Coast It was a kinde of Surprise For that as was said many of our Men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Neuerthelesse the Admirall with such Ships only as could suddenly bee put in readinesse made forth towards them In somuch as of 100. Ships there came scarce thirty to worke Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set vpon them and gaue them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselues continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of fiue or six dayes followed them close fought with them continually made great Slaughter of their Men tooke two of their great Ships and gaue diuers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soone after they sanke and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selues in the meane time receiuing little or no hurt Neere Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Comming But this was but an Inuention and Pretension giuen out by the Spaniards Partly vpon a Spanish Enuie against that Duke being an Italian and his Sonne a Competitor to Portugall But chiefly to saue the Monstrous Scorne and Disreputation which they and their Nation receiued by the Successe of that Enterprise Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their Generall by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight vntill the Land-forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his owne vnderhand to crosse the Designe But it was both a strange Commission and a strange obedience to a Commission for Men in the middest of their owne Bloud and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Lawes of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprise by no lesse Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England vnder the Seignorie in chiefe of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spaine Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Fauour and Trust of the King of Spaine by the great Employments and Seruices that he performed in France And againe it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come downe and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Nauy vpon those proofes of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they receiued and how little hurt they did by reason of the Actiuity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a Generall of small Courage and Experience And hauing lost
followed immediately after the Defeat a present yeelding vp of the Towne by Composition And not only so but an Auoiding by expresse Articles of Treaty accorded of all other Spanish Forces thorowout all Ireland from the Places and Nests where they had setlâ—d themselues in greater strength as in regard of the naturall Situation of the Places than that was of Kinsale Which were Castle-hauen Baltimore and Beere-hauen Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could deuise against the Irish Land and Nation Insomuch as D' Aquila said in open Treaty That when the Deuill vpon the Mount did shew Christ all the Kingdomes of the Earth and the Glory of them hee did not doubt but the Deuill left out Ireland and kept it for himselfe I cease here omitting not a few other Proofes of the English Valour and Fortune in these later times As at the Suburbs of Paris at the Raueline at Druse in Normandy some Encounters in Britanny and at Ostend and diuers others Partly because some of them haue not beene proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English And partly because Others of them haue not beene of that greatnesse as to haue sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited It is true that amongst all the late Aduentures the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins into the West-Indies was vnfortunate Yet in such sort as it doth not breake or interrupt our Prescription To haue had the better of the Spaniards vpon all fights of late For the Disaster of that Iourney was caused chiefly by sicknesse As might well appeare by the Deaths of both the Generals Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins of the same sicknesse amongst the rest The Land Enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature Counsell For it was grounded vpon a false account that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them But yet it sorted not to any Fight of importance but to a Retreit after the English had proued the strength of their first Fort and had notice of the two other Forts beyond by which they were to haue marched It is true that in the Returne of the English Fleet they were set vpon by Auellaneda Admirall of 20. great ships Spanish our Fleet being but 14 full of sicke men depriued of their two Generalls by Sea and hauing no pretence but to iourny homewards And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes with some small offer of Fight and came off with losse Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receiue so little hurt vpon dealing with the English as Auellaneda made great bragges of it for no greater matter than the waiting vpon the English afarre off from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio Which neuerthelesse in the Language of a Souldier and of a Spaniard hee called a Chace But before I proceed further