can be no propositions can profit us no Accommodation can secure us If the King himselfe were a Papist he would yet look upon us as his naturall subjects but when his regall power is secondarily in the hands of a Papist to that Papist we appeare but as meere hereticks without any other relation of subjects By secondary power also a stroak is given with more secresie and security so that there is the lesse feare in the party striking to break and retard its violence It issues like a bullet whose line is not direct but with some elevation in the ayre or with some windings in the barrell of the gun whereby it doth more execution at a further distance Therefore our Kings many and dreadfull Oaths and Vowes of sincerity in the Protestant Religion are not satisfying if in the mean time any of his Kingly prerogative bee shared with such as are not sincere in the Protestant Religion it were farre safer for us that hee would sweare for his party then for himselfe But our Replicant will never have done with the Law hee still tells us That every man is to bee tryde by his Peeres the Lords in the Lords House and the Commons at the Kings Bench and though the House of Commons have no right of Iudicature yet there is another tryall for Treasons and our mâ—ine pâ—int in difference at this time is concerning Treason The Parliament is nothing else but the whole Nation of England by its owne free choice and by vertue of representation united in a more narrow roome and better regulated and qualified for consultation then the collective body without this art and order could be The Lords and Commons make but one entire Court and this Court is vertually the whole Nation and we may truly say of it that by its consent Royalty it selfe was first founded and for its ends Royalty it selfe was so qualified and tempered as it is and from its supreame reason the nature of that qualification and temperature ought only to be still learnd and the determination thereof sought For who can better expound what Kings and lawes are and for what end they were both created then that unquestionable power which for its own advantage meerly gave creation to them both If Kings and nationall lawes had any humane beginning if they be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as the Scripture sayes they are they had not their being from themselves and from nations collectively taken they could not have their being for nations so are not congregable nor consultable nor redeemable from confusion pardon the hardnesse of words and therefore it must follow that both Kings and laws were first formed and created by such bodyes of men as our Parliaments now are that is such Councells as had in them the force of whole Nations by consent and deputation and the Maiesty of whole Nations by right and representation The enemies of Parliaments seeing this not to be gain-said and seeing that it must needs follow that that cause which first gave the being and prescribed the end of that being must needs have most right and skill to limit and direct the manner of that being they seek to divide the coactive from the representative body of the people they seek to divide between the two houses of Parliament and these seek to divide between the head and the body of the Parliament They perswade the maltitude that they have entrusied the Parliament only with their purses to give away subsidies and replenish the Kings coffers but not to settle their rights and franchises and to make knowne the bounds of Prerogative and restraine the unnaturall encroachments or erruption of the same If the community have beene agrieved to complaine or almost accuse is a sufficient priviledge of the house of Commons and this but to avoid further repâ—â—ing shall not be granted them Tispity that our Doctors doe not study the Law further for with a little more industry they might perhaps finde out that every private man as well as the house of Commons or the whole Community out of Parliament as well as our Knights and Burgesses in it may give the King money and if occasion be preferre an accusation against such a tyrrannicall Lord or favourite well if such Rabbies and expounders can satisfie any of the unworthy vulgar and some Gentlemen and Lords who have spirits below the Yeomanry of England for such I have seene too many since 3. Novemb. 1640 they shall be no further disabus'd by me In the next place They attempt to work a disunion between the Houses the Lords shall have a power of Judicature over their Members so they will exclude the Commons from any part therin and upon condition that they will so farre disclaime them as to leave them obnoxious for tryalls at the Kings bench This sitting of the Lords and Commons in severall Houses does not prove them severall Courts nor does the observance of particular Priviledges in either House and not laying all things common between both prove any independance of either doubtlesse they are like the twines of Hippocrates they both must live and die together In former ages judgement was so given upon the greatest Delinquents at that the Commons were parties in the judgement And sure whilst they were Judges over Lords themselves were not subjected to inferiour Courts the Lords then knew they could not indure any indignity to fall upon the Commons being but distinct parts of the same Court but it would reflect upon themselves and the Commons knew that the honour ' of the Lords was an addition to themselves whilst the Curiatii stand close together their three adverse Combatants are too weake for them but when they are divided by unwarinesse in the encounter they