their Ensample others shuld the more perseverantly enforce themselves to use their Tyme in honourable Wirkes and vertuose Dedes to purchase and get the Renoume of auncient Noblesse not onely for themselves but also for ther Lynge and Posteritie of theym descended according to ther Demerits and valiaunt Actions to be taken furth and reputed among al Nobylls and Gentylls And albeyt Iohn Smythe of Walden in the Countie of Essex is descended of honest Lignage and all his Auncestors and Predecessours hath long continued in Nobylite and beryng Armes lawful and convenyent Yet nevertheless he beyng uncertayne thereof and not willyng to do any thing prejudicial to no manner of Person hath requyred and instantlie desyred me the foresaid Garter to ratifie and confirme unto him and also to Register in my Recorde the true Armes and Blazon of his seyd Auncestours And therefore I the foreseyd Garter by Vertue Power and Authorite of myne Office as Principal King of Armes granted annexed and attributed by the King our Soveraign Lord have appointed and confirmed unto the seyd Iohn Smythe thesse Armes and Crest with thappurtenances hereafter following Viz. Sables a Fece dauncye betwixt III Lyonceux Regardant Argent Langes Goules Pawsing with their lyft Pawes upon an Awlter Gold Flaming and Bourning thereon Upon the Fece IX Bellets of his Felde Upon his Crest an Eagle rysing Sables holding in his Right Cley a Pen Argent Issuing thereout Flames of Fyer Set upon a Wreath Argent and Azure Mantelles Goules Lined Argent Botoned Gold To have and to hold to the same Iohn Smythe and to his Posteryte with other due Difference therin to be revested to his Honour for ever In wytnes hereof I the â—oresevd Garter Principal King of Aâ—mes as aâ—oâ—â—seyd hath signed these Preseâ—◠〈◊〉 mine own Hand and thereunto hath 〈◊〉 the Seal of my Office and also the Seal of mine Armes â—even at London the xii day of March in the yere of our Lord God MV cXLV and in the XXXV yere of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIII by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defendour of the Faith and in Erthe of the Church of England and Ireland Supreme Head Cb. alias Gartier Num. III. Sir Thomas Smith's Orations for and against the Queens Marriage I. Agamus or Wedspite This Oration for the Queens single Life ALTHO' I know saith he that I speak now first at a great Disadvantage as to such as have their Tongues at Wil their Wits fresh and be good Confuters as I have known them by experience in the Parliament House that whatsoever I shall say they can with Words make that it shall appear quite overthrown and dashed in pieces Yet because I my self would gladly learn whether I be in a right Opinion or no and hear either my Opinion weakned or thother strengthned with good Reasons that I may by comparing th one with thother know my Error which I could never yet do I am content to speak first I pray you that do note my Opinion so strange a while suspend your Judgments of me until you have heard al my Reasons which moveth me to take this part First I say that in this Matter either we must have respect to God to the Prince her Self or to the Commonwealth or rather to al these For as for vain Talk of the People and the common Opinion of every Man in this our Disputation I think little regard to be had to them For neither I speak in Pulpit before all Rascalls that cometh nor I do reason with such as I must needs say as they say or else hold my Peace but with them who wil look to have no further Credit to be given to their Authority and Mind than just Reason doth require And therefore to Godwards yee must needs confes that Virginity is above Matrimony which Christ himself being our Head King and Master did follow And St. Paul allowing both th one and thother Marriage I mean and the Sole Life yet preferreth the sole Life far above Matrimony And I cannot see that he maketh any Distinction or Difference whether they be Men or Women Young or Old Princes or Subjects Rulers or private Persons but as in Bondage or Freedom whether it be of Men or Women Young or Old he preferreth Liberty not excluding Bondage from the Gospel So doth he rather allow and exhort unto and wish thaâ— Men would chuse and take hold of Virginity and sole Life rather than Marriage with such Elogium as would seem slanderous iâ— it were not of his speaking The Virgin saith he and single Man have care how they should â—lease God The married Woman hath chosen infinite ways the worse Person to be pleased and the sole Woman the better Wherefore as I did say at the beginning to define what is good and most for the Queen if we shall try it by the best