were so powerfull that they brought an hundred thousand fighting men into the field and were then very likely to have utterly overthrowne Simon Montfort Generall of the Papall armie had not the unexpected death of the King of Arragon intercepted by ambush quite discouraged and dissolued the Albigenses army Besides if the Waldenses had not had any visible assemblies what needed such councels consultations conferences disputations inquisitions and examinations bans and excommunications against them They set up the order of Dominican and Franciscan Friers to preach against them they leavied forces of Pilgrimes Cruciferi or crossed souldiers to fight against them they published their Croysadoes promised their pardon of sinnes and remission of pennance enjoyned to as many as would take up the badge of the crosse and weare it on their coate-armour and goe against the Waldenses as against Sarracens and Infidels Now sure had the Waldenses beene but some few dispersed and meane persons they needed no such stirre to suppresse them But we finde that they used all possible meanes for to quell them Pope Inncent the third about the yeere 1180 called a a solemne Councell at Lateran against them Caelestine the third in the yeare 1197 confirmed the order of the Cruciferi or crossed souldiers and they were to warre against them The Monke of Auxerre in France saith That the Pope sent his Bulls farre and neere and granted them pardon of sinnes and absolution of pennance to such as should serve in his warres against the Waldenses About this time was the holyhouse of Inquisition set up by Pope Innocent the third and the mastership thereof committed first to Frier Reiner and Guido and afterwards to Saint Dominicke and his order Eymericus hath given certaine directions to the Inquisitors and Commissioners and Francis Pegna hath glossed upon them and there were lately to be seene the severall consultations of the Bishops and Lawyers of France in what sort they were to proceed against the Waldenses And the Monk of Newborrow tels us that when the Waldenses came into England under the name of Catharist's or Publicans there was strict charge given under paine of excommunication that none should receive harbour or keepe them within their houses liberties or territories nor to have any commerce or manner of dealing with them and if any of that sect dyed in that state that upon no termes they should have any prayer or Christian buriall but they saved them a labour of buriall for Caesarius saith that at the taking of La-vail there were foure hundred of them burnt and the rest hanged and the like execution done in divers other places and namely at Vaurcastle where after they had strangled the Governour Aimerius they stoned to death the Lady Girard the Popes Legats not sparing as Thuanus saith any Sexe at all Now all this they patiently endured so that as Altissidore saith the beholders were astonied to see them goe so cherefully to their death and withall to exhort one another to abide the fierie tryall PAP There might be great numbers of the Waldenses and them of the meaner sort PROT. That is not so for Du Haillan saith that many Noble and worthy men tooke part with them even to the hazzarding of their lives and estates namely the Earles of Tholouse of Cominges of Bigorre of Carmain of Foix as also the King of Arragon for Remond had marryed Ioane once Queene of Sicilie sister to Iohn King of England by whom he had a sonne called also Remond after the decease of Ioane he married Elenor sister of Peter King of Arragon so that he was strong in affinity and confederacy besides that he had as one saith as many citties and castles and townes as the yeere hath dayes By the way we may observe that considering the neere alliance which was betweene the Earle of Tholouse and his brother in law the King of England as also the Earles lands lying so neere to Guienne then in the possession of the Englâ—sh hence I say we may observe that this made the way more easie to communicate the doctrine and profession of the Waldenses unto their neighbouâ—s of the English Nation PAP You tell us of great troupes of the Waldenses and yet they had but bad successe PROT. We must not measure the lawfulnesse of warre by the issue nor judge the cause by the event The eleven Tribes of Israel were appointed by God himselfe to goe and fight against the Benjamites the Israelites were moe in number than the Benjamites and had the better cause and yet the Israelites were twice overcome by the Benjamites so King Lewis of France fighting against the Turke his army was scattered and himselfe dyed of the Plague â—esides you have little reason to stand on the successe of this warre It is true indeed that their chiefe Cittties Tholouse and Avignion were taken and the King of Arragon was slaine in the Waldensian warre but so also was Simon Montfort Generall of the Popes army he was slaine like Abimelech Iudges 9 with a stone cast out of a sling or engine and the same supposed to be â—lung or darted by a woman And as for King Lewis he dyed at the siege of Avignion and as Mathâ—w Paris saith sustained great losses by a terrible plague strong and venemous flyes and great waters devouring and drowning his army so that there were two and twenty thousand French slaine and drowned during that seige Lastly the Waldenses had no such ill successe for though themselves were persecuted yet their doctrine was thereby communicated to others and spread abroad throughout the world PAP You make as if the Pope had dealt ill with the Albingenses but they dealt ill with him for the Earle of Tholouse or some of his subjects killed the Popes Legat Frier Peter de Casteaneuff and this was it that stirred up the Pope PROT. This was but a colour of the warre and an untruth when the Popes Legat charged the Earle with this fact his answere was that he was no way culpable of the Fryers death that there were many witnesses of the death of the sayd Monke slaine at S. Giles by a certaine Gentleman whom the said Monke pursued who presently retired himself to his friends at Beâ—caire that this murther was very displeasing to him and therefore he had done what lay in his power to apprehend him and to chastise him but that he escaped his hands that had it beene true which they layd to his charge and that he had beene guilty of the fact yet the ordinary courses of justice were to be taken against him and not to have wracked their anger upon his subjects that were innocent in this case In the end he was forced to confesse that he was guilty of the murder onely because it was committed within his territories so that he was glad to doe pennance and that in a strange sort for the Legat
such VVitnesses as are produced in thâ—â— Treatise for proofe of the PROTESTANTS Religion disposed according to the times wherein they flourished Witnesses produced in the first Age from Christs birth to 100 yeares CHRIST IESVS The twelve Apostles Saint Paul and the Churches of the Romanes and others Anno 63. Ioseph of Arimathea who brought Christianitie into Britaine 70. Dionysius Areopagita The Bookes that beare his Name seeme to bee written in the fourth or fifth Age after Christ. 100 Ignatius the Martyr In the second Age from 100 to 200. 150 Iustine Martyr 166 Hegesippus 169. The Church of Smyrna touching the Martyrdome of their Bishop Polycap 170 Melito Bishop of Sardys 177 Pope Eleutherius his Epistle to Lucius the first Christian King of Britaine 180 Polycrates of Ephesus and the Easterne Churches touching the keeping of Easter 180 Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons 200 Clemens Alexandrinus In the third Age from 200 to 300. 201 Tertullian 230 Origen 230 Minutius Felix 250 Cyprian Bishop of Carthage 300 Arnobius 300. Lactantius Anno 291 Amphibalus and his associates martyred in Britaine and Saint Alban ann 303. In the fourth Age from 300 to 400. 310 A Councill at Eliberis in Spaine 317 Constantine the Great 325 The first Generall Councill at Nice against the Arrians 330 Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea 337 Ephraim the Syrian 340 Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria 360 Hilarie Bishop of Poitiers 364 A Councill at Laodicea 370 Macarius the Aegyptian Monke 370 Cyril Bishop of Hierusalem 370 Optatus Bishop of Mela in Africke 370 Ambrose Bishop of Milain 370 Basil the Great Bishop of Caesarea 370 Gregorie Nazianzen 380 Gregory Nyssen Bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia brother to Basil. 381 The second generall Councill at Constantinople where Macedonius was condemned 390 Epiphanius Bish. of Salamine in Cyprus In the fifth age from 400 to 500. 406 S. Chrysostome Bish. of Constantinople Andr. Rivet Critici sacri 415 S. Hierome idem 420 S. Augustinus 429 Palladius sent by Pope Celestine into Scotland and Germanus by the French Bishops into Britain to beat downe Pelagianisme 430 Vincentius Lirinensis wrote against the Pelagians and Nestorians 430 Cyril Bishop of Alexandria 430 Theodoret the Historian Bish. of Cyrene 431 The third generall Councill at Ephesus where Nestorius was condemned deprived 450 Leo the Great 451 The fourth generall Councill at Chalcedon where Dioscurus Eutyches were condeÌ„ned 490 Gelasius the Pope In the sixth age from 500 to 600. 520 Cassiodore Abbot of Ravenna 520 Fulgentius Bishop of Ruspa in Africke 529 A Councill at Aurange against Semi-Pelagians and Massilians 540 Iustus Orgelitanus claruit ann 540. Trithem de Scriptor Ecclesiast 545 Iunilius Episcopus Africanus 545 Primasius a Bishop of Africke Bellar. de Scriptor Ecclesiast 540 Rhemigius Bish. of Rhemes Andr. Rivet 553 The fifth generall Councili at Constantinople to confirme the Nicen Councill 560 Dracontius 580 Venantius Fortunatus Bish. of Poictiers a Poet and Historian 596 Augustine the Monke Mellitus and Laurence sent into Britaine by Pope Gregorie 596 The Britaines Faith 600 Columbanus or Saint Colme of Ireland In the seventh age from 600 to 700. 601 Greg. the First the Great placed by Bellar. in this seventh age Bell. de Script Eccles. 601 Hesych Bish. of Hierusalem Bellar. ibid. 630 â—sidore Bishop of Sevill Disciple to Gregorie the Great 635 Aidanus Bishop of Lindasferne or Holy Iland and Finanus his Successour 681 The sixth Generall Councill at Constantinople against the Monothelites who held that although Christ had two Natures yet hee had but one will In the eighth Age from 700 to 800. 720 Venerable Bede the Saxon. 740 Ioannes Damascenus 740 Antonius Author Melissae 754 A Council held at Constant. wherein were condemned Images and the worshipers of themâ— 768 Clement B. of Auxerre Disciple to Bede 787 The second Councill at Nice about restoring of Images 790 Alcuinus or Albinus an Englishman Disciple to Bede and Tutor to Charlemaigne this Alcuinus laid the foundation of the Vniversitie of Paris 794 A Councill at Frankford wherein was condemned the second Councill of Nice for approoving the worshipping of Images 800 Carolus Magnus and Libri Carolini In the ninth Age from 800 to 900. 