prove all three too weake for one of their enemies I will not make any comparisons or say whither the Lords or Commons deserted by the other suffer more I will only say that nothing but fatall want of policy can divide or diminish their mutuall love and correspondence In the last place division also is raised betwixt the King and Parliament there is a generation of men which seeke not the good of King and Parliament not could prosper if the King and Parliament were united as they ought to be These men because their suggestions cannot prevaile to alienate the Parliament from the King apply all their indevours to alienate the King from the Parliament their perpetuall suggestion are That the greatnesse of Kings is eclipsed by Parliaments That there is in Lawes themselves a kind of enmity and something that is inconsistant with royalty That Kings are bound to seek nothing but themselves That Kings can seeke nothing in themselves so nobly as the satisfying of their wills especially when their wills are sixt upon things difficult and forbidden Neverthelesse there is nothing but falsety in all these suggestions For Princes are the Creatures and naturall productions of Parliaments and so are their Prerogatives
Accommodation Cordially DESIRED AND REALLY INTENDED A MODERATE DISCOVRSE TENDING To the satisfaction of all such who do either Wilfully or Ignorantly Conceive that the PARLIAMENT is Disaffected to PEACE WRITTEN Upon occasion of a late Pamphlet pretended to be Printed at Oxford entituled a REPLY to the Answer of the LONDON PETITION for PEACE LONDON 1642. ACCOMMODATION Cordially DESIRED AND REALLY INTENDED A Moderate Discourse tending to the satisfaction of all such who c. A Petition for Peace is presented to the Parliament by some thousands of Citizens the Petition findes a peaceable answer and that Answer as I shall now set forth is opposed by an unpeaceable Reply but that time may be the better husbanded and indifferent Readers the better satisfied before I undertake the Replication it selfe I desire all men to be preadvertised of some few things Schollars have been very active in this unnaturall warre both in raysing and fomenting it the tongue hath made some wounds as well as the hand and the sword had never bin so keene had it not been whetted by the Pen but Schollars are not actvie on both sides alike to shew their partiality interest in this cause 't is only on the Kings side where the Pen and the Launce are both brandisht in the same hand And it is wisely ordered for the Kings interest wil be the more hopefully pursu'd when Schollars second it with their Arts and the Schollars Interests will be the easier gained when the King seconds them with his Armes But of all kindes of Learning Oratory is most relyed on and of a'l kinds of Oratory that is most made use of which is most wantonly painted and dressed and borrowes most from ostentatious Art and is therefore most unfit for businesse either of Law or State because it is most fit to inveagle and deceive with its false graces and flourishes The tongue of Cyneas was very advantageous to Pyrrhus in subduing Townes and Cities but 't is likely more of manly Logick then of effeminate Rhetorick flow'd from that tongue of his or else Townes and Cities in those dayes were governed by very illiterate men None but the duller sort of people are to be catcht by pure oratory the wiser sort are wel enough instructed that when the Fowlers pipe playes most melodiously the snare is coucht most pernitiously That man is very unworthy to judge of Papers that cannot distiguish betweene foundations and superstructions reasons and Assumptions that cannot discerne between prooving of premises and pursuing of conclusions and yet the chiefest fraud of the Orator is to passe over that part of the businesse which requires most proofe without proofe at all that which is most darke without light at all and that which is most important without mention at all 'T is enongh for the Orator to blazon the bloudy shield of war in general when 't is his sole charge to dispute who are theguilty causers promoters of this particular War 'T is enough for him to take it for graÌ„ted or at most upon his own credit to affieme it That the Kings party of Papists and Arminian Clergy men and delinquents were first assayled by this Parliament without cause or danger and so presaltum to proceed to veÌ„emous invectives cursed censures against the Parliament when his main task is to proove either that a Parliament may in no case whatsoever defend it selfe or that this warre in the Parliament is not defensive If wee peruse all the papers which have come out in the Kings behalfe under his name or otherwise we shall find nothing proper to be insisted on but these two points That defensive warre is unlawfull in Parliaments or that this warre in the Parliament is not defensive and yet nothing lesse hath been insisted on nay though the Fabricke bee vast that is built and raised thereupon yet that which ought to support all the fabrick is utterly neglected so in this reply now to be examined if much be affirmed yet little is prooved and if any proofe be made 't is of sequels not of premisses 't is of assumptions deduced not of Theses deducing and 't is plaine and obvious to al that the Replicant here pleads not as if hestood at the barre but pronounces sentence as if he sate on the Bench We may justly therefore suspect that he aymes not at the satisfying of wise men but the dazelling of simple men and that he would not daube with his fucusses every line embellish with his Caressing Phrases every sentence if he did not affect