it is good to meet with an Obiection which if it bee not remoued the Conclusion of Experience from the time past to the time present will not bee sound and perfect For it will be said that in the former times whereof wee haue spoken Spaine was not so mighty as now it is And England on the other side was more aforehand in all matters of Power Therefore let vs compare with indifferency these Disparities of times and we shall plainly perceiue that they make for the aduantage of England at this present time And because we will lesse wander in Generalities we wil six the Comparison to precise Times Comparing the State of Spaine and England in the yeare 88. with this present yeare that now runneth In handling this Point I will not meddle with any Personall Comparisons of the Princes Counsellors and Commanders by Sea or Land that were then and that are now in both Kingdomes Spaine and England But only rest vpon Reall Points for the true Ballancing of the State of the Forces and Affaires of both Times And yet these Personall Comparisons I omit not but that I could euidently shew that euen in these Personall Respects the Ballance swayes on our part But because I would say nothing that may sauour of a spirit of Flattery or Censure of the presen Gouernment First therefore it is certaine that Spaine hath not now a foot of Ground in quiet possession more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline and the Palatinate it is a Maxime in State that all Countries of new Acquest till they be setled are rather Matters of Burthen than of Strength On the other side England hath Scotland vnited and Ireland reduced to obedience and planted which are mighty Augmentations Secondly in 88 the Kingdome of France able alone to counterpoize Spaine it selfe much more in coniunction was torne with the Party of the League which gaue law to their King and depended wholly vpon Spaine Now France is vnited vnder a valiant young King generally obeyed if he will himselfe King of Nauarre as well as of France And that is no wayes taken Prisoner though he be tied in a double chaine of Alliance with Spaine Thirdly in 88 there sate in the See of Rome a fierce Thundring Frier that would set all at six and seuen Or at six and fiue if you allude to his Name And though hee would after haue turned his teeth vpon Spaine yet he was taken order with before it came to that Now there is ascended to the Papacy a Personage that came in by a chaste Election no wayes obliged to the Party of the Spaniards A man bred in Ambassages Affaires of State That hath much of the Prince and nothing of the Frier And one that though he loue the Chaire of the Papacy well yet hee loueth the Carpet aboue the Chaire That is Italy and the Liberties thereof well likewise Fourthly in 88 the King of Denmarke was a stranger to England and rather inclined to Spaine Now the King is incorporated to the Bloud of England and Engaged in the Quarrell of the Palatinate Then also Venice Sauoy and the Princes and Cities of Germany had but a dull Feare of the Greatnesse of Spaine vpon a generall Apprehension only of the spreading and ambitious Designes of that Nation Now that Feare is sharpened and pointed by the Spaniardâ— late Enterprises vpon the Valtoline and the Palatinate which come nearer them Fifthly and lastly the Dutch which is the Spaniards perpetuall Duellist hath now at this present fiue Ships to one and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible whatsoeuer is giueÌ„ out that the Cofers of Spain should now bee fuller than they were in 88. For at that Time Spaine had no other Warres saue those of the Low-Countries which were growne into an Ordinary Now they haue had coupled therewith the Extraordinary of the Valtoline and the Palatinate And so I conclude my
that League wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story and maketh it as it were the Kalender of the good dayes of Italy which was contracted betweene Ferdinando King of Naples Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence and Lodouico Zforza Duke of Milan designed chiefly against the growing Power of the Venetians But yet so as the Confederates had a perpetuall eye one vpon another that none of them should ouertop To conclude therefore howsoeuer some Schoolemen otherwise Reuerend Men yet fitter to guide Penkniues than Swords seeme precisely to stand vpon it That euery Offensiue Warre must be Vltio A Reuenge that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Iniurie yet neither doe they descend to this Point which we now handle of a iust Feare Neither are they of authority to iudge this Question against all the Presidents of time For certainly as long as Men are Men the Sonnes as the Poets allude of Prometheus and not of Epimetheus and as long as Reason is Reason A iust Feare will be a iust Cause of a Preuentiue War But especially if it be Part of the Case that there be a Nation that is manifestly detected to aspire to Monarchie and new Acquests Then other States assuredly cannot be iustly accused for not staying for the first Blow Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesie to be the last that shall be eaten vp Nay I obsetue further that in that passage of Plato which I cited before and euen