815 Claudius Scotus 820 Claudius Taurinensis against Image-worship 824 A Councill at Paris about Images 830 Christianus Druthmarus the Monke of Corbey 830 Agobard Bishop of Lyons 840 Rabanus Maurus Bishop of Mentz Disciple to Alâ—win 840 Haymo Bishop of Halberstadt Cousin to Bede 840 Walafridus Strabus Abbot of Fulda Disciple to Rabanus hee collected the Ordinarie Glosse on the Bible Trithem de script Eccles. 861 Hulderick Bishop of Auspurge 862 Iohn Mallerosse the Scottish Divine or Ioannes Scotus Erigena hee was slaine by the Monkes of Malmsbury 860 Photius Patriarke of Constantinople he wrote the Nomo-Canon 876 Bertram a Monke and Priest of France 890 Rhemigius Monke of Auxerre hee wrote upon Saint Mathew 890 Ambrosius Ansbertus the French Monke In the tenth Age from 900 to 1000. 910 Radulphus Flaviacensis Monachus Bellarm quò suprà 950 Stephanus Eduensis Monachus Idem 950 Smaragdus the Abbot 975 Abbot Aelfrick and his Saxon Homily and his Saxon Treatise of the Old and New Testament both translated into English In the eleventh age from 1000 to 1100. 1007 Fulbert Bishop of Chartres 1050 Oecumenius 1050 Berengarius 1060 Radulphus Ardens 1070 Theophylact Archbish. of the Bulgarians 1080 Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury 1090 Hildebert Archbishop of Tours 1100 Anselmus Laudunensis Collector of the Interlinear Glosse In the twelfth age from 1100 to 1200. 1101 Zacharias Chrysopolitanus 1120 Rupertus Tuitiensis 1130 Hugo de Sancto Victore 1130 Bernardus Clarae-vallensis 1130 Peter Bruis and Henry of Tholouse 1140 Peter Lombard Master of the Sentences 1150 Petrus Cluniacensis 1158 Ioannes Sarisburiensis 1160 Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bathe 1170 Gratianus 1170 Hildegard the Prophetesse Trithem 1195 Ioachimus Abbas 1200 Nicetas Choniates In the thirteenth Age from 1200 to 1300. 1206 Gul. Altissiodorensis 1215 Concil Lateranense Cuthb Tonstal Dunelm Episcop de eodem 1220 Honorius Augustodunensis Bellarm. 1230 Gulielmus Alvernus Parisiensis Episcopus 1230 Petrus de Vineis Trithem 1240 Alexander de Hales 1250 Gerardus and Dulcinus 1250 Hugo Cardinalis 1250 Robert Groute-head or Grosse-teste Bishop of Lincolne 1256 Gulielmus de Sancto Amore. 1260 Thomas Aquinas 1260 Bonaventura 1260 Arnoldus de Novâ villâ 1300 Ioannes Duns Scotus In the fourteenth age from 1300 to 1400. 1303 Barlaam the Monke and Nilus Archbishop of Thessalonica 1320 Gulielmus Ockam 1320 Nicol. de Lyra a converted Iew who commented on all the Bible 1320 Marsilius Patavinus 1320 Michael Cesena Trithem 1320 Dante 's 1320 Durandus de S. Portiano 1330 Alvarus Pelagius 1340 Iohannes de Rupe-scissâ Trithem 1340 Thomas Bradwardin 1343 The Kings of England oppose Papall Provisions and Appeales Anno 1391. 1350 Richardus Armachanus 1350 Robert Holcot the Englishman 1350 Francis Petrarch Bellarm. 1350 Taulerus a Preacher at Strasbrough Bellarm. 1370 Saint Bridgeâ— 1370 Iohn Wickliffe and
tuta Lond. 1632. Nichol. Lyrani opera in 6 tom Paris 1590. M. Saint Macharij Homiliae in tom 2. Biblioth Sanct. Patr. edit secund per Marg. de la Bigne Paris 1589. Iehan le Maire de la difference des Scismes des Concilles de l' eglise A. Paris 1528. Gul. Malmesburiens de Gest. Reg. Anglor Fr. 1601. De Gest. Pontif. Anglor Fr. 1601. Bapt. Mantuani opera Par. 1513. Manuale ad usum Eccles. Sarisbur Rothomagi 1554. Pet. Martyr defensio doctrinae de Eucharistiâ advers Gardiner 1562. â—ran Mason of the Consecration of Bishops in the Church of England Lond. 1613. Papyr Massoni Annales Lutetiae 1577. S. Maximi Taurinensis Homiliae variae Colon. 1618. Rich. Montague now Lord Bishop of Chichester his treatise of the Invocation of Saints Lond. 1624. Galfr. Monumetens de Reg. Brit. Hâ—idelb 1587. Philip Morney of the mysterie of iniquitie Lond. 1612. Tho. Morton now L. Bishop of Darham his Catholike Appeale for Protestants Lond. 1610. Of the Grand Imposture of the now Church of Rome London 1628. Of the Masse London 1631. His Answer to the English Baron London 1633. Pet. Moulin's Apologie for the Lords Supper Lond. 1612. Waters of Siloe Oxford 1612. Ioan. a Munster in Vortlage Haereditarij Nobilis discursâ—s Francof 1621. Cornel. Musso in Epist. ad Rom. Venet. 1588. Martin Mylius his Apothegmata Morientium Hamburg 1593. N. Napier on the Revelation London 1611. Mart. ab Azpilcueta Navarrus his Enchirid. Confessarior Romae 1588. Opera Navarri tom 3. Lugd. 1597. Gregor Nazianzeni opera Graec. Lat. Lut. 1609. Lat. 3. tom Basil. 1571. Gul. Newbrigens de rebus Anglic. Antuerp 1567. Nicetas Choniates his Annal. Basil. 1557. Nilus de Primatu Hanov. 1608. Gregor Nysseni Opera Graec. Latin tom 2. Paris 1615. O. Gul. de Ockam liber Dialogor Lugd. 1495. Idem in Sentent Lugd. 1495. Oecumenius in Acta Apostolor Epist. sept Canonicas omnes D. Pauli Gr. Veronae 1532. The Office of the B. Virgin at Saint Omers 1621. Officium B. Mariae Pij V. jussu Edit Antuerp 1590. Olympiodor in Ecclesiasten in Biblioth Patr. Paris 1589. Optatus ex Bibliopolio Commeliniano 1599. Origenis opera tom 2 Basil. 1557. Ejusdem contrà Celsum Graec. Latin Augâ—st Vindel. 1605. P. â—ac Pamelij Lituâ—gica Latinor 2. tom Colon. 1571. Io. Panke his Collectanea out of Saint Gregory and Saint Bernard Oxford 1618. Gul. Parisiens Opera Venet. 1591. Math. Parisiens Histor. major Anglicana London 1571. Thâ—ee Conversions of England by Rob. Parsons 1 part 1603. The third part 1604. Paschasius de Corpor. Sanguine Dom. in tom 4. Biblioth Patr. Paris 1575. Marsil Patavinus his Defensor Pacis Basil. 1566. Beneâ— Pererius in Daniel Lugd. 1602. Will. Perkins Exposition on the Creed Cambridge 1596. Il Peâ—rarea nuovamente In Venetia 1600. Franc. Petrarchae opera Basil. 158â— Philo Iudaeus in lib. Mosis Gr. Par. 1552. Ioan. Pici Io. Franc. Pici opera Basil. 1601. Albâ—rti Pighij Controvers Colon. 1545. Baptista Platina de vitis Pontif. Romanor Colon. 1593. Plutarchi vitae Lat Basil. 1573. Anton Possevini Apparat. in tom 2. Colon. 1608. Doctor Châ—istopher Potter his Answer to Charitie mistaken Oxford 1633. Gabr. Powell Disputatio de Antichristo London 1605. Gabr. Prateolus his Elenchus Haereticor Colon. 1569. Primasius in Epist. Pauli Paris 1543. Prosper Aquitanic opera Colon. 1609. R. Rabanus Maurus de Clericor Institutione Colon. 1532. De Sacram. Fucharistiae Colon. 1551. In Ieremiam Basil. 1544. Doctor Rainolds Conference with Hart. London 1588. Del dolâ—latriâ Romanae Eccles. Oxon. 1596. Iâ—ann Rainoldi Theses cum Apologiâ London 1602. Regino Chron. inter Germanicar rerum Chronograph Francof 1566. A Rejoynder to Iesuite Malone's Reply Dublin 1632. Reinerus contrà Waldenses ex Manu-scripto Codice per Iacob Gretzer Ingolstad 1614. Remigius in Epistola Pauli in tomo 5. mag Biblioth vet Patr. The Rhemists Testament with Doctor Fulkes Annotations London 1589. Beat. Rhenanus de reb Germaniae Basil. 1551. Franc. Ribera his Commentar in Apocalyps Antuerp 1602. Andr. 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7 makes this inference In this doe wee give glory to him when we doe confesse that by no precedent merits of our good deeds but by his mercie onely wee have attained unto so great a dignitie And Rabanus in his commentaries upon the Lamentations of Ieremie least they should say our Fathers were accepted for their Merit and therefore they obtained such great things at the hands of the Lord he adjoyneth that it was not given to their Merits but because it so pleased God whose free gift is whatsoever he bestoweth I will close up this Age onely with producing an Evidence drawne about the yeare 860 namely a learned Epistle which Huldericke Bishop of Ausburg in Germanie wrote to Pope Nicolas in defence of Priests Marriage From this holy discretion saith he thou hast no a little swarved when as thou woâ—ldst have those Cleargy-men whom thou oughtest only to advise to abstinence from mariage compelled unto it by a certaine imperious violence for is not this justly in the judgement of all Wise men to be accounted violence when as against the Evangelicall institution and the charge of the Holy Ghost any man is constrained to the execution of private Decrees The Lord in the old Law appointed marriage to his Priest which he is never read afterwards to have forbidden PA. Master Brerely saith that this Epistle is forged under the name of Ulrick Bishop of Augusta PRO. Your Spanish Inquisitors have suppressed this Tesâ—imonie and strucke it dead with a Deleatur Let that whole Epistle be blotted out but our learned bishop Doctor Hall prooves that this Huldericke wrote such a Treatise and about the time assigned and also that this Record is Authenticke that it is extant as Illyricus saith in the Libraries of Germanie that ouâ— Archbishop Parker bishop Iewell Iohn Foxe had Copies of it in Parchment of great Antiquitie Besides your owne man Aeneas Sylvius afterwards Pope Pius the second almost two hundred yeares agoe mentions it and reports the Argument of it for speaking of Ausburg he saith Saint Vdalricus huic praesidet qui papam arguit de Concubinis Vdalricke is the Saint of that City who reproved the Pope concerning Concubines THE TENTH CENTVRIE From the yeare of Grace 900. to 1000. PAPIST WE are now drawing on to the thousandth yeare what say you to this tenth Age PROTESTANT By the fall of the Romane Empiâ—e Learning was now decayed and the publike Service no longer to be understood by reason of the change of the vulgar Tongues Wernerus a Carthusian Monke saith of this Age That holinesse had left the Popes and fled to the Emperours Bellarmine saith There was no Age so unlearned so unluckie And Baronius complaines saying What was then the face of the Roman Church when potent and base Whores bare all the sway at Rome at whose lust Sees were changed Bishoprickes bestowed and their Lovers thrust into Saint Peters Chaire Insomuch as Baronius is glad to prepare his Reader with a Preface before he would have him venter upon the Annals of this Age Lest a weake man seeing in the Story of those times the abomination of Desolation sitting in the Temple should bee offended and not rather wonder that there followed not immediatly the Desolation of the Temple And he had reason to Preface as much considering the corruption that grew in this Thousandth yeare wherein Satan was let loose For at thiâ— time they of Rome forbad others to marâ—y and in the meane whiles themselves slept in an unlawfull bed They also devised a carnall Presence of Christ in the Sacrament so that as the noble Morney saith The lesse that they beleeved God in hâ—aven the more carefull were they to affirme him to bee in the Bread in the Priests hands in his words in his nods and that by these meanes when it pleased them they could make him appeare upon earth Thus dishonesty accompanied infidelitie and no marvell since as Ockam saith A lewd life oftentimes blindâ—th the understanding But leâ— us see whether in this Monkish Age during this mist in Aegypt wee can discover any light in the Land of Goshen In this Age lived the Monke Radulphus Flaviaceâ—sis Stephanus Edvensis Bishop Smaragdus Abbot of Saint Michaels in Germany and Aelfricke Abbot of Malmesburie about the yeare 975. Of the Scriptures sufâ—iciencie and Canon Flaviacensis compares the Scripture to a well-furnished Table or Ordinarie It is saith hee our spirituall