the pompe of Mr Rhombus the Pedant rather then the gravitie of a Statist The next Art of our Replicant is to impose those his nude averments which are most false and improbable with most boldnesse and assurance assâ—ling as it were thereby the beliefe of other men with armed violence That it may passe for currant that Franham Castle was surprized contrary to the faith and Treaty of Sir William Waller with whom no Treaty was ever entertained nor spoken of it must be further averred That our side was false at Winchecter false in York shire false every where but these things eadem facilitate negantur quâ affirmantur Another advantage of the Kings party is by multitude of writings invective and Satyricall both the Universities are become mints of defamatory disgracefull papers the Regiments of the Kings Pen-and-Inkhorne men are more and fuller then of his sword-men and though too many papers are scattered of both sides yet those of the Kings are most of them serious and done by able men whereas those of the Parliaments side for the most part are ridiculous done by Sots or prevaricators to the disadvantage of the partie After these premonitions I come to the Replication it selfe The substance of the Petition was That the Parliament would tender such Propositions for Accommodation as might be accepted with honour to his Maiesty and safety to the Kingdome The substance of the Answer was that the Parliament was truly and heartily desirous of a safe and honourable Accommodation and for an instance of that their desire would seeke nothing from the King but to enjoy the due essentiall Priviledges of his highest Court of Law and policie which priviledge must needs qualifie and fit them rather to judge then to be judged by any other inferiour partie That a totall submission to the King he being so farre addicted to a faction of Papists and haters of Parliaments could neither be safe nor honourable That to submit to the Kings party were to submit to the foes of Religion and Libertie foes irreconcileable and such as ever had been dangerous and were now made more furious by bloud against the Parliament That if the Petitioners being but a part of London and that but a part of England should in stead of an honourable safe Accommodation presse the Parliament to a dishonourable unsafe submission to the Kings party it were a breach of publike trust in the Parliament to yeeld therein
give his approbation withall for my part I conceive it more honourable for the King to say that he cannot then that he would not save his people from all those cursed indignities and cruelties which have been multiplyed upon us during this warre and before by his adherents As for Lawes therefore we must take notice that they may be imployed either to the benefit or prejudice of any Nation and that they themselvss do require to be regulated by further Lawes No Nation can be free without a three-sold priviledge The first is in the framing and passing of Lawes The second is in declaring and interpreting Lawes And the third is in executing and preserving Lawes inforce Where the King is sole Law-maker all things are subject to his meer discretion and a greater bondage then this never was nor can be the English lie not under such base servitude their King claimes but a part in the Leg slative power and yet neverthelesse of late by discontinuing of Writs for the summoning of Parliaments and by the right of a Negative voyce in Parliaments and an untimely dissolving of Parliaments the peoples interest in this Legislative power has been much abridged and suspended In the like manner also if the sole power of declaring Lawes were so in the King as that he might himselfe give Judgement or create Judges at his pleasure without imposing Oathes of trust on them in behalfe of the people or should deny redresses upon Appeales from them our Legislative power would be vaine and uneffectuall to us For my part I hold it an equall thing whither just men make Lawes and unjust interpret them or unjust men make Lawes and just interpret them When it was just in the King of late to impose what taxes hee pleased and as often as he pleased upon us for the preparing of Armadoes all over England Our Nation was fallen into a most desperate thraldome yet the fault was not then in the Lawes but in the Judges and such as had a power over the Judges Lawes as they are deafe and by a strict inflexibility more righteous then living Judges so they are dumb also and by their want of Language more imperfect then the brests of men And indeed since the Lawes of God and Nature though knowne to all yet do not utter to all the same sense but remaine in many plaine points strangely controverted as to their intent and meaning how can we hope that any humane Lawes should satisfie all mens understanding in abstruse points without some living Key to open them the vast Pandects and digests of the Law sufficiently testifie that in the clearest Law which mankind could ever yet discover there are dark and endlesse Labyrinths wherein the weaker sort of lay men are presently lost the learnedst advocates are tediously perplext In the last place also if the sole power of inforcing and executing Lawes were so vested in the King as that he might use it to the cessation or perversion of all justice and the people were in such case remedilesse the interest in making and declaring of Law were invalid and frustrate in the people and the King might still inslave or destroy them at his pleasure The Replicant sayes That under a Monarchy much must be trusted to the King orelse it will be debased into Democracie T is confessed