in the Tenet of that Person that beareth the Resoluing Part and not the Obiecting part a iust Feare is iustified for a Cause of an Inuasiue Warre though the fame Feare proceed not from the fault of the forraine State to bee assailed For it is there insinuated That if a State out of the distemper of their owne Body doe feare Sedition and intestine Troubles to breake out amongst themselues they may discharge their owne ill Humours vpon a forraine Warre for a Cure And this kind of Cure was tendred by Iasper Coligni Admirall of France to Charles the ninth the French King when by a viue and forcible perswasion he moued him to a warre vpon Flanders for the better Extinguishment of the Ciuill Warres of France But neither was that Counsell prosperous Neither will I maintaine that Position For I will neuer set Politiques against Ethicks Especially for that true Ethicks are but as a Handmaid to Diuinity and Religion Surely Saint Thomas who had the largest heart of the Schoole Diuines bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraued Passions which reigne in making Warres speaking out of S. Augustine Nocendi Cupiditas vlciscendi Crudelitas implacatus implacabilis Animus Feritas Rebellandi Libido Dominandi si quae sunt similia haec sunt quae in Bellis iure culpantur And the same Saint Thomas in his owne Text defining of the iust Causes of a Warre doth leaue it vpon very generall Tearmes Requiritur ad Bellum Causa iusta vt scilicet illi qui impugnantur propter aliquam culpam Impugnationem mereantur For Impugnatio Culpae is a farre more generall word than vltio Iniuriae thus much for the first Proposition of the Second Ground of a War with Spaine Namely that a iust Feare is a iust Cause of a War And that a Preuentiue Warre is a true Defensiue The Second or Minor Proposition was this That this Kingdome hath Cause of iust Feare of Ouerthrow from Spaine Wherein it is true thaâ— Feares are euer seene in dimmer lights than Facts And on the other side Feares vse many times to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion as they rather dazell Mens eyes than open them And therefore I will speake in that manner which the Subiect requires That is probably and moderately and briefly Neither will I deduce thâ—se Feares to present Occurrences but point only at generall Grounds leauing â—he rest to more secret Counsels Is it nothing that the Crowne of Spaine hath enlarged the Bounds thereof within this last sixscore yeares much more than the Ottomans I speake not of Matches or Vnions but of Armes Occupations Inuasions Granada Naples Milan Portugal the East and West Indies All these are actuall Additions to that Crowne They had a mind to French Britaine the lower Part of Piccardi and Piemont but they haue let fall their Bit. They haue at this day such a houering possession of the Valtoline as an Hobby hath ouer a Larke And the Palatinate is in their Tallons So that nothing is more manifest than that this Nation of Spaine runnes a race still of Empire When all other States of Christendome stand in effect at a stay Looke then a little further into the Titles whereby they haue acquired and doe now hold these new Portions of their Crowne and you will finde them of so many varieties and such natures to speake with due respect as may appeare to be easily minted and such as can hardly at any time be wanting And therefore so many new Conquests Purchases so many Strokes of the Larum Bell of Feare and Awaking to other Nations And the Facility of the Titles which hand ouerhead haue serued their turne doth ring the Peale so much the sharper and the lowder Shall wee descend from their generall Disposition to inlarge their Dominions to their particular Disposition and Eye of Appetite which they haue had towards vs They haue now twice sought to impatronise themselues of this Kingdome of England once by Marriage with Queene Mary And the second time by Conquest in 88. when their Forces by Sea and Land were not inferiour to those they haue now And at that time in 88. the Counsell and Designe of Spaine was by many aduertisements reuealed and laid open to bee That they found the Warre vpon the Low-Countries so churlish and longsome as they grew then to a Resolution That as long as England stood in state to succour those Countries they should but consume themselues in an endlesse Warre And therefore there was no other way but to assaile and depresse England which was as a Backe of Steele to the Flemmings And who can warrant I pray that the same Counsell and Designe will not returne againe So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger For if wee suffer the Flemmings to be ruined they are our Out-worke and wee shall remaine Naked and Dismantled If wee succour them strongly as is fit and set them vpon their feet and doe not withall weaken Spaine we hazard to change the Scene of the War and to turne it vpon Ireland or England Like vnto Rheumes and Defluxions which if you apply a strong Repercussiue to the Place affected and doe not take away the Cause of the Disease will shift and fall straightwayes to another Ioynt or Place They haue also twice inuaded Ireland Once vnder the Popes Banner when they were defeated by the Lo. Grey And after in their owne name when they were defeated by the Lo. Mountioy So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards vs. But it