refection and Cordiall given to us against the heart-qualmes of our enemies The same Author speaking of Bookes pertainning to sacred Historie saith The Bookes of Tobit Iudith and of the Machabees though they bee read â—or the Churches instruction yet they have not any perfect Authoritie In like sort Aelfricke Abbot of Malmesburie in his Saxon Treatie of the old Testament tell us There are two Bookes more placed with Salomons workes as if he had made them which for likenesse of Stile and profitable vse have gone for his but Iesus the sonne of Syrach composed them one is called Liber Sapientiae the Booke of Wisdome and the other Ecclesiasticus very large Bookes and read in the Church of long custome for much good instruction amongst these Bookes the Church hath accustomed to place two other tending to the glory of God and intituled Maccabaeorum I have turned them into English and so reade them you may if you please for your owne instruction Now by this Saxon Treatise written by Aelfricus Abbas about the time of King Edgar seven hundred yeares agoe it appeares what was the Canon of holy Scripture here then received and that the Church of England had it so long agoe in her Mother tongue Of Communion under both and number of Sacraments Stephanus Edvensis saith These gifâ—s or benefits â—re dayly performed unto us when the Body and Bloud of Christ is taken at the Altar Aelfricke mentions but two Sacraments of Baptisme aâ—d the Lords Supper the same which Gods people had under the Law who though they had many Rites and Ceremonies yet in proper sense but two Sacraments his words are these The Apostle Paul saith 1 Cor. chap. 10. vers 1 2 3 4. That the Israelites did eate the same ghostly meate and drinke the same ghostly drinke because that heavenly meate that fed them fortie yeares and that water which from the Stone did flow had signification of Christs Body and his Bloud that now bee offered dayly in Gods Church So that as a good Author saith This Age acknowledged onely two Sacraments Of the Eucharist Our English Abbot Aelfricke in his Saxon Homily which was appointed publikely to be read to the people in England on Easter day before they received the Communion hath these wordes All our Forâ—fathers they did eate the same Ghostly meate and dranke the same Ghostly drinke they dranke truely of the stone that followed them and that stone was Christ neither was
that Though Berenger retracted yet they could never reclaime all those whom he in divers countreyes had drawne away And no marvaile since they leaned not on the weake reede of mans authoritie but on Gods word which abideth for ever Of Images and Prayer to Saints Anselmus Laudunensis in his Interlineall Glosse on the Bible Composed out of the Fathers writings expounds that text of Deuteronomy Formam non vidistis ye saw no manner of similitude Deut. 4.15 in this sort Ne scilicet volens imitari sculpendo faceres Idolum tibi lest that willing to resemble that similitude by engraving thou shouldst set up an Idol to thy selfe In the former times it was a great question Whether at all or how farre or after what manner the Spirits of the dead did know the things that concerned us here and consâ—quently whether they pray for us onely in generall and for the particulars God answereth us according to our severall necessities where when and after what maner he pleaseth Anselmus Laudunensis Interlineall Glosse upon that text Abraham is ignorant of us and Irael knoweth us not Esay 63.16 noteâ—h that Augustine saith that The dead though Saints in heaven doe not know what the living doe no not though they bee their owne children of whom in all probability they have a more speciall care And indeed Saint Austine in his booke Of the care for the dead makes this inference upon that place of Scripture that If so great Patriarks as was Abraham knewe not what befell the people that came of them it was no way likely that the dead doe entermeddle with the affaires of the living either to know them or to further them and Theophylact gives some reason hereof sayiâ—g Therefore it may be said that the Saints both those that lived before and sinâ—â— Christs time doe not know all things and that this is done that neither the Saints themselves should bee too highly conceited nor others esteeme them above that which is meete And whereas the Romanists repose such confidâ—nce in the intercâ—ssion of Saints that they looke to receive farre greater benefit by thâ—m than by their owne prayers Theophylact tracing Saint Chrysostome in this very point meâ—ts with this their concâ—it Obsâ—rve saith he that although the Saints doe pray for us as the Apostles did still for her to wit the woman of Canaan yet we praying for our selves doe prevaile much more I will close up this point with the testimonie of one of our kings of England William the second It appeareth by writers saith Holinshead out of Eadmerus that hee doubted in many poynts of the religion then in credit for hee sticked not to protest openly that he beleeved no Saint could proâ—it any man in the Lords sight and therefore neither would he nor any that was wise as he affirmed make intercession either to Peter or any other for helpe Of Faith and Merit Theophylact saith The Scripture that is God himselfe who gave the Law hath fore-ordained that wee are justified not by the Law but by Faith and againe the Apostle having showne how that the Law accurseth but Faith blesseth he now sheweth that Faith onely justifieth and not the Law And Anselme saith Truely by Faith onely was Abraham said to have pleased God and this was imputed to him for righteousnesse Radulphus Ardens saith and that from the Testimonie of Saint Augustine that God crowneth onely his owne grace in us and the same Radulphus as I finde him alleadged by Dâ—ctor Vsher in his learned Answer to the Iesuits Challenge in Ireland in the point of Merit for I could not elswhere meete with him saith God crownes nothing else in us but his owne grace who if he should dâ—ale strictly wiâ—h us no man living should be justified in his sight whereupon the Apostle who laboured more than all sâ—ith I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to bee compâ—red with the glory which shall bee reâ—â—â—aled in us therefore this agreement is nothing else but Gâ—ds voluntarie promise In like sort Occumentus a Greeke Scholiast saith Wee cannot suffer or bring in any thing worthy of the reward that shall be and our Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury more fully saying If a man should serve God a thousand yeeres and that most fervently he should not deserve of Condignitie to be halfe a day in the kingdome of heaven Besides it it evident that this doctrine of free-grace was the received doctrine of the Church both abroad and here in England shortly after the Conquest and for divers ages after taught and believed both of Priest and people for there was a certaine forme of Instruction appointed to be given unto men upon their death-beds to prepare them thereunto and to leade them unto Christ. It was put into question and Answer was commonly to be had in their Libraries and thought for so saith Cardinall Hosius expressely to be made by Anselme Archbishâ—p of Canterbury Amongst the questions propounded to the sicke-man this was one Doâ—st thou believe that thou canst not be saved but by the death of Christ whereunto hee when hee hath made answer affiâ—matively he is presently directed to make use thereof in this manner Goe to therefore as long as thy soule remaines in thee place thy whole confidence in this death onâ—ly have confidence in no other thing commit thy selfe wholly to this death with this alone cover thy selfe wholly If he say unto thee that thou hast deserved damnationâ— say Lord I set the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt mâ— my bad merits and I offer his merit in sâ—eed of the merit which I ought to have but yet have not Here was a Cordiall for a sick-soule in extrâ—mis more soveraign than their extreme unction or Holy-water-sprinkle than any Indâ—lgences Reâ—â—kques or Images yet their quesy stomacks caÌ„not now digest this Catholicon but have called S. Anselms visitation iâ—to the Spanish inquisition and there by their expurgatorie Index set out by Cardinall Quiroga have commanded these Interrogatories to bâ— blotted out Dost thou believe to come to glory not by thine owne merits but by the vâ—rtue and merit of the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ and Dost thou believe that our Lord Iesus Christ did dye for our salvation and that none can be saved by his owne merits or by any other meanes but by the merit of his passion whereby wee may observe saith our learned and laborious Bishop Vsher how late it is since our Romanists in this maine and most substantiall poynt which is the very foundation of all our Comfort have most shamefully departed from the Faith of their fore-fathers THE TWELFTH CENTVRIE from the yeere one thousand one hundred to one thousand two hundred PAPIST YOu sayd that Satan was loosed in the former ages was he bound in this PROTESTANT In this age he was mainely curbed by the
professors commonly called Waldenses There was also in England in the time of Henry the first for his knowledge surnamed Beau-clerke or fine scholler great contention touching investitures or the collation of Bishoprickes When Thurstan elect Archbishop of Yorke received his consecration from the Pope the King understanding thereof forbad him to come within his Kingdomes This contention betweene the Crowne and the Mitre was hoâ—ly pursued betweene King Henry the second and Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury it was partly occasioned by one Philip de Broc Canon of Bedford who being questioned for a murder he used some reproachfull speeches to the Kings Iustices for which he was censured and I finde that in these dayes as the Monke of Nâ—wborrough who then lived saith the abuses of Church men were growne to a great height insomuch as the Iudges complayned in the Kings presence that there were many robberies and rapes and murthers to the number of an hundred committed within the Realme by Ecclesiasticall persons upon presumption of exemption from the censure of the lawes Herewith the King was so highly displeased that he required that Iustice should be ministred alike unto all sine delectu saith Novoburgensis and Roger Hoveden saith the Kings pleasure was that such of the Cleargie as were taken in any murther robberie or felonie should be tryed and adjudged in his temporall Courts as Lay-men were but the Archbishop would have the Cleargie so offâ—nding tryed onely in the spirituall Courts and by men of their owne coate who if they were convict should at first onely be deprived of their benefices but if they should againe be guilty of the like they should be adjudged at the Kings pleasure But the King stood upon his Leges Avitae his Grandfathers lawes and customes which were indeed the auncient lawes of this realme not first enacted by the Conqueror but onely confirmed by him and received from his predecessors Edgar the peaceable and Alfred the learned Prince and