much must but all must not be trusted the question then is how farre this much extends in a Monarchy of such a mixt nature as ours is in such times as ours now are In absolute Monarchies all is trusted to the King in absolute Democracies all is vested in the people in a mixt Monarchy more is trusted to the King then is reserved to the people and in a mixt Democracie more is reserved to the people then is derived to the Prince In all formes of Government the people passes by way of trust all that power which it retaines not and the difference of formes is only in degree and the degrees are almost as various as the severall states of the world are nay the same state admits of often changes many times sometimes the people gaines and sometimes looses sometimes to its prejudice sometimes not and sometimes injuriously sometimes not but the degrees of ordinary power consist in the making declaring and inforcing Law except when forraigne warre is and then it is expedient that a greater and more extraordinary trust be reposed in one and this we see in Holland the most exact Republicke and in England the most exact Monarchy in the world But it is a leud conceit of our Royalists now adayes to attribute to our King an absolute power over the Militia of this Land at all times alike not distinguishing between Civill warres wherein he may be a party and suspected and between a forraigne warre where he is neither a party nor suspected for if our Kings will plead such a trust to out disadvantage 't is just that they produce some proofe for it and relye not upon meere Common use 't is true in case of Forraigne invasion 't is expedient that the King be farre trusted and yet even so if the King should conspire with forraigne forces or neglect to protect us against them contrary to the intent of his trust we might resume the common native Posse or Militia of the Land for our owne defence without his consent And much more reasonable is it in time of Peace or Civill warre if the King will deny his influences or withdraw his presence to obstruct Law or will by his Negative voyce or by force seeke to disable his highest Courts and Councels and reduce all to arbitrary government more reasonable is it that the people secute to themselves the Law their chiefest portion and best patrimony For as the King cannot by Law deny to the people their undoubted interest in passing of Lawes so neither can he defeat the same interest or destroy the benefit thereof by misinter pretations or by mis-executions of the same Lawes No Nation can injoy any freedome but by the right and share which it has in the Lawes and if that right and share doe not extend to the preservation of Lawes in their true vigour and meaning as well as to the Creation of them 't is emptie and defeasible at the Kings meere pleasure Much is to be trusted to the King true but all is not we see trusted some power we see is of Necessity to be reserved in free Nations such as the King allowes us to be and there is a difference also in the word Trust for there is an arbitrary and there is a necessary Trust and the one may be resumed the other not upon meere pleasure Without all question the wiser and juster Princes are esteemed the more the people ever trust them but this makes no difference in the Legall and fundamentall Trust of the Kingdome nor can infirme credulous and easie Princes pretend alwayes to the same degree of power as their Ancestors have held
to shed in Ireland and for all that protestant blood which armies of papists and delinquents arenow ready to shed in England if all this blood finde no pity in thee yet is it an offence to thee that it extorts teares and lamentations from us O thou unbowelled sanguinary wretch if God be the God of protestants he will judge these cruclties of papists and their abertors and if he be the God of papists we know our slanders and calumnies cannot deceive him wee submit our selves and our cause to his revenging hand But thou wilt say the Kings party in this warre are good Protestants and we are Anabaptists c. The tyranny and superstition of Bishops has driven some of our tender and stricter protestants into utter dislike of Ceremonies and that pompous or rather superstitious forme of Church discipline which has beene hitherto used in England Some of us desire an alteration of some things in our Lyturgy by advice of a learned and uncorrupt Synod others perhaps scruple Church musick and any set forme of divine service to be imposed of necessity liking better the single order of Scotland What new Creed is there in all this or what change of Religion were this if there were any great numbers of men so opinionated But it is well enough knowne to our Adversaries that there is not one man of both Houses of Parlialiament that is violent against all publick set formes of prayer or that forme which is now in use or that desires any alteration of Doctrine in Essentialls nay nor of Discipline except in things very few and inconsiderable And it is well knowne that the Parliament as it would loosen the rigour of Law in some scruples for the ease of tender consciences so it abhors utterly all licentious government in the Church and all by-wayes of coufusion In the City the King has instanced in Pennington Ven Foulk and Mannering as notoriously guilty of Schisine and doubtlesse they were named for want of worse try these men now by the old Creed or by the nine and thirty Articles nay examine them concerning the Common prayer Book and it will soon appeare how farre they are strayed into Brownisme or any other Schisme it will appeare how they are wounded in