will be said This is an Almanacke for the old yeare Since 88. all hath beene well Spaine hath not assailed this Kingdome howsoeuer by two seuerall Inuasions from vs mightily prouoked It is true but then consider that immediately after 88. they were imbroyled for a great time in the Protection of the Leaguâ— of France whereby they had their hands full After being brought extreme low by their vast and continuall Embracements they were enforced to be quiet that they might take Breath and doe Reparations vpon their former Wastes But now of late Things seeme to come on apace to their former Estate Nay with farre greater Disaduantage to vs. For now that they haue almost continued and as it were arched their Dominions from Milan by the Valtoline and Palatinate to the Low-Countries We see how they thirst and pant after the vtter Ruine of those States Hauing in contempt almost the German Nation and doubting little opposition except it come from England Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined to our owne manifest preiudice Or put it vpon the hazard I spake of before that Spaine will cast at the fairest Neither is the point of Internall Danger which groweth vpon vs to be forgotten This That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted both in Dependance towards Spaine and amongst themselues than they haue beene Wherein againe comes to be remembred the Case of 88 For then also it appeared by diuers secret letters that the Designe of Spaine was for some yeares before the inuasion attempted to prepare a Party in this Kingdome to adhere to the Forrainer at his comming And they bragged that they doubted not but to abuse and lay asleepe the Queene and Counsell of England as to haue any feare of the Party of Papists here For that they knew they said the State would but cast the eye and looke about to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party vnder whom it might vnite it selfe And finding none worth the thinking on the State would rest secure and take no apprehension Whereas they meant they said to take a course to deale with the People and particulars by Reconcilements and Confessions and Secret Promises and cared not for any Head of Party And this was the true reason why after that the Seminaries beganne to blossome and to make Missions into England which was about the three and twentieth yeare of Queene Elizabeth at what time also was the first suspition of the Spanish Inuasion then and not before grew the sharpe and seuere Lawes to be made against the Papists And therefore the Papists may doe well to change their thanks And whereas they thanke Spaine for their Fauours to thanke them for their Perills and Miseries if they should fall vpon them For that nothing euer made their Case so ill as the Doubt of the Greatnesse of Spaine which adding Reason of State to Matter of Conscience and Religion did whet the Lawes against them And this Case also seemeth in some sort to returne againe at this time except the Clemencie of his Maiesty and the State doe superabound As for my part I doe wish it should And that the Proceedings towards them may rather tend to Security and Prouidence and Point of State than to Persecution for Religion But to conclude These Things briefly touched may serue as in a Subiect Coniecturall and Future for to represent how iust Cause of Feare this Kingdome may haue towards Spaine Omitting as I said before all present and more secret Occurrences The third Ground of a Warre with Spaine I haue set downe to be A iust Feare of the Subuersion of our Church and Religion Which needeth little Speech For if this Warre be a Defensiue as I haue proued it to be no Man will doubt That a Defensiue Warre against a Forrainer for Religion â—s lawfull Of an Offensiue Warre there is more Dispute And yet in that instance of the Warre for the Holy Land and Sepulcher I doe wonder sometimes that the Schoole Men want words to defend that which S. Bernard wanted words to commend But I that in this little Extract of a Treatise doe omit things necessary am not to handle things vnnecessary No man I say will doubt but if the Pope or King of Spaine would demand of vs to forsake our Religion vpon paine of a Warre it were as vniust a Demand as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eies And we see all the Heathen did stile their Defensiue Wars Pro Aris Focis Placing their Altars before their Hearths So that it is in vaine of this to speake further Onely this is true That the Feare of the Subuersion of our Religion from Spaine is the more iust for that all other Catholique Princes and States content and containe themselues to maintaine their Religion within their owne Dominions and meddle not with the Subiects of other States Whereas the Practice of Spaine hath beene both in Charles the fifth's time and in the time of the League in France by Warre And now with vs by Conditions of Treaty to intermeddle with Forraine States and to declare themselues Protectors generall of the Party of Catholiques through the World As if the Crowne of Spaine had a little of this That they would plant the Popes Law by Armes as