accordingly the King in a great assembly at Clarendon confirmed the foresaid lawes of his Grandfather and enacted that none should appeale to the Sea of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings License That it should not be lawfull for any Archbishop or Bishop to depart the Realme and repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges By this we finde two maine branches of Papal Iurisdiction to wit Appeales and the exemption of Clergie men from being tryed in causes criminall before Christian Magistrates strongly opposed by the King and the State PAâ— Name your men for this age PROT. There were divers worthies who â—lourished in this age namely Hugo de Sancto victore a second Augustine as Trithemius calleth him Zacharias Chrysopolitanus Saint Bernard Abbot of Clarevaux Robert Abbot of Duits in Germany usually called Rupertus Tuitiensis Peter Abbot of Clugni usually called Petrus Cluniacensis â—oachim Abbot of Courace of the order of the Cistertians a man very famous in this age and thought to have had a propheticall spirit Petrus Blesensis Peter of Bloix Archdeacon of Bath and Chancellour of Canterbury a man for his pleasant wit and learning in great favour with the Princes and Prelates of his time and of inward acquaintance with Iohn of Salisbury Bishop of Chartres Now also the Schoolemen began to arise of whom Peter Lombard Master of the Sentences was the first who was afterward made Bishop of Paris Aventine saith he hath heard of his Masters Iames Faber of Estaples and Iodocus Clichtoveus above a thousand times that this Lumbard had troubled the pure fountaine of Divinity with muddy questions and whole rivers of opinions and this saith he experience doth sufficiently teach us if we be not wilfully blinde And yet some of their distinctions being purged from barbarisme and cleerely applyed to the point in question may be of good use especially when as according to the proverbe we can eate the Dates and cast out their stones and herein Zanchius and Iunius were excellent It is reported that Lumbard Gratian and Comestor three pillers of Poperie Gratian for the Cannon law Comestor for the history of the Church and Lumbard for Schoole-divinity were three bastards borne of one woman who in her sickenesse comming to confession could not be drawne to be sorry for this her incontinuencie but thought shee had done well in bearing those great lights of the Church whereunto her confessour replyed that that was not hers but Gods gift they proved such great scholler however she was to be sorry for her fault and be heartily sorry for this that she could not sorrow and lament as she should One of these brothers was called Comestor as it were booke-eater because he was such a Helluo librorum a devourer of bookes as if booke learning had beene his ordinary food and repast he had the Bible so perfectly by heart as though he had swallowed it Now what opinion was held of the Papacie may be seene by the testimonies of such of their owne as were famous in this age Iohannes Sarisburiensis had a conference with Pope Adrian the fourth called Nicholas Breake-speare an English man which himselfe hath lâ—ft us in writing I remember saith he I weâ—t â—nto Apulia to visit Pope Adrian the fourth who admitted me into great familiarity and inquired of me what opinion men had of him and of the Roman Church I plainely layd open unto him the evill words I had heard in dâ—vers Provinces for thus it is sayd The Church of Rome whicâ— is mother of all Churches behaveth her selfe towards others not as a mother but as a stepdame The Pope saith he laughed at it and thanked me for my liberty of speech The same Iohn of Sarisbury saith that thâ—y wholy apply themselves unto wickednes that they may seeme Concilium vanitatis a Councell of vanity the wicked Synagogue of the Gentiles ecclesia malignantium the Church of the envious and evill doers Peter of Bloyes describeth unto us in the person of an Officiall the fashion and manner of the Church of Rome For as much saith he as I love thee in the Bowels of Iesus Christ I thought good to exhort thee with wholesome admonitions that thou in time depart from Vr of the Chaldees from the midst of Babylon and leave the mysterie of this most damnable stewardship Richard the first King of England and Philip the second of France being on their voyage to Ierusalem and comming into Sicilie and there hearing of Abbot Ioachim who was thought to have the gift of Propheâ—ie they desired to know of him what successe they should have in this their expedition the Abbot saith Paulus Aemilius answered they should not then recover it and therein hee proved too true a Prophet besides this they heard him expound the vision of Saint Iohn in the Apocalypse touching the Churches afflictions
knowledge of Letters and study of Tongues specially the Greeke Latin began to spread abâ—â—ad thorow divers parts of the West Of this number were Emanuel Chrysoloras of Constantinople Theodorus Gaza of Thessalonica Georgius Trapezuntius Cardinall Bessarion and others in like sort also afterwards Iohn Capâ—io brought the use of the Greeke and Hebrew tongues into Germany as Faber Stapulensis observeth And in the beginning of this age Hebrew was first taught in Oxford as our accurat Chronologer Mr. Isaacson hath observed Now also lived Nicholas de Lyra a converted Iew who commented on all the Bible In this age there were divers both of the Greeke and Latin Church who stood for Regall Iurisdiction against Papall usurpation and namely Barlaam the Monke Nilus Archbishop of Thessalonica Marsilius Patavinus Michael Cesenas Generall of the gray Friers Dante the Italian Poet and William Ockam the English man sometime fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford surnamed the Invincible Doctor and Scholler to Scotus the subtile Doctor Now also lived Durand de S. Porciano Nilus alleadgeth divers passages out of the generall Councels against the Popes supremacy and thence inferreth as followeth That Rome can not challenge preheminence over other Seas because Rome is named in order before them for by the same reason Constantinople should have the preheminence over Alexandria which yet she hath not From the severall and distinct boundaries of the Patriarchall Seas he argueth that neither is Rome set over other Seas nor others subject to Rome That whereas Rome stands upon the priviledge that other places appeale to Rome he saith That so others appeale to Constantinople which yet hath not thereby Iurisdiction over other places That whereas it is said the Bishop of Rome judgeth others and himselfe is not judged of any other he saith That St. Peter whose successour he pretends himselfe to be suffred himselfe to be reproved by S. Paul and yet the Pope tyrant-like will not have any enquire after his doings Barlaam prooveth out of the Chalcedon Councell Canon 28. That the Pope had not any primacy over other Bishops from Christ or S. Peter but many ages after the Apostles by the gift of holy Fathers and Emperours if the Bishop of Rome sayth hee had anciently the supremacy and that S. Peter had appointed him to be the Pastour of the whole Church what needed those godly Emperours decree the same as a thing within the verge of their owne power and jurisdiction Marsilius Patavinus wrote a booke called Defensor Pacis on the behalfe of Lewis Duke of Baviere and Emperour against the Pope for challenging power to invest and depose Kings Hee held that Christ hath excluded and purposed to exclude himselfe and his Apostles from principality or contentious jurisdiction or regiment or any coactive judgement in this world His other Tenets are reported to be these 1 That the Pope is not superiour to other Bishops much lesse to the Emperour 2. That things are to be decided by Scripture 3. That learned men of the Laiety are to have voyces in Councels 4. That the Cleargy and the Pope himselfe are to be subject to Magistrates 5. That the Church is the whole coÌ„pany of the faithfull 6. That Christ is the Head of the Church and appointâ—d none to be his Vicar 7. That Priests may marry 8. That St. Peter was never at Rome 9. That the popish â—ynagogue is a denne of theeves 10. That the Popes doctrine is not to be followed With this Marsilius of Pâ—dua there joyned in opinioÌ„ Iohn of Gandune and they both held that Clerkes are and should be subject to secular powers both in payment of Tribute and in iudgâ—ments specially not Ecclesiasticall so that they stood against the Exemption of Clerkes Michael Cesenas Generall of the Order of Franciscans stood up in the same quarrell and was therefore deprived of his dignities by Pope Iohn the two and twentieth from whom he appealed to the Catholicke universâ—ll Church and to the next generall Councell About this time also lived the noble Florentine Poet Dante a learned Philosopher and Divine who wrote a booke against the Pope concerning the Monarchy of the Emperour but for taking part with him the Pope banished him But of all the rest our Countrey-man Ockam stucke close to the Emperour to whom he sayd that if he would defend him with the sword he againe would defend him with the Word Ockam argueth the case and inclineth to this opinion that in temporall matters the Pope ought to be subject to the Emperour in as much as Christ himselfe as he was man professeth that Pilate had power to judge him given of God as also that neither Peter nor any of the Apostles had temporall power given them by Christ and hereof he gives testimony from Bernard and Gregory Ockams writings were so displeasing to the Pope as that he excommunicated him for his labour and caused his treatise or worke of ninety dayes as also his Dialogues to be put into the blacke bill of bookes prohibited and forbidden It is true indeed that Ockam submitted his writings to the censure and judgement of the Church but as hee saith to the judgement of the Church Catholike not of the Church malignant The same Ockam spoke excellently in the point of generall Councels Hee held that Councels are not called generall because they are congregated by the authority of the Romane Pope and that if Princes and Lay-men please they may be present have to deale with matters treated in general Councels That a generall Councell or that congregation which is commonly reputed a generall Councell by the world may erre in matters of faith and in case such a generall Councell should erre yet God would not leave his Church destitute of all meanes of saving truth but would raise up spirituall children to Abraham out of the rubbish of the Laiety despised Christians and dispersed Catholikes Wee have heard the judgement of the learned abroad touching Iurisdiction Regall and Papall let us now see the practice of our owne Church and State In the Reigne of King Edward the third sundry expresse Statutes were made that if any procured any Provisions from Rome of any Abbeyes Priories or Benefices in England in destruction of the Realme and holy Religion if any man sued any Processe out of the Court of Rome or procured any personall Citation from Rome upon causes whose cognisance and finall discussion pertained to the Kings Court that they should be put out of the Kings protection and their lands goods and chattels forfeited to the King In the Reigne of King Richard the second it was enacted That no Appeale should thenceforth be made to the Sea of Rome upon the penalty of a Praemunire which extended to perpetuall banishment and losse of all their lands and goods the words of the statute are If any purchase or pursue