truest and more sure Ballance that is to Godwards St. Paul seemeth to be with me and the example of Christ himself and his most happy Mother St. Iohn Baptist and other the Heads of our Christian Religion who ensued that kind of Life as best and most acceptable to Godwards You see I do not bring you Histories of certain Emperors and Empresses Kings and Queens married who notwithstanding their Marriage yet lived continently lest perhaps you should doubt of the Truth of the History Or if the History were true yet of the Perfection and Sincerities of the Persons Or whether therin they pleased God altho it liked them best Nor yet I bring in that infinite number of Names of Virgins and Widdows which at the very Beginning of Christs Religion professed and kept Chastity as a thing whereby they thought most to please God and made their choice of that as of the most godly Life Lest peradventure with the evil Example again of the Nonns Monks and Friars of our Days who likewise have as holily vowed and yet so lewdly have and do keep the same you should have occasion to derogate Faith from all the rest but sincerely and plainly and of Principles most certain I have proved that to God the best most commendable and most allowable Life of these two is to be sole and chast It is hard ve will say in that Liberty Ease and Plenty of all things which Monarchy and Princely State doth bring to keep moderation and much more to keep Chastity Mary the harder the better and as the Greek Proverb is that which is laudable is hard to attain Ye be al learned and know Hesiods Verse What is that that men may take up by Heaps and case me by And how streit and hard a Path is left to creep to Vertue Wherefore when we speak of the Goodness of a thing or compare which of the Two is better the Hardness is no Objection but rather a Proof of the Goodness thereof And because I am yet in that Part which is to God-ward Why shall I go any further
Roman Coins The Physicians tamper with him They leave him to Kitchin Physick Goes into the Country Dies Persons attending his Funerals Buried His Monument His Lady dies His Person described CHAP. XVI His last Will. Makes his Will For the finishing his House and Monument To his Lady For preserving good Housekeeping To his Brother His Library to Queen's College or Peter-House Books to his Friends A Cup to the Queen In case of Doubt arising in the Will His Executors The Date of his Will CHAP. XVII Observations upon Sir Thomas Smith His Learning A Platonick A Physician His Recipe for the Plague His Chymical Water sent to the Countess of Oxford His Matthiolus A Chymist A Mathematician An Arithmetician An Astronomer His Iudgment of the Star in Cassiopaeia A Politician A Linguist An Historian An Orator An Architect His Library Books by him written A great Iudge in Learning His Acquaintance The Vogue of his Learning Beneficial to Learning His Places His houses in Chanon-Row In London At Ankerwick Mounthaut His heir Sir William Smith CHAP. XVIII Sir Thomas Smith 's Vertuous Accomplishments His Religion His Principles by which he governed himself His Vertues Vices falsely charged on him His Spirit His Apparel Not oppressive Of an universal Charity His Apophthegms Leland's Copy of Verses to Smith Dr. Byng's Epitaph on him THE LIFE Of the Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH Kt. CHAP. I. Sir THOMAS SMITH's Birth Parentage and Education THE Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH sometimes Secretary of State to K. Edward VI. and afterward to Q. Elizabeth was born at Walden in the County of Essex distinguish'd by the Name of SAFFRON Walden the Lands of that Parish and the Parts adjacent being famous for the Growth of the useful Medicinal Plant whether first brought thither by this Knight's Industry being a great Planter I know not for it was first brought into England as we are told in the Reign of K. Edward III. According to Cambden who writes that Sir Thomas Smith died Anno 1577. in his Climacteric he must have been born in the Year 1514. According to Fox who in his Relation of an Evidence given by the said Knight in February Anno 1551 against Bishop Gardiner assigned his Age then to be Three and Thirty he must have been born in the Year 1518. But himself putteth his Age out of doubt in his Book of the English Commonwealth where he saith that March the 28th 1565 he was in the One and Fiftieth Year of his Age. By which Computation he must have come into the World in the Year 1512. a Year famous to England for building of a Ship the biggest that ever the Sea bore And by the Inscription on his Monument it appears he departed this Life in the 65th Year of