the Ottomans doe the Law of Mahomet Thus much concerning the first maine point of Iustifying the Quarrell if the King shall enter into a War For this that I haue said and all that followeth to be said is but to shew what he may doe The Second maine Part of that I haue propounded to speake of is the Ballance of Forces betweene Spaine and vs. And this also tendeth to no more but what the King may doe For what hee may doe is of two kinds What hee may doe as Iust And what he may doe as Possible Of the one I haue already spoken Of the other I am now to speake I said Spaine was no such Giant And yet if he were a Giant it will be but as it was betweene Dauid and Goliah for God is on our side But to leaue all Arguments that are Supernaturall and to speake in an Humane and Politique Sense I am led to thinke that Spaine is no ouermatch for England by that which leadeth all Men That is Experience and Reason And with Experience I will beginne For there all Reason beginneth Is it Fortune shall we thinke that in all Actions of Warre or Armes great and small which haue happened these many yeares euer since Spaine and England haue had any thing to debate one with the other the English vpon all Encounters haue perpetually come off with honour and the better It is not Fortune sure Shee is not so constant There is somewhat in the Nation and Naturall Courage of the People or some such thing I will make a briefe List of the Particulars themselues in
Answer to the Obiection raised touching the Difference of times Not entring into more secret Passages of State But keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca speaketh Plus significat quà m loquitur Here I would passe ouer from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discouer a wonderfull Erroneous obseruation that walketh about and is commonly receiued contrary to all the true Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldome or neuer be got out againe But nothing is lesse true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Brittaine after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles and faire left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now haue put it in deposite What they will doe with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speake truly of later Times they haue rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprises than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more ancient times leauing their Purchases in Affricke which they after abandoned when their great Emperour Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to goe from Isburg and as if it had beene in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit euery foot in Germany round that he had gotten Which I doubt not will be the hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I haue to think that Spain will be no Ouermatch to Great Britaine if his Maiesty shall enter into a Warre out of Experience and the Records of Time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principall and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I passe it ouer Though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the Vnited Prouinces lie al in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Riuers which are Naturall Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spaine they are so scattered as it yeeldeth great choice of the scenes of the Warre and promiseth slow Succours vnto such Part as shall bee attempted There be three maine parts of Military Puissance Men Mony and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speake not Take it from the Witnesses that haue beene produced before Yet the old obseruation is not vntrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valour lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valour of Glory and a Valour of Naturall Courage are two things But let that passe and let vs speake of Number Spaine is a Nation thin sowne of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soile And partly because their Natiues are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possesse So that it hath beene counted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelue thousand Natiue Spaniards in an Army And it is certaine as we haue touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spaine consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many yeares they haue had on foot vpon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battell it would be a long worke to draw on supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassadour that was brought to see the Treasury of S. Marke at Venice and still he looked downe to the Ground And being asked why he so looked downe said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow againe as his Masters had But howsoeuer it be of their Treasure certainly their Forces haue scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorely and slowly It is true they haue the Wallons who are tall Souldiers But that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world againe such a Spring and Seminary of braue Militar People as is England Scotland Ireland and the Vnited Prouinces So as if Warres should mowe them downe neuer