in the Court of Rome any Translations of Bishoprickes processes and sentences of excommunication Bulles instruments or other things they shall be out of the Kings protection and their lands and tenements goods and chattels forfeit to the King and processe to be made against them by Praemunire facias It was also enacted in the Reigne of King Henry the fourth that all elections of all Archbishoprickes Abbeyes Priories Deanries and other dignities should be free without being in any wise interrupted by the Pope And indeede it was high time to curbe the Popes bestowing of Benefices on forrainers for upon an Inquisition taken by Simon Langham Archbishop of Canterbnry it was found that some had above twenty Churches and dignities by the Popes authority and were thereby further priviledged to hold so many more as they could get without measure or number Yea the Romans and Italians were so multiplied within a few yeares in English Church-livings that when King Henry the third caused a view thereof to be taken throughout the whole Realme the summe of their revenewes was found to be yeerely as Mathew Paris saiâ—h Sexaginta millia marcarum threescore thousand markes to the which summe the yeerely revenues of the Crowne of England did not amount By this that hath beene said it appeares to be an untruth which the Papists in their Supplication and the Authour of the treatise called the Prudentiall Ballance have given out to witâ— That all the Kings of England unto King Henry the eight were papists for divers of them dyed before the grossenes of Popery began otheâ—s of theÌ„ as namely King Henry the first and secoÌ„d King Iohn King Richard the second and Edward the third opposed the Papacy Now the very being essence of a Papist consists in acknowledging the Popes supremacy which since these did not acknowledge but withstood it they cannot properly be tearmed Papists though they were carried away with the errours of those times In this age lived those famous Florentine Poets Dante and Petrarch as also our English Laureat Chaucer as also Ioannes de Rupe scissâ or Rocke-cliffe and S. Bridget And these found fault with the Romish faith as well as with her manners Dante in his Poeme of Paradise written in Italian complaines that the Pope of a shepheard was become a wolfe diverted Christs sheepe out of the true way that the Gospell was forsaken the writings of the Fathers neglected and the Decretals onely studied That in times past warre was made upon the Church by the sword but now by a famine and dearth of the Word which was allotted for the food of the soule not wont to be denied to any that desired it that men applauded theÌ„selves in their owne conceits but the Gospell was silenced that the poore sheepe were fed with the puffes of winde and were pined and consumed away Dante his words are these Produce et spande il maladetto fiâ—râ— Cha desuâ—ate le pecore et gli agni Però che fatto ha lupo del pastore Per questâ— l' evangelio i dâ—ttor magni Son derelitti et solo à i decretali Si studia si che pare à i lor viuagni A questo intende ' l papae Cardinali which may be thus Englished She did produce and forth hath spread The cursed flower which hath misled The sheepe and lambes because that then Shepheards became fierce wolves not men Hereupon the Gospell cleare And the ancient Fathers were Forsaken then the Decretals By the Pope and Cardinals Were onely read as may appeare By th' salvage of the gownes they weare Againe Già solea con le spade far guerra Ma hor si fa togliondo hor qui hor quivi Lo pan ch' el pio padre a nessun serra I' th' dayes of old with sword they fought But now a new way they have sought By taking away now hâ—re there then The bread of life from starved men Which our pious fathers ne're denyed To any one that for it cryed Againe Per apparer ciafâ—un in glâ—gnâ— et face Sue inventioni quelle sontrascorse Da predicanti eâ— l vangilio sitace Non disse Chrisâ—o al su primo convento Andate predicate al mondo ciance Ma dâ—ed e lâ—r verace fondamento Et quel tanto sond ne le sue guance Si cli à pugnar par accender la fede Del ' evangelio fero scudi lance Hora si va con motti et coniscede A predicar pur che ben si rida Gonfiâ— a' l cappuccio più non si richiede Matal vcel nel ' bechetto S' annida Che se'l vulg il vedesse vederebbe La perdonanza di che si confida Per cui tanta stultitia in terra crebbe Che sanza prova d' alcun testimonio Ad ogni promession si conuerebbe Di questo n grassa l' porco Sant Antonio Et altri auchâ—r che son assai più porci Pagando di moneta sanza conio Christ sayd not to th' Apostles goe And preach vaine toyes the world unto But he did give them a true ground Which onely did in their eares sound So providing for to fight And to kindle faithâ—s true light Out of the Gospell they did bring Their sheild and speares t' effect the thing Now the way of preaching is with toyes To stuffe a sermon and herein joy's Their teachers if the people doe but smile At their conceits the Frier i'th'meane while Huff'es up his Cowle and is much admir'd For that 's his aime there 's nothing else requir'd â—ut in this hood there is a nest Of birds which could the vulgar â—ee They might spie pardons and the rest How worthy of their trust they bee By these their Indulgences and pardons And by their Friers absolutions Such follies on the earth abound That without proofe or other ground Of testimony men agree To any promise that made can be By this St. Anthony piggs grow fat And such like Pardoners so that Hereby they feede the belly and the groine Paying their people with counterfeit coine Here we see how the Poet taxeth papall Indulgences which the Friers vented enriching themselves by marting such pardons or Bulles signed or sealed with Lead for which the people paid currant money he also taxeth such as vainely trusted to such pardons as also the fond conceite they had of being shriven and absolved in a Monkes cowle as if some rare vertue had layd in that Cuculla or Capuccio alluding belike to the Monkes hood or Friers cowle as if the fashion thereof had resembled the Cuckowe The same Dante in covert termes calleth Rome the whore of Babylon mentioned in the Apocalyps his words are these Di voi pastor s' accorse ' l' vangelista quando colei che siede soura l' acque putaneggiar co i regi à lui fù vista Quella che con le sette teste nacque et da le diece corna hebb
in a Friers cowle and be buried among you from his Parish-church and and to such rich men give letters of Brother-hood confirmed by your generall seale and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall have part of all your Masses Mattens Fastings wakings and all other good deeds done by you and your brethren both whiles he lives and after his death Why graunt yee them the merit of your good deeds and yet weeten never whether God be apayd with your deeds ne whether the party that hath that letter be in state to be saved or damned Freâ—re why heare yee not poore folkes shrift but are Confessors to the rich to Lords and Ladyes whom yee mend not but they be bolder to pill their poore tennants and to live in lechery In this Age Iohn de Rupe scissa was famous for prophecies and predictions The Chronicler reports of him as followeth Pope Innocent about that time caused a Cordelier whose name was Iohn de Rupe scissa accused of sorcery to be burned in Avignion because he was too sharpe in his Sermons against the Sea of Rome and because he had prophesied many things to come concerning the Popes and amongst others said in plaine termes that the Pope would be one day like unto that Bird which being naked was fledged and feathered by borrowing a feather of every bird and then seeing herselfe so furnished fat and faire she began to flutter and strike at others with her beake and clawes the other birds that had made her so gay seeing her pride and insolency redemanded their owne feathers and so left the poore bird naked and starved with cold The like sayth he will one day befall the Pope and for this he was taken and pronounced an Heretique hee began to prophâ—siâ— from the yeare 1345. in the dayes of Pope Clement the Sixt and divers of those things came to passe which he forâ—told Thus farre the Chronicle Froissart the Historian saith Vnder Innocent the Sixt there was at Avignion a câ—rtaine Franciscan Frier â—ndued with singular wit and learning called Ioannes à Rupe-scissa whom the Pope kept in prison in the Castle of Baignoux for wonderfull things which hee affirmed should come to passe especially upon Ecclesiasticall Prâ—lats This Iohn offered to prove all his assentions out of the Apocalyps and the ancient bookes of the holy Prophets and indeed this Parable or similitude of the Biâ—d may very well seeme to be taken out of the Apocalyps for there it is said that The Kings of the earth gave up their power and strength to the Beast Apocalyps 17.13 but at length they shall hate the whore and shall make her desolate and naked and shall eatâ— her flesh and burne her with fire v. 16. And this was it that he meant by the Parable of the Bird namely that Christian Princes which had endowed the Sea of Rome with large priviledges and possessions would in time spoile her and leave her desolate accordingly as St. Iohn foretold In like sort Brâ—dgâ—t a Canonized Saint foretold as heavy a doome to the Papacy She calls the Pope a Murderer of soules the disperser and devourer of Christs sheepe more abbominable than the Iewes more despightfull than Iudas more unjust than Pilat worse than Lucifer and that his seate should sinke like a weighty stone alluding belike to the fall of Babylon set foorth in the Revelation Apocalyps 18.21 by the Parable of a Mill-stone cast into the Sea so shall Babylon be throwne downe and found no more Alvâ—rus Pelagius wrote a booke of the Lamentation of the Church wherein he notably taxed Monasticall vowes for speaking of the Monkes and Cloysterers of his Age he saith They professed poverty and yet expected other mens states and inheritances And speaing of Priests and Votaries which had vowed chastity he saith of them That the Celles of Anchorites were dayly visited by women and in another place Priests for many yeeres together doe arise every day from their Concubines sides and without going to Confession say Masse And againe There be few Priests in these dayes in Spaine and Apulia which doe not openly foster Concubines He saith that now adayes The Law is perished from among the Priests and vision among the Prophets and that is fullfilled which is written 1 Kings Chap. 22. v. 22. I will goe out and be a false spirit in the mouth of all his Prophets In this age the Church and State of England was much burthened with the order of Franciscan Friersâ— insomuch as Richard Fitz-Ralph an Irishman Chancelour