schismatick and all protestants in them and the true Religion in us all it may be they have not put pluralities or the Parliamentary Votes of Bishops into their Creed it may be they have reserved no implicite faith for Convocation acts and Canons which the Replicant may perhaps judge very irreligious but they hope this never had any anathema pronounced against it in the old Church by any Councell before Antichrists dayes Let not railing pulse for impleading and condemning and we will all be tried in the same manner and if any new Creed be found amongst us differing in substance from the old let our adversaries themselves give and execute sentence upon us If Brownists could be as well distinguisht and nominated in our Army as papists are in the Kings or were really as many and as far countenanced we would distrust our cause whereas we now beg no otherwise the blessing of God upon our Armies then as we are enemies both to Popery and Brownism Dares our Replicant make such a prayer no somtimes he owns Papists and somtimes he seemingly disowns them speaking of the Kings party once he saies As for the establisht religion we will become suiters to you that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it Papists certainly have transgrest against our religion if the rebellion in Ireland be a transgression or if the instant taking up of arms here against the parliament be a transgression yet see at the same time when they call us to punish the papists they themselves arm enable papists to punish nay to destroy us is this all the ingenuity we shall expect well to our law notion it is argued in the next place that a Papist fighting for the King though in a notion of Theology he may be accounted an enemy quatenus a Papist yet in understanding of Law hee was accounted the Kings friend as to his fighting Priest squires Doctrine just hee that fights for the King or rather at the Kings command let the cause be what it will he is the Kings friend When Saul gave a furious command to fall upon the Priests of Iehovah amongst all his servants he had no eneire loving freind but Doeg so when his unnaturall rage incited him to take away the life of Ionathan the whole Army that defended Ionathan were his foes and if it had proceeded to parties as it had if Saul had had as many Idumeans in his service as King Charles now has those onely which had been the execrable instruments of the Kings Tyranny had been the Kings friends and had fought for their King so those six hundred men which adhered to David out of a pious intent to preserve his innocent soule from the bloudy hands of Saul and his three thousand impious murderers and the Keilites also if they had been faithfull to David as they ought to have been were guilty of Treason and drew their swords against their master But I expect now that the Replicant insist upon the Iustice of the Kings cause as not taking armes to master the Parliament but to defend themselves against the Parliament this if it could be proved would over-rule all but it being in question and as resolutely denied by one side as affirmed by the other the Replicant must evince by reason all that he expects to gaine from us 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should invade a King as a King a Parliament 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should be misled and have ends to enrich it selfe by oppression as a King 'T is not so probable that that Army which consists all of Protestants should be so adverse to the reformed Religion as that which admits and favours all Papists and Delinquents T is not so probable that that Army which is raised and payed by Parliament that is by the flower of all the English Nobility and Gentry should fight for Arbitrary government and against propriety liberty and priviledge of Parliament as that which hath nothing considerable but rapine and pillage to maintaine it If many evidences of facts many pregnant proofs and many lively circumstances of time and place did not absolve the Parliament of tray terous conspiring against the Kings Crowne Dignity and person and convince Digby Percy Iermin and divers of the Kings and Queens party of conspiring against the priviledges of Parliament and the lives of many of our noblest Parliament men If all other arguments did faile the very invitation of Papists to the Kings Standard the rising of the Papists with such generall consent now that all Ireland is almost lost to the papists and some hopes were else to recover it would sufficiently assure me that religion and liberty stand
as has been set forth and every rationall and naturall thing loveth its own off-spring and that love is rather ascending then descending it is liker the sap of the root then of the branch viz. The people are more inclinable to love Princes then Princes to love the ' People There is likewise a neare consanguinity and reflexive benevolence of aspects between Lawes and Princes they are both of the same descent and tend to the same end and both are inviolable whilst they are assistant each to other the enemy of both has no hope to prevaile Si attribuat Rex legi quod lex attribuit ei T is retrograde also to nature that Princes whom God has set to feed his people and not without the creation of the people should think themselves more valuable then that people or that they should confine their thoughts to themselves as Gods despising the universality when God has called particular subjects their brethren and forbidden them to lift up their hearts above any of them Lastly that Princes which have as other men sinfull affections and are subject more then