so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come vp againe For Money no doubt it is the principall Part of the Greatnesse of Spaine For by that they maintaine their Veteran Army And Spaine is the only State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatnesse of Spaine Their Greatnesse consisteth in their Treasure Their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it bee well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatnesse turneth is soone cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoeuer whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britaine and the Vnited Prouinces bee not able to beat the Spaniard at Sea For if that bee so the Linkes of that chaine whereby they hold their Greatnesse are dissolued Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spaine bee such as wee haue made it yet wee ought to descend into our owne Case which wee shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a Warre with Spaine To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Obiection For whereas Warres are generally Causes of Pouerty or Consumption on the contrary part the speciall Nature of this Warre with Spaine if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucratiue and Restoratiue Warre So that if we goe roundly on at the first the Warre in continuance will finde it selfe And therefore you must make a great difference betweene Hercules Labours by Land and Iasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take vpon mee the knowledge how the Princes States and Counsels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spaine For that trencheth into the secret Occurrents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I haue forborne to meddle But to speake of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrell and Iealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spaine almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchie Nauarre Naples and Millaine And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in thirty or forty yeares commeth a Pope that casteth his eye vpon the Kingdome of Naples to recouer it to the Church As it was in the mindes
of Iulius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germanie I see they haue greater reason to confederate themselues with the Kings of France and Great Britaine or Denmarke for the libertie of the Germaine Nation and for the Expulsion of Spanish and forraine Forces than they had in the yeares 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry the second the French King vpon the same Articles against Charles the fifth who had impatronized himselfe of a great Part of Germany through discord of the German Princes which himselfe had sowen and fomented Which League at that time did the Deed and draue out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany And re-integrated that Nation in their ancient Liberty and Honour For the West Indies though Spaine hath had yet not much actuall disturbance there except it haue beene from England Yet neuerthelesse I see all Princes lay a kind of claime vnto them Accounting the Title of Spaine but as a Monopolie of those large Countries wherein they haue in great part but an Imaginary Possession For Affrick vpon the West the Moores of Valentia expulsed and their Allies doe yet hang as a Cloud or Storme ouer Spaine Gabor on the East is like an Anniuersary Wind that riseth euery yeare once vpon the Party of Austria And Persia hath entred into Hostility with Spaine and giuen them the first blow by taking of Ormus It is within euery mans Obseruation also that Venice doth thinke their State almost on fire if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline That Sauoy hath learned by fresh experience That Alliance with Spaine is no Security against the Ambition of Spaine And that of Bauaria hath likewise beene taught that Merit and Seruice doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day Neither doe I say for all this but that Spaine may rectifie much of this ill Bloud by their particular and cunning Negotiations But yet there it is in the Body and may breake out no man knoweth when into ill Accidents But at least it sheweth plainly that which serueth for our purpose That Spain is much destitute of Assured and Confident Confederates And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Speech of a Counsellour of State in Spaine at this day which was not without Salt He said to his Master the King of Spaine that now is vpon occasion Sir I will tell your Maiesty thus much for your comfort Your Maiesty hath but two Enemies Whereof the one is all the World And the other is your owne Ministers And thus I end the Second Maine Part I propounded to speake of which was The Ballancing of the Forces betweene the Kings Maiestie and the King of Spaine if a Warre must follow FINIS AN ADVERTISEMENT TOVCHING AN Holy Warre Written in the yeare 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of Winchester last deceased LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in God LANCELLOT ANDREWES Lord Bishop of Winchester and Counsellour of Estate to his MAIESTIE My Lord AMongst Consolations it is not the least to represent to a Mans selfe like Examples of Calamitie in others