of Oxford Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland a learned Divine as Trithemius saith wrote and preached against the begging Friers In his Sermons at Pauls Crosse in London in the yeere 1356. he taught That Christ did not undertake any such voluntary poverty as the Friers vow he held it an unchristian course to be a willfull beggar as being condemned in the fifteenth Chaper of Deuteronomy Hee discovered the Friers hypocrisie in that though they pretended poverty yet they had houses like the stately Pallaces of Princes Churches more costly than any Cathedrall Churches more and richer ornaments than all the Princes of the world more and better bookes than all the Doctours of the world cloysters and walking places so sumptuous stately and large that men of Armes might fight on horse-backe and encounter one another with their speares in them and their Apparrell richer than the greatest Prelats The contentions betweene Armachanus and the Friers grew so hot that Armachanus went in person to Avignion where Pope Innocent the sixt kept his Residence and there in the presence of the Pope and the foure orders of Friers he declared his opinion and maintained such propositions as he had formerly held and publiquely taught the issue was this the Pope had such use of these Friers and the Friers had such store of money as Walsingham saith that they procured favour in the Popes Court so that Armachanus could not prevaile though as the same Walsingham saith He proved the cause stoutly and manifestly against them To speake yet a little more of our home-bred witnesses now lived Richard de Bury Bishop of Durham borne at S. Edmundsbury in Suffolke and sonne to Sir Richard Angervile Knight he wrote Philobiblon and had alwayes in his house many Chapleines that were great Schollers Of which number were Thomas Bradwardine Confessour to King Edward the third and consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury but never inthronized Richard Fitz-Ralph Walter Burley and Robert Holcot the Dominican Bradwardine was sometime fellow of Merton Collâ—dge in Oxford and commonly called The profound Doctour He taught the Article of free Iustification through Faith in Christ the principall foundation of Christian Religion He complaines that the same had hapned to him in this cause which sometime fell out with Elias the Prophet Behold saith he I speake it with griefe of heart as in
the Friars be not liegemen to the King ne subject to his lawes For though they stealen mens Children to enter into their orders it is sayd there goes no law upon them Friars saien apertly that if the King and Lords and other men stonden thus against their begging and other things Friars will goe out of the land and come againe with bright heads and looke whether this be treason or no Friart faynen that though an Abbot and all his Covent ben open traytours yet the king may not take from them an halfe penny Friars also destroyen the Article of Christian faith I beliefe a common or generall Church for they teachen that thâ— men that shall be damned be members of holy Church and thus they wedden Christ and the divel together Friars by hypocrisie binden men to impossible things that they may not doe for they binden them over the commandements of God as they themselves say Friars wast the treasure of the land forgetting Dispensations vaine pardons and priviledges But of the pardon that men usen to day fro the Court of Rome z they have no sikernes that is certainty by holy writ ne reason ne ensample of Christ or his Apostles By this we see that Wickliffe stoutly opposed those Innovatours the Friers who like their successours the Iesuites taught and practised obedience to another Soveraigne than the King persecution for preaching the Gospell exemption of Cleaâ—gy-men the use of Legends in the Church and reading of fables to the people pardons and indulgences the heresie of an accident without a subject singular and blind obedience and lastly workes of Supererogation Now whereas Wickliffe was reputed an Heretike it is likely that this imputation was laid upon him especially by Friars to whose innovations he was a professed enemy PAP Many exceptions are taken against Wickliffe and namely that hee held That God ought to obey the divell PROT. Our learned Antiquary of Oxford Doctour Iames hath made Wickliffes Apology and answered such slanderous objections as are urged by Parsons the Apologists and others Now for the objection made there is neither colour nor savour of truth in it there was no such thing objected to him in the Convocation at Lambeth neither can his adversaries shew any such words out of any booke written by Wickliffe although he wrote very many Indeed wee finde the quite contrary in his workes saith his Apologist for Wickliffe saith That the divel is clepid that is called Gods Angell for he may doe nothing but at Gods suffering and that he serveth God in tormenting of sinfull men The phrase indeed is strange and if either he or any of his Schollers used such speeches their meaning haply was that God not in his owne person but in his creatures yeeldeth obedience to the devill that is sometimes giveth him power over his creatures PAP Wickliffe taught That Magistrates and Masters are not to be obeyed by their subjects and servants so long as they are in deadly sinne PROT. Even as light House-wives lay their bastards at honest mens doores so you falsely father this â—is-begotten opinion on Wickliffe which some of your owne side say belongs to one Iohn Parvi a Doctour of Sorbone And indeed in right it is your owne inasmuch as you upon colour and pretence of heresie in Princes absolve subjects from their Allegeance and raise them up in armes against their lawfull Soveraigne witnesse your bloody massacres in France the death of the two last Henryes in France the untimely death of the Prince of Orange the many attempts and treasons against Queene Elizabeth as also that hellish designe of the Gun-powder treason But supppose Wickliffe said so yet his words might have a tollerable construction to wit that a Prince being in state of mortall sinne ceased to be a Prince any longer he ceased to be so in respect of any spirituall right or title to his place that he could pleade with God if he were pleased to take the advantage of the forfeiture but that in respect of men he had a good title still in the course of mundane justice so that whosoever should lift vp his hand against him offered him wrong Wickliffe indeede admonisheth the King and all other inferiour Officers and Magistrates as elsewhere he doth Bishops That he beareth not the sword in vaine but to doe the office of a King well and truely to see his Lawes rightly executed wherein if hee faile then he telleth him that he is not properly and truely a King that is in effect and operation which words are spoken by way of exhortation but so farre was hee from mutiny himselfe or perswading others to rebellion that never any man of his ranke for the times wherein he lived did more stoutly maintaine the Kings Supremacy in all causes as well as over all persons ecclesiasticall and civill against all usurped and forreine Iurisdiction and one of his reasons was this that otherwise he should not be King over all England but Regulus parvae partis a petty governour of some small parts of the Realme PAP Wickliffe taught that so long as a man is in deadly sinne he is no Bishop nor Prelate neither doth he consecrate or baptize PROT. If Wickliffe said so he sayd no more than the Fathers and a Councell said before him Saint Ambrose saith Vnlesse thou embrace and follow the good-worke of a Bishop a Bishop thou canst not be The Provinciall Councell saith Whosoever after the order of Bishop or Priesthood shall say they have beene defiled with mortall sinne let them be remooved from the foresaid orders The truth is Wickliffe lived in a very corrupt time and this made him so sharpely inveigh against the abuses of the Cleargy but abusus non tollit rei usum and yet Wickliffe writeth against them that will not honour their Prelats And hee elsewhere expresseth his owne meaning that it is not the name but the life that makes a Bishop that if a man have the name of a Prelate and doe not answere the reason thereof in sincerity of doctrine and integrity of life but live scandalously and in mortall sinne that he is but a nomine-tenus Sacerdos a Bishop or Priest in name not in truth Neverthelesse his ministeriall Act may be availeable for thus saith Wickliffe Vnlesse the Christian Priest be united unto Christ by grace Christ cannot be his Saviour nec sine falsitate â—icit verba sacramentalia Neither can he speake the Sacramentall words without lying licèt prosint capacibus Though the worthy receiver be hereby nothing hindred from grace PAP Wickliffe held that it was not lawfull for any Ecclesiasticall persons to have any temporall possessions or property in any thing but should begge PROT. This imputation is untrue for what were the lands and goods of Bishops Cathedrall Churches or otherwise belonging to Religious houses which were given Deo Ecclesiâ— were they
say it was not onely apparant enough in the Greeke and Easterne Churches and in such as had made an open separation from the Romish corruptions such as were in these Westerne parts the Wâ—ldenses Wickleâ—iâ—ts and Hussites but it was also within the community of the Romish Church it selfe even there as in a large field grew much good corne among tares and weeds there as in a great bâ—rne heape or garner was preserved much pure graine mixed with store of chaffe Object I except against that you have said Master Brereley cals it a Ridle To say your Church was under the Papacie as wheat is under the chaffe and yet the Papacie was not the true Church Answer It is no Enigma or Ridle it being all one in effect as to say the Christian Church at our Saviours comming and after consisting of Ioseph and Mary Simeon and Anna the Shepherds and the Sages Christs disciples and others was in and under the Iewish Church consisting of Scribes and Pharisees who with their false glosses and vaine traditions had corrupted the Law of God was not sanum membrum a sound part of Gods Church but as our Saviour saith Like sheepe without a Shepheard Mark 6.34 Object You say your Church was under the papacie but the papacie was not the true Church by the like reason you may say that the hidden Church of God is preserved among the Turkes can there be a Church without an outward ministerie Answer It followeth not and the reason of the difference is because amongst the Turkes there is not that meanes of salvation inasmuch as they have not given their names to Christ but the true Church of God may bee preserved withiâ— the Romish Church in as much as they have the Scriptures though in a strange tongue as also Baptismeâ— and lawfull ordination and the like helpes which God in all ages used that his Elect might begathered out of the midst of Babylon And whereas you urge an outward and publike ministery this maketh nothing against the Church of England which for substance hath the same descent of outward ordination with the Roman Church neither