his Age. So that Cambden made him Two Years younger than he was and Fox Five unless we should say the Figure 33 is mis-printed for 39 a Fault too common in his Books Our Knight's Father was Iohn Smith of Walden Gentleman a Person of good Rank Quality and Wealth Of which we may take some Measure from two Purchases he made of K. Edward in one Year viz. the Third of his Reign that is to say a Chauntry in the Church of Long Ashton in Somersetshire with other Lands Tenements and Hereditaments in the Counties of Somerset and Glocester which cost him 293 l. 16. s. 8 d. His other Purchase was all the Guild or Fraternity in Great Walden lately dissolved with divers other Lands and Tenements in Essex and London For which he with another Joint-Purchaser paid 531 l. 14 s. 11 d. Of which Fraternity of Walden this by the way must be remembered for the Honour of it that in a Grant made to it by K. Henry VIII as he willed there That he might evermore be remembred in their perpetual Prayers so he charitably desired that he might be admitted a Brother thereof and his dear Wife Q. Katherine to be a Sister And divers others are expressed there to be desirous to be admitted to the same as the Right Worshipful Dr. Wolsey Almoner to the King Richard Nix Bishop of Norwich Henry Earl of Essex and his Lady Lord Brook Chief Justice of England Sir Iohn Cutts Sir Tho. Semer and divers other Gentlemen and Ladies This Iohn Smith if we look further back was in the 30th of King Henry VIII High Sheriff of the Counties of Essex and Hertford For in those Times one Sheriff served both Counties In the year 1545. and the 35th of K. Henry aforesaid his Coat of Arms was granted him by the principal King of Arms or rather confirmed For the said King's Parent specifies That he was descended of honest Lineage and his Ancestors had long continued in Nobility and bearing of Arms and that it was Mr. Smith's Desire that the King of Arms would ratifie unto him his former Coat and Register it in the Records of his Office The Coat therefore granted annexed and attributed unto him was Sables a Fesse Dauncy between three Lionceux regardant Argent Languid Gules pawing with their Left Paws upon as many Altars flaming and burning thereon for that these were Anvils as some have thought alluding to the Name of Smith is a Fancy Upon the Fesse Nine Billets of his Field The Crest an Eagle rising Sable holding in his Right Claw a Pen Argent Flames of Fire issuing thereout This Crest Sir Thomas changed upon a notable Reason as we shall relate in due place Of this Coat of Arms I have laid a Copy of the Original Patent in the Appendix which is in Parchment very well adorned round about with Pictures of Rosâ—â— and Flowers de Lys and the Lively Efsigies of Garter arrayed in his rich Coat standing with a white Wand in his Hand and a Crown on his Head and the Coat of Smith blazonâ—d on the right side of him and pointâ—d to by the said white Wand I have but one thing more to say of this Gentleman and that is That he was an old Favourer of the Religion Reformed in which he brought up his Son Thomas from his Youth He lies buried in the Church of Walden where his Monument is yet remaining that is so much of it as contains his Coat of Arms but the Brass that bore the inscription torn off This for Sir Thomas's Father His Parentagâ— on his Mother's side was also Genule being derived from the ancient Name of the Châ—â—â—ecks of Lancashire his Mother Agnes being a Daughter and Co-heir of that Family By this Gentlewoman Iohn Smith had Issue divers Children of both Sexes viz. Four Daughters Agnes and Margery Alice and Iane which two last were married and three Sons Thomas Iohn and George The Posterity of which last flourish to this Day in Wealth and Honour and possess the Seat and Inheritance of Thomas the Subject of our ensuing History with great Improvements of the Estate Tho' no more Sons are express'd in the Roll
brake her Desire of a Marriage between Queen Elizabeth and her second Son the Duke D'Alenson asking Smith the Ambassador whether he knew how the Queen would fancy the Marriage with her said Son Madam said he you know of old except I have a sure ground I dare affirm nothing to your Majesty When she said again That if the Queen were disposed to Marry she saw not where she might Marry so well That as for those she had heard named as the Emperor's Son or Don Iohn of Austria they were both less than her Son and of less Stature by a good deal And if she would Marry it were pity any more Time were lost Smith liking well enough the Motion replied to this That if it pleased God that the Queen were Married and had a Child all these Brags and