For Examples giue a quicker Jmpression than Arguments And besides they certifie vs that which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction That no new Thing is happened vnto vs. This they doe the better by how much the Examples are liker in circumstances to our owne Case And more especially if they fall vpon Persons that are greater and worthier than our selues For as it sauoureth of Vanity to match our selues highly in our owne conceit So on the otherside it is a good sound Conclusion that if our Betters haue sustained the like Euents wee haue the lesse cause to be grieued Jn this kinde of Consolation I haue not beene wanting to my Selfe Though as a Christian I haue tasted through Gods great goodnesse of higher Remedies Hauing therefore through the Varietie of my Reading set before me many Examples both of Ancient and Later Times my Thoughts I confesse haue chiefly stayed vpon three Particulars as the most Eminent and the most Resembling All three Persons that had held chiefe place of Authority in their Countries All three ruined not by Warre or by any other Disaster but by Justice and Sentence as Delinquents and Criminalls All three famous Writers insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity is now as to Posterity but as a little Picture of Night-worke remaining amongst the faire and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works And all three if that were any thing to the matter fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising againe For that they were euery one of them restored with great glory but to their further Ruine and Destruction ending in a violent Death The Men were Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca Persons that J durst not claime Affinity with except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it When I had cast mine Eyes vpon these Examples J was carried on further to obserue how they did beare their Fortunes and principally how they did employ their Times being banished and disabled for Publike Businesse To the end that J might learne by them And that they might be as well my Counsellours as my Comforters Wherupon I happened to note how diuersly their Fortunes wrought vpon them especially in that point at which I did most aime which was the employing of their Times and Pens Jn Cicero I saw that during his Banishment which was almost two yeares he was so softned and deiected as he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles And yet in mine opinion he had least reason of the Three to be discouraged For that although it was iudged and iudged by the highest kinde of Iudgement in forme of a Statute or Law that he should be banished And his whole Estate confiscated and seized And his houses pulled downe And that it should be highly penall for any Man to propound his Repeale Yet his Case euen then had no great Blot of Ignominy but it was thought but a Tempest of Popularitie which ouerthrew him Demosthenes contrariwise though his Case was foule being condemned for Bribery And not simple Bribery but Bribery in the Nature of Treason and Disloyalty yet neuerthelesse tooke so little knowledge of his Fortune as during his Banishment hee did much busie himselfe and entermeddle with matters of State And tooke vpon him to Counsell the State as if he had beene still at the Helme by letters As appeares by some Epistles of his which are extant Seneca indeed who was condemned for many Corruptions and Crimes and banished into a solitary Island kept a Meane And though his penne did not freese yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Businesse But spent his time in writing Books of excellent Argument and Vse for all Ages Though he might haue made better Choyce sometimes of his Dedications These Examples confirmed mee much in a Resolution whereunto J was
subordinate Magistrates Masculine But where the Regiment of State Iustice Families is all managed by Women And yet this last Case differeth from the other before Because in the rest there is Terrour of Danger but in this there is onely Errour of Nature Neither should I make any great Difficulty to affirme the same of the Sultanry of the Mamaluches where Slaues and none but Slaues bought for Money and of vnknowne Descent reigned ouer Families of Freemen And much like were the Case if you suppose a Nation where the Custome were that after full Age the Sonnes should Expulse their Fathers and Mothers out of their Possessions put them to their Pensions For these Cases of Women to gouerne Men Sonnes the Fathers Slaues Free-Men are much in the same degree All being totall Violations and Peruersions of the Lawes of Nature and Nations For the West Indies I perceiue Martius you haue read Garcilazzo de Viega who himselfe was descended of the race of the Incaes a Mestizo and is willing to make the best of the Vertues and Manners of his Country And yet in troth hee doth it soberly and credibly enough Yet you shall hardly edifie me that those Nations might not by the Law of Nature haue beene subdued by any Nation that had onely Policy and Morall Vertue Though the Propagation of the Faith whereof we shall speake in the proper place were set by and not made part of the Case Surely their Nakednesse being with them