can any man shew a more certaine pedegree from his great Grand father than our Bishops and Pastors can fâ—om suâ—h Bishops as your Church accounts canonâ—call in the time of King Henry the eight and upward such â—aâ—re evidence can wee produce for an outward and publâ—ke miâ—istery in the Church of England and such ordination wee hold very necessary and yet in case it cannot be had Gods children by their private reading and meditation of that which they have formerly learned may supply the defect of a publike ministery even as some Christians at this day being slâ—ves in Turky or Barbarie may be saved wiâ—hout externall ministery but this is in case of extremity for us we never wanted a standing ministery Neither did the Waldenses Wicklivâ—sts and Hussites for so I call them for distinction sake ever want an outward and lawfull ministery amongst them for the administration of the word and Sacramentsâ— Object You say your Professors communicated with the Roman Church but did not partake in her errours as you call them did they not joyne with them in the Massâ— and the Letanies of the Saints and the like Answer The thing wee say is this that howsoever they outwardly communicaâ—ed with Rome yet divers of them misliked in their heart their grosser erroâ—s they groaned under the Babylonish yoake and desired reformation besides many of them were ignorant of the depth and mysterie of poperie Object If your Protestant Church were in bâ—ing at and before Luthers appearing then did such as were members thereof either make profession thereof or not if they did tell us their names and where they did so if they did not then were they but dissemblers in Religion according to that of Saint Paul Rom. 10.10 and our Saviour Math. 10.33 Answer I will but take what your Rhemists grant and reâ—oâ—t your owne argument they say That the Catholike Church in their time was in England although it had no publike government nor open free exercise of holy function whence I argue thus if their Roman Church had any being at that time in England then their Priests and Iesuits either made publike profession of their faith or not if they made open profession why then did they goe in Lay-mens habits and lurke in corners if they made not open profâ—ssion then were they but dissemblers Besides I have already given you in a Catalogue of our professors who within the time mentioned witnessed that truth which wee maintaine by their writings confessiâ—ns and Martyrdom Now for us wee have rejected nothing but popery wee have willingly departed from the Communion of their errors and additions to the faith but from the Communion of the Church wee never departed In a word there were some who openly and constantly withstood the errours and corâ—uptions of their time and sealed with their bloud that truthâ— which they with us professed others dissented from the same errours but did not with the like courage oppâ—se themselves such as would sâ—y to their friends in private Thus I would say in the Schooles and openly Sed maneat inter nos diversum sentio but keepe my Councel I thinke the contrary PA. Was not the Masse publickly used in all Churches at Lâ—thers aâ—pearinâ— was Protestancie then so much as in being saith Master Bâ—eâ—ely PRO. If by a Protestant Church saith learned Doctor Field we meâ—ne a Church beleeving and teaching in all poinâ—s as Protestants doe and beleeving and teaching nothing but that they doe the Latine or West Church wherein the Pope â—yranâ—ized before Luthers time was and continuâ—d a true Protestant Church for it taught as we doe it condemned the superstition wee have removed it groaned under the yoke of tyranny which wee have cast off howsoever there were many in the midâ—t of her that brought in and maintained superstition and advanced the Popes Supremacie But if by a Protestant Church they understand a Church that not onely dislikes and complaines of Papal usurpation but also abandonâ—th it and not onely teacheth all necessary and saving truth but suffâ—reth none within her jurisdiction to teach otherwise wee confesse that no part of the Westerne Church was in this sort a Pâ—otestant Church till a Reformation was begun of evils formerly dislikâ—d Now whereas it is objâ—ctâ—d that the Masse wherein they say many chiefe poinâ—s oâ— their Râ—ligion are comprehended was publickely uâ—ed at Luthers appearing It is answered by Doctor Field that thâ— usiâ—g oâ— the Masse as the publicke Liturgie is no good proofe inasmuch as manifold abuses in pâ—actice besides and contrary to thâ— word of the Canon and the inâ—enâ—â—â—â— of them that first compoâ—ed the sameâ— have creâ—t into iâ— as also sundry Apocryphall thiâ—gs have slipt into the publicke Service of the Church these things will bâ—tter appeare by â—articular instances Concerning private
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eccle. Smyâ—n apud Euseb. l. 4. hist. cap. 15 pag. 39. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with religious worship h An Answer to the Iesuits Challenge Of payer to Saints pag. 426. i Nunquam Christum relinquere possumuâ— Cristiani neque alterì cuiquam precem oratâ—onis impendere Ex Passionario MS. vij Kalend. Febr. in Bibliotheea Ecclesiae Sarisburiensis Dâ— Robertâ— Cottoni k Vâ—i virginiâ— Evae virgo Maria â—ieâ—eâ— Advocâ—â—a Iâ—en lib. 5. c. 16. edit Gallasij c. 19. edit Fevard l Bellar. l. 1. de Sanct. Beat. c. 19. quid clarâ—us m Sicut Eva fibi et universo generi humano causa facta est mortis sic Maria eâ—â—â—â—i universo generi humano causa facta est salutis Iren. lib. 3. cap. 33. Causa salutis causa pro organo exteriore accipitur Nâ—col Gallas in loc n Et â—â—â—è quid allud est quam exclusiva quod Ireâ—auâ— habet lib. 4. c. 37.38 Non aliter servarâ— homines ab antiquà Seâ—pentis plagâ—â— nisi credant in cum c Chemnit loc Theolog de Iustif. 2. part p. 773. o Miâ—i nondum satis liquet Graece ne scripserit an Latine etiamsi magis arbiâ—â—or Lâ—tine scripsisse Eâ—â—â—inâ— prâ—fat in Iren. Phrasis ejus â—â—enâ—eâ— Graecismum redolet Bellarm de Sâ—riptor Eccles. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. q Euseb. hist lib. 5 ca. â—1 22 23. r Vâ— omnes Eccleâ—ia Aâ—â—â— ab eodem Vâ—ctore Romano â—xcommunicatâ—â—ueriâ—â— Bellâ—â— de verbo Dei libâ— 3â— cap. 6. § Secundo s Qâ—â—d Vicâ—â—â— sententiaÌ„ sâ—â—â—m mâ—â—â—veâ—it nusquam leâ—imâ—â— Bellarm. libâ— 2. de P. 〈◊〉 c 19. §◠at obijcit t Euseb. cap. 23. u Euseb. cap. 22. x Quâ—niam ergò Papa videâ—at illam diverâ—itatem de Paschate adferre secum Haereâ—in Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 19. S. Quoniam y Haec Epistola communiter habetur inter leges Divi Edwardi Antiquitat Britan. pag. 5. in Margine z Habetis penes vos in regno vtramque paginam câ—â— illis Dei gratia per Concilium regni vestri sumere poâ—estis legem vicarius verò Dei â—â—â—is in regno Antiquitat Britan. pâ—g 5. a Bellarminus lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. ca. 19. probare nititur primatum Papaeâ— ex ferendiâ— legibus censuris b Dicetas Deane of London a Manuscript in the Kings Library ad ann 178. alledged by M. Sâ—â—eds History of Great Brâ—tain Book 6. cap. 9. sect 18. c Polychronic lib. 4. cap. 16. pag. 163. d Convâ—rsiâ—n of England 1 Part. Châ—p 1. num 25. e Ioseph ab Arimathea anno ab Iâ—carnatione 63. cum dâ—cem socijs iâ— Britannia fidâ—m Christi praedicabâ—nt Nova Legenda Angliae pag. 187. columnâ— 4. f Lucius Brittaunorum Rex literas per Elvanum Medvinum viros reruÌ„ divinarum peritos ad cum mitteâ—at Eleutherium Richardus Vitus Basingstoochiensis Histor. lib. 5. pag. 1. a Ad notarium dicere consuevit Da Magistrum Tertullianum videlicet designans Hieron in Catal. Scriptor Eccles. b Euseb. lib. â— cap. 16. c Scripturas memoritèr tenuit Hier. ad Pammach Ocean Novuâ— et vetus Testamentum vâ—lut alter Esdras memorâ—tèr noverat Triâ—hem de scriptor Eccles. d Septem Notarijs potuit dictare Trithem Ib. e Vincent Lirinens de Hâ—res cap. 23. f Epiphanius coÌ„trâ— Hâ—resin 64. lib. 2. tom 1. in â—dit Lâ—â— g Amore castitatiâ— ut mulierâ—buâ— securè auderet pradicare se castrari fecit Trithem de Scriptor Ecclesiast h Non solum doâ—â—â—â— sed etiam doâ—ibilis August l. 4. de Baptis cap. 5. i Satis fâ—cilimè oâ—tendit se correctuâ—um fuisse sententiam suam si quis eâ— demonstraret Id. Ibid. lib. 2. cap 4. k Propâ—ereâ— non vidit aliquid ut per â—um aliud super eminentâ—us videreâ—ur Id. Ibid. lib. 1. cap. 18. l An autem de aliquâ subjacenti materiâ fâ—cta siâ—t omnia â—usquam adhuc legi Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis Officina Si non est scriptum timâ—aâ— vae illud adijciâ—â—tibus aut deâ—rahentibus desâ—inatum Tertul. advers Hermog cap. 22. m Adoro Scripturae piâ—nâ—tudinâ—m Id. Ibid. n In quibus liceat omne verbum quod ad Dâ—um peâ—tinet râ—quiri et discuti atque ex ipâ—is omâ—em rerum scientiam câ—pi Si quâ—d â—â—tem superâ—uerit quod non divina Scriptura decernatâ— nullam aliam de bere tertiâ—m scripturam ad authoritatem scientiae suscipi Orig. in Levit. Homil 5. tom 1. o Euseb. lib. 6 Histoâ— capâ— 24. p Caro corpore et sanguine Christi â—escitur ut animâ— de Deo saginetur Tertul de Resurrect cap. 8. q De cujus manu dâ—â—iderabit de cujus poâ—ulo participabit Terâ—ul lib. â— ad Vâ—orem cap. 6. r Populus in usu habet sanguinem bibere Origen hom 16. in Num. s Respondeo habet in usu non in precepto Bellar. de Euchar. lib. 4 cap. 26. t Quomodo aâ— Martyrij poculum idoneâ—s facimus si non eos priâ—s ad bibendum in Ecclesiâ— pocu uÌ„ Domini jure coÌ„municationis admittimus Cyprian epist. 54. â—om 1. lib. 1. epist. 2. in alijs edit u In calice Domini sanctificando plebi ministrando non hoc faciunt quod Iesus Christus sacrificij huâ—us auctor et doctor 〈◊〉 et doâ—uit Id. Epist. 63. lib. 2. ep 3. x Nec alibi conjunctos ad Sacramentum Baptismatis Eucharistiae admittens Tertul. advers Marcion lib. 4. cap. 34. de Coâ—onâ Militis cap 3. y Censurae Inquisitionis Hispanicae in B. Rhenani Aannotationes ad Tertullian Prout edita sunt in â—udice Libror Expurgator jussu Quiroga Madriti 1584. ex libro 4. advers Marcion Deleantur illa verba Baptismus Eucharistia duo Sacramenta Primitivae ecclesiae z Tertulliani opera cum câ—stigat Fr. Iunij in Bibliop Commelâ—â—â—â—â—o 1609. a Ac â—ptum panem distributum discipulis corpus suum illum fecit hoc est corpus meum dicendo id est Figura corporis mei figura autem non fuisset nisi veritatis esset corpus câ—terum vacua res quod est phantasma figuram capere non posset Tertul advers Marcion lib 4. cap. 40. b Rhemists Annot. on Math. 26. chap. sect 9. c Master Fisher in D. Whiteâ— Reply 6 point pa. 400.401 d 〈…〉 Deus in Evangelio reveâ—aviâ— panem corpus suuÌ„ appellans Tertul con Marcion l 3. c. 19. Panem quo corpus suum repraesentat Ibid. l. 1. c. 14. Et contra Iudaeos cap. 10. e Venite mittamus lignum in â—â—nem ejus Ierem. 11. Vtique in corpus sic enim Deâ—s in Evâ—ngelio panem corpus suum appellanâ—â— ut hinâ—â—am eum intelligâ—â— corporiâ— sui figuram pâ—ni dedisse cujus retrâ— coâ—poris in panem Prophetes figuravit Tertul. l. 3. advers Marcion c. 19. f Greg. de Valent. in Sum. Aquin. tom 4 disp 6. de praesâ—ntiâ— Châ—isti in Euchar. pag. 968.