all these Treasons he meant of the Queen of Scots and her Party would soon be appalled And on condition she had a Child by Monsieur D'Alenson for his part he cared not if they had the Queen of Scots in France which was an Article propounded by the French King in the fore-mentioned Treaty but by no means allowed by the English Ambassadors For then he said they would be as careful and as jealous over her for the Queen of England's Surety as the Queen's Subjects or she her self was The Queen-Mother then subjoined That it was true and without this Marriage if she should Marry in another Place she could not see how this League and Amity could be so strong as it was Our Ambassador answered It was true the Knot of Blood and Marriage was a stronger Seal than that which was printed in Wax and lasted longer if God gave good Success But yet all Leagues had not Marriage joined with them as this might if it pleased God To which she joined her Wish and added That if it should so happen she would her self make a Start over and see the Queen the which of all things she most desired To which again the Ambassador said That if he had at that present as ample Commission as he had at the first for Monsieur D'Anjou the Matter should soon by God's Grace be at an End The Queen wisht he had And asked him If he should have such an one when he went into England whether he would not come again to execute it Yes Madam said he most gladly on so good an Intent I would pass again the Seas tho' I were never so Sick for it Another Day in the same Month of March the Queen-Mother met Smith the Ambassador in the same Garden and having Discourse concerning other Matters as of the Queen of England's danger from the Queen of Scots who now applied her self to Spain she thus brought in the Talk again of Marriage Asking him whether his Mistress did not see that she should be always in danger until she Married And that once done and that in some good House who dared attempt any thing against her Then said he he thought if she were once Married all in England that had any Traiterous Hearts would be discouraged For one Tree alone as he ingeniously explained the Matter may soon be cut down but when there be two or three together it is longer a doing And one shall watch for the other But if she had a Child then all these bold and troublesome Titles of the Scotch Queen or others that make such Gaping for her Death would be clean choaked up The Queen cryed merrily she saw she might have Five or Six very well Would to God said the Ambassador she had one No said she still merrily two Boys lest the one should die and three or four Daughters to make Alliance with us again and other Princes to strengthen the Realm Why then said Smith as jocularly you think that Monsieur Le Due shall speed With that she laughed and said she desired it infinitely And then she would trust to see threâ— or four at the least of her Race which would make her indeed not to spare Sea and Land to see her Majesty and them And if she could have fansied my Son D'Anjou said she as you told me why not this of the same House Father and Mother and as vigorous and lusty as he or rather more and now he beginneth to have a Beard come forth And as to his Stature she told the Ambassador that the said Duke her Son was as tall as himself or very near For that Matter said he again that for his part he made little account if the Queen's Majesty could fansy him Adding this Story That Pipin the Short Married Bertha the King of Almain's Daughter who was so little to her that he was standing in Aix in a Church there she taking him by the Hand and his Head not reaching to her Girdle And yet he had by her Charlemain the great Emperor and King of France who was reported to be almost a Gyant in Stature To which the Ambassador added the mention of Oliver Glesquin the Britain Constable which the French made so much of and lay buried among the Kings at St. Denys if he were no bigger than he was there pourtrayed upon his Tomb was very short scarce four Foot long But yet he was valiant hardy and courageous above all in his Time and did the English Men most hurt Thus ingeniously did Smith hold the Conference with the Queen-Mother But as to his Opinion of the Queen's Marriage wherein he perceived she was but backward and a Marriage he and the best Statesmen in those Times reckon'd the only Means for the Peace and Safety of the Queen and Kingdom against the Disturbances and Pretences of the Scotch Queen and her Friends the Ambassador was full of sad and uneasy Thoughts For so at this time he opened his Mind to the Lord Burghley That all the World did see that they wished her