other men to sinfull temptations and are accountable to God therefore in a higher degree then other men should think it inglorious to deny their own irregular wills and to submit to Lawes Parliaments and the Publike prayers and advice of their subjects 't is a thing scarce credible The most expert Navigator preferres the guidance of his Needle before his own conceit the most tried Engineer wholly relies upon the certainty of his rule All Artists how rare soever apply themselves to their Instruments absolutely renouncing their skill and experience in comparison of Mechanick directions Only Princes chuse rather to erre with their own fancies and fancy feeding flatterers then to go right with publick advice and no mischiefe which can happen to themselves and millions of others by their error seems so unkingly to be suffered as a retractation from error But our Replicant has more particular objections against Parliaments As first That they have no cognizance of matters of State secondly That in matters of grace and pardon they have no power or right the King in those has an Arbitary sole authority Lawes ayme at Iustice Reason of state aimes at safety Law secures one subject from another Law protects subjects from insolence of Princes and Princes from sedition of Subjects so far as certaine rules may be given and written but reason of State goes beyond all particular formes and pacts and looks rather to the being then well-being of a State and seeks to prevent mischiefe forraign as well as Domestick by emergent Counsels and un-written resolutions Reason of State is something more sublime and imperiall then Law it may be rightly said that the Statesman begins where the Lawyer ceaseth for when warre has silenced Law as it often does Policy is to bee observed as the only true Law a kind of a dictatorian power is to be allowed to her whatsoeever has any right to defend it selfe in time of danger is to resort to policy in stead of Law and it is the same thing in the Replicant To deny to Parliaments recourse to reason of State in these miserable times of warre and danger as to deny them self-defence Many men especially Lawyers would fain have Law alone take place in all times but for my part I think it equally destructive to renounce reason of State and adhere to Law in times of great extremity as to renounce Law adhere to Policy in times of tranquillity Nothing has done us more harme of late then this opinion of adhering to Law only for our preservation the King and his party though they are too wise themselves to observe Law at all yet have wrought much upon the simpler sort of our side by objecting against us neglect of Law Certainly as our dangers now are it would bee good for us to adde more power to the Earle of Essex if he be thought the worthiest man of Trust amongst us as he has deserved no lesse estimation for till I see him lookt upon and served as a temporary Dictator and the bounds of his Commission to bee only this ne quid detrimenti capiat Respublica cavere I shall never think the Parliaments safety sufficiently provided for To frame any Arguments or reasons or to offer proofes that the Representative body of the Kingdome is a Counsell of State rather then a Court of Justice would shew me as foolish as the Replicants 't is impossible any man should doubt of it that does think the being is to bee preferred before the well being or that whole Nations have any interests either in their owne being or well being Let our Adversaries triumph in their owne conceits and when in the same case there is both matter of Law and State as in the case of Hull when the King had an interest rather in State then Law let them upbraid us for declining of Law I shall like that best which they dislike most in us I wish we had not observed Law too farre for they would never so-farrere commend it to us did they not know it might be sometimes unseasonable As for acts of grace and pardon I shall not much quarrel thereabout the Parliament can best advise the King how far it is fit to passe a Law of oblivion in these generall times of confusion And the Answerer of the London Petition affirmed nothing but that their advise therein was likely to be most wholsome which can hardly be contradicted And the Law is cleare enough that though the execution of Law be farre intrusted to the King and there is a dispensing power in Him so farre as he is supposed to be damnified or to be interested in the penalty yet where crimes have been committed against the whole State the King ought not and where particular men have been injured the King cannot suffocate frustrate or deny Justice 'T is against his Oath 't is against publike Liberty to deny satisfaction by stopping execution 4. But London is the most confiderable part of the Kingdome and the Petitioners the best part of London and the most to bee valued in other parts are inclined to the same request for peace therefore the Parliament ought to yeeld When our Adversaries please they can alledge numbers for their advantage as if the Major part of the people were cordially on the Kings side when they please they can give you reasons why the major part of the people are inchanted and therfore cannot be on the Kings side yet we all know the major part cannot be both for and against the King at the same time in the same case Besides divide England into 3. parts and we doe not allow London to be the major of those three and divide London into 3. parts and the Petitioners cannot make it appear that they are full one third part this must be attributed to our Replicants boldnesse meerly That which is manifest is