Bâ—adwardin praeâ— in lib. de causâ— Dei contrâ— Pelagium b Aut si in aliquo discordat magiâ— deviat à Catholica veritate quam dicâ—um â—elagij Greg. Arim. lib. 2. dist 26 qu. 1. arâ— 2. c Tâ—emendum mihi videtur negare authoritâ—â—em Sanctorum â— contra etiam non est tutum contraire â—oÌ„muni opinioni conâ—câ—sioni magistrorum nostroruÌ„ Id. lib. 2. dist 33. quest 3. d Alij enim Catholicae sese religionis titâ—lo venditantes luthâ—ranorum adversarios jactantes duâ— arbitrij libertatem nimium astruere conaÌ„tur Christi se gratiae plurimum detrahere non intelligunt Contaren de Praedestin e Nam fides ex diviat verbi auditu Râ—m 10. Vâ—i vero id nec legiturâ— nec audâ—tur fidem â—eâ—ire labefaclari neâ—â—sse estâ— ut â—â—diè inquit proâ— dâ—lor omnibus sire locis câ—â—nimus Espenâ— Dâ—gâ—ssiâ—n in 1 Timoth lib. 1. cap. 11 ex Nicolao Clâ—mâ—ng f Facilius Augiae stabulum quà m talâ—bus fabellis multorâ—m tum libros tumâ— onciones repurges Id in Poster epist ad Timâ—th cap. 4. Digress 21 Quaà m indâ—gnâ— est Divis hominibâ—s Christianis illâ— sanctorum historia qua Legenda aurea nominatur quam nescio cur auream appellent cum scripta sit ab homine ferrei oris pluÌ„bei cordis Lud. Vives de caus coâ—rupt Aâ—t l. 2. p. 91. Quae de Divis sunt scripta praeter pauca quedam multis sunt commentiâ—â—oedata Id. de tradend Disciâ—linis lib. 5. pâ—g 360. Majores nostri tantâ licet quanta nos erga sanctoâ— devotione justum cameâ— non putarunt tot Sanctorum gesta recitari ut legi non possent sacra utriusque Testamenti volumina Espenc in prior ep â—d Tim. Digress lib 1. cap. 11. g Quoniâ—m in universà christianâ— republicâ circa haec tanta est socordia ut multos pâ—ssâ—m invenias niâ—il magis in paâ—ticulari explicitè de hisce rebus credere quam Ethnicum quendam Philosophum solà unius veri Dâ—i naâ—urali cognitione pâ—aeditum Navarrus in Enchirid. c. p. 11. nu 22. h Acts and Monum vol. 2. lib. 7. pag. 819. in Henr. 8. i Aâ—â— Sylviâ—s hist. Bâ—â—â—m cap. 13 k Id reformatur quod id mâ—n substantâ—à perâ— everat Aâ—châ—â—p Spalatens Consil. redit l 〈…〉 Angl c. Spâ—lâ—tenâ— cap. 85. m 2 Kings 23. n D. Vâ—hers Seâ—mon at Wansted pag 31. o D Field of the Church booke 3. chap. 6. p Master Cade his Iustificat of the Church of England lib. 1. cap. 1. § 5. lib 2. cap 1. § 4. q Codiâ—â—m portat Iudens undé credat Christianus Librarij rostâ—i facti sunt quomodo solent â—ervi post dominâ—s câ—diâ—es ferre Ang. in Psal. 56. â—om 8. r Rom. 3.2 Acts 15.2 s Esai 1.9 t Doctor Field of the Church booke 3. chap. 6. u Sâ—c Ecclesia iâ—â—rumentis Domiâ—iâ—is conservâ—ta eâ—t Augusâ—in ep 48. tom 2. Si Concilium in haeresin laâ—eretur remâ—neâ—ent alij Catholici qui 〈◊〉 vel ublicè prout expeâ—â—i â—t aud reâ—t 〈…〉 orthodoxam Occh in Dialog part 1. lib. 5. c. 28. x Dâ—ctor Chaloner's treâ—tise upon Credo Ecclâ—siâ—n S. Catholic 2. part â—â—ct 2. y Prot Appol tract 2. cap. 2. sect 13. z a b Bellarm. lib 3. de Eccles Milit. cap. 13. § Denique c â—hâ—m Annot. in 12. Apocal. d Sic dicâ—rem in sâ—holis sâ—d 〈◊〉 maneat inter 〈◊〉 dâ—vâ—rsâ—m sertio 〈…〉 pâ—obari â—x saâ—ris 〈◊〉 Pâ—ralipoâ— ad Aâ—â—at Vrspâ—rg pag. 448 edit Bâ—sil 1569. Prot. Apol. trâ—ct 2. cap. 2. sect 2. pag. 3â—â— Dâ—ctor Field of the Câ—urch 〈◊〉 second edition in hâ—s Appendix to the third booke Oxâ—oâ—d 16â—8 g Miâ—â—ale Eccles. Sarisburâ—in Canoâ—â— h Câ—ssâ—â—der consâ—lt de solitaâ—ia Mâ—ssâ—â— i Cassander in Consult dâ— utrâ—que specie k 〈…〉 epist 64 in tom 12. Biblioth Pâ—â— pag 3â—â— Colon. 1618. l Offâ—rinâ—â— quidâ—â— sed 〈…〉 Amb. oâ— in Hâ—bâ— 10. m 〈…〉 Chrysos in Heb 〈…〉 17. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et oblationem qui◠〈◊〉 est 〈…〉 Quotidâ—â— autem 〈…〉 Sacramento quia in sacramento 〈…〉 illius quod 〈…〉 Pet. 〈…〉 Sem lib. 4 Dist. 12. liâ— â—â— o 〈…〉 in Heb 10. ca. p Gâ—â—g Wiâ—â—lius in 〈…〉 D. Field q Enchirâ—d Colâ—niâ—nse de Euchâ—r tâ—ste coaâ—m r Doctor Fields Apâ—ndix to thâ— fiâ—th Booke part 3. pâ—g 11. s Sicid in Com. lib. 6. ad ann 1529. t Acts 11.26 u 1 Coâ—inth 1.13 x 〈…〉 sed Cathâ—â—â—â—â— non â—st â—â—tat lib. 3. y Acts 17.27.28 z 〈…〉 p 39 a 〈…〉 Isidor origin lib 8 cap. 5. b 〈…〉 â—9 c d f 〈…〉 6. sect 4. g h i 2 Cor. 1.24 k Praecâ—piâ—uâ— ut quilibet sacerdos quater in anno exponat populo vulgariter xiiij â—idei Articuloâ— Decem mandâ—ta Decalogi et septem gratiae Sacramenta Provincial Constitut. Angliae apud Gul. Lindewood lib 1. Ignorantia Sacerdot Vulgariter in linguá maâ—eâ—nâ— vulgari Aâ—glicâ videliâ—et Anglicis Gallicâ Gallicis Glossa Ibidem In a Councill at Clâ—ffe anno 747 it was decreed thâ—t the Lords Prayer Câ—eed should be read and taught in the English tongue Malmesb de gest Pont. lib. 1. l Apostolus specialiter dâ—â—it se velle loqui quinque verba quia predicatores dâ—â—ent annunâ—iare quinque sâ—â—luet Credenda Agenda Vitanda Tâ—mendâ— Sperâ—nda quiâ— pâ—â—dâ—catio dâ—bâ—t esse de â—ijs quae pertineâ—â—â—â—d sâ—dem sic habâ—tâ—r primum de hijs quâ— perâ—â—neâ—t ad â—oâ—es et sic habentur quatuâ—râ— virtutes vitâ—a pâ—na gloria Lyra in 1 Cor. c. 14 Scriptura 〈◊〉 unter continet Docâ—â—inam necessariam viatori quantuÌ„ ad Credenda Spâ—randa Operandâ— Scotus 1. Sent. Pâ—olog qu 2. m Acts and Monum vol. 2. booke 8. pag. 1124. ad ann 1538. n ibid lib. 11. p. 1788. ad Ann. 1555. o Servanda est totiuâ— seculi fides sequendi sunt nobis parentes qui secuti sunt faeliciter suos Ambâ—os epistol lib. 2. tom 5. p Ezech. 20.18 q 1 Pet. 1.18 r Hoc inquies majoâ—es nostri à suis parentibus accepeâ—â—â—t respondetur sed errantes ab errantibuâ— aut calumniantibus Aug. cont Crescon gramaâ—at li. 3 c. 33. tom 7. s Si quis de anâ—ecesso 〈…〉 vel â—â—noranâ—èt vel simplicitèr non hoc obserâ—avit tâ—nuit quod nâ—s dâ—miâ—us fâ—cere exemâ—â—o mâ—gistâ—rio suo docâ—it potest simplicitati eâ—us de indâ—lgentia domini 〈◊〉 â—oâ—â—edi nobis verâ— non poâ—erit ignosâ—s qui nuâ—c à Domino adâ—oniti instâ—uâ—li â—umas Cyprian epist. 63. Panâ—el num 13. in aliâ— edit lib. 2. epist. 3. t Alla â—â—usa est â—orum qui in istos haereticos imprudentèr inâ—urrunt ipsam esse Christi eâ—clesiam exâ—stimanteâ— alia coâ—um qui noverunt non â—sse Catholicâ—n Augustin de Bap◠〈◊〉 Donat. cap. 4. u Qui seâ—tentiam suam 〈…〉 â—alsâ—m ac perversam nâ—llâ— peâ—tinaci animâ—sitâ—te defendunt praesertâ—â— quam non audaâ—â—â— presumptionis â—ue pepereâ—unt seda seductis atque