in most parts of that Country without all Vaile or Couering was a great Defacement For in the Acknowledgement of Nakednesse was the first Sense of Sinne And the Heresie of the Adamites was euer accounted an Affront of Nature But vpon these I stand not Nor yet vpon their Idiocy in thinking that Horses did eat their Bitts and Letters speake and the like Nor yet vpon their Sorceries which are almost common to all Idolatrous Nations But I say their Sacrificing and more especially their Eating of Men is such an Abhomination as me thinks a Mans Face should be a little confused to deny that this Custome ioyned with the rest did not make it lawfull for the Spaniards to inuade their Territory forfeited by the Law of Nature And either to reduce them or displant them But farre be it from me yet neuerthelesse to iustifie the Cruelties which were at first vsed towards them which had their Reward soone after There being not One of the Principall of the first Conquerors but died a violent Death himselfe And was well followed by the Deaths of many more Of Examples Enough Except we should adde the Labours of Hercules An Example which though it bee flourished with much Fabulous Matter yet so much it hath that it doth notably set forth the Consent of all Nations and Ages in the Approbation of the Extirpating and Debellating of Gyants Monsters and Forraine Tyrants not onely as lawfull but as Meritorious euen of Diuine Honour And this although the Deliuerer came from the one End of the World vnto the other Let vs now set downe some Arguments to proue the same Regarding rather Weight than Number as in such a Conference as this is fit The first Argument shall be this It is a great Errour and a Narrownesse or Straightnesse of Minde if any Man thinke that Nations haue nothing to doe one with another except there be either an Vnion in Soueraignty or a Coniunction in Pacts or Leagues There are other Bands of Society and implicite Confederations That of Colonies or Transmigrants towards their Mother Nation Gentes vnius labij is somewhat For as the Confusion of Tongues was a Marke of Separation so the Being of one Language is a Marke of Vnion To haue the same Fundamentall Lawes and Customes in chiefe is yet more As it was betweene the Grecians in respect of the Barbarians To be of one Sect or Worship If it be a False Worship I speake not of it for that is but Fratres in Malo But aboue all these there is the Supreme and Indissoluble Consanguinity and Society between Men in generall Of which the Heathen Poet whom the Apostle calls to witnesse saith We are all his Generation But much more we Christians vnto whom it is reuealed in particularity that all Men came from one Lumpe of Earth And that Two singular Persons were the Parents from whom all the Generations of the World are descended We I say ought to acknowledge that no Nations are wholly Aliens and Strangers the one to the other And not to be lesse charitable than the Person introduced by the Comicke Poet Homosum Humani nihil à me alienum puto Now if there be such a Tacite League or Confederations sure it is not idle It is against somewhat or some Body Who should they be Is it against Wilde Beasts Or the Elements of Fire and Water No it is against such Routs and Sholes of People as haue vtterly degenerate from the Lawes of Nature As haue in their very Body and Frame of Estate a Monstrosity And may be truly accounted according to the Examples we haue formerly recited Common Enemies and Grieuances of Mankinde Or Disgraces and Reproaches to Humane Nature Such People all Nations are interessed and ought to be resenting to suppresse Considering that the Particular States themselues being the Delinquents can giue no redresse And this I say is not to be measured so much by the Principles of Iurists as by Lex Charitatis Lex proximi which includes the Samaritan as well as the Leuite Lex Filiorum Adae de Massâ vnâ Vpon which Originall Lawes this Opinon is grounded Which to deny if a man may speake freely were almost to be a Schismaticke in Nature The rest was not perfected AN OFFER TO OVR LATE Soueraigne King IAMES OF A DIGEST TO BE MADE OF THE Lawes of ENGLAND LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. To the King OF A DIGEST TO BE MADE of the Lawes of ENGLAND Most Excellent Soueraigne AMongst the Degrees and Acts of Soueraigne or rather Heroicall Honour the First or Second is the Person and Merit of a Law-giuer Princes that gouerne well are Fathers of the People But if a Father breed his Sonne well or allow him well while he liueth but leaue him nothing at his death whereby both He and his Children and his Childrens Children may be the better Surely the Care and Piety of a Father is not in him compleat So Kings if they make a Portion of an Age happy by their good Gouernment yet if they doe not make Testaments as God Almighty doth whereby a Perpetuity of Good may descend to their Country they are but Mortall and Transitorie Benefactors Domitian a few dayes before he died dream't that a Golden Head did rise vpon the nape of his Necke Which was truly performed in the Golden Age that followed his times for fiue Successions But Kings by giuing their Subiects good Lawes may if they will in their owne time ioyne and