Majesty's Surety and long Continuance and that Marriage and the Issue of her Highness's Body should be the most Assurance of her Highness and of the Wealth of the Realm The Place and the Person for his part he remitted to her Majesty But what she meant to maintain still her Danger and not to provide for her Surety he assured his Lordship he could see no reason And so prayed God to preserve Her long to Reign by some unlookt for Miracle For he could not see by natural Reason that she went about to provide for it And soon after when Smith had sent Messages two or three for the Resolution of the English Court about the Marriage which the French were so earnest for and in great hopes of and no Answer came He lamented to the aforesaid Lord that he and his Collegue Walsingham could say nothing of it when they were asked And that they were sorry in their Hearts to see such uncertain so negligent and irresolute Provision for the safety of the Queen's Person and of her Reign Praying God Almighty of his Almighty and Miraculous Power to
these lusâ—y and couragious Knights Strangers Kings or Kings Sons to be their Husbands Men of another Countrey Language and Behaviour than theirs I would not wish her Majesty but her Highness's Enemies such Aid Help Honour Riches and Contentation of Mind as those Noble Women had of those Marriages by the Description of the Poets Therefore Sophonisba wife to Syphax was worthy Praise as a wise and stout Lady who was content to put her self into the hands of Masinissa For so much as he was a Numidian born in the same Country of Africa that she was But rather than she would come into the Power and Hand of the Romans being to her Strangers the chose with a Draught of Poison to rid her self both from her Life and from her Care Well I had rather in this Matter Bene ominari And therefore I will bring no more Examples out of Histories as ye know well enough I can of the Successes of such Marriages But well I wot our Country by all Likelihood rather desireth that her Highness had one of this Realm than a Stranger It is not long ago Once there was a Stir for that Matter that cost a good Sort of Gentlemâ—ns Lives Do I forget think you what argument of Authority you used against my Friend here Mr. Spitewedd Do you then remember the Motion of our Speaker and the â—equest of the Commons House what they did and could have moved then and how they ran all one way like the Hounds after the Hare High and Low Knights and Esquires Citizens and â—argesses â—eeâ— as were of the Privy Council and others far and near Whom preferred they I pray you then if they should have had their Wish The Stranger or the English man And think you they did not consider her Majesty's Honour as well as you Do you suppose that they knew not as well what was Disparagement as you Whose Judgments if you would have to be esteemed so much as appears in your Argument you would and as I think you will even now Subscribe unto this Matter is concluded and your Disparagement is gone And where you said that the Marriage within the Realm should bring in Envy Strife Contention and Debate and for to prove the same you shew forth the Marriage that King Edward IV. made with the Lady Katharine Grey wherein followed such Dissension Cruelty Murther and Destruction of the Young Prince and his Brother the sequel I grant Mary if you do consider the Matter well ye do alledge Non Causam tanquam Causam As for the Stomach and Grief of the Earl of Warwick against the King I think indeed that Marriage was the Cause Not because the Queen was an English Woman but because the King having sent the Earl as his Ambassadour to conclude a Marriage for him Which the King did afterward refuse to accomplish And this the Earl thought not only to touch the Kings Honour but also his and fought therefore the Revenging Which he would as well have done and he had the same Cause if he had concluded it in England and after the King refused it So that it was not the Place or Person but the breaking of the Promise and disavouching of his Ambassage and the touching of the Earls Honour herein that made the strife between the Earl and the King For the rest for the Beheading of the Earl Rivers and others the Marriage was not the Cause but the Devilish Ambition of the Duke of Glâ—cester and the Duke of Buckingham Which may appear by the sequel For the one rested not till he had the Crown nor the other till he lost his Head And I pray you what Kin was the Lord Hastings to the Queen And yet he lost his Head even then King Henry VI. Married in France And did not that Marriage make Dissension enough in England And for all that the Queen was a French Woman was not her Husband and her Son by the Desire of the Crown which the Duke of York had both bereaved of their Crown and Lives So that you see that neither Marriage within the Realm maketh these Mischiefs nor yet the Marriages without can let them but Wisdom Foresight and good Governance and chiefly the Aid and Grace of God But it is a great thing to be considered the Riches Power and Strength which shall be by Marriage of a Foreign Prince as well for the Establishment and well keeping of her Highness against Insurrections and Conspiracies which might chance here within the Realm and for Invasions War Battle to be made by or against Princes abroad and without the Realm And here you seem to triumph as tho' all were yours and as tho' it were a thing clear and without all Controversie But I pray you let us weigh this Matter Do you think so much Riches and so much strength gotten unto the Realm when she shall Marry a Foreign Prince Do you praise so much Queen Mary for Marrying King Philip Indeed he is a Prince as you say as great in Birth and Possession as any Christian Prince is at this day But what was England the better for his Marriage We kept Calais above Two Hundred and odd Years in the French Ground in despight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissension that ever was either in King Henry IV. Henry VI. Richard III. or King Henry VII their times And in King Henry VIII his Time we wan also Boloign and Boloignois And did the Encrease of Strength in his Marriage make us to lose in this Time I do assure you for my Part I never saw nor I think if I should have lived this Five Hundred Years heretofore past I should not have seen at any time England weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the Time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionats and Countries c. For all those jolly Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much Affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both They went to the Musters with Kerchiefs on their Heads They went to the Wars hanging down their Looks They came from thence as men dismayed and forelorn They went about their Matters as men amazed that wist not where to begin or end And what marvel was it as my Friend Mr. Agamus saith Here was nothing but Fining Heading Hanging Quartering and Burning Taxing Levying and Pulling down of Bulwarks at home and beggering and loosing our Strong Holds abroad A few Priests men in White Rochets ruled all Who with setting up of Six foot Roods and rebuilding of Rood-lofts thought to make all Cock-sure And is this the surety we shall look for the Defence we shall find the Aid we shall hope of if the Queen's Majesty take a Foreign Prince to her Husband And what Decay came at that Time
For that which I had before learned by Fame only and Hearsay of your Wisdom being then present I understood by Experience and that your Lordship was indued not only with very great Skill and Insight in the weighty Affairs of State but also in these light and literary Controversies with an incredible sharpness and an excellent Facility and Plenty joined with a wonderful Obligingness while you are disputing and arguing c. He concludes his Letter with a Protestation of intire Obedience to his Lordship's Order however he should determine for or against his Desire and that he would submit to his Authority being the Authority of a Reverend Prelate and a very Learned Chancellor From hence I date the Respect and Love Smith gained with this Bishop This must be Remembered to this Bishops Commendation among the many evil Things that asperse and blacken his Name to this Day Nor must the like favour or a greater be forgotten by him shewn to such another Learned and grave Protestant Friend and Contemporary with Smith I mean Roger Ascham which I must have leave to mention here Whom the Bishop of Winchester did not only spare but called to Court and preferred to be Secretary of the Latin Tongue to Queen Mary Whom for his Learning in the Languages and incomparable faculty of a clean Stile and beautififul Writing he greatly loved and obliged with many Benefits And when Sir Francis Englefield Master of the Wards and Liveries a fierce Papist had often cried out upon Ascham to the Bishop as an Heretick and sit to be rejected and punished as such he never would hearken to him either to punish him or remove him from his Place Thus Lived two excellent Protestants under the Wings as it were of the Sworn Enemy and Destroyer of Protestants Ascham and Smith to whom we now return again Nay and bloody Boner who had a personal Pique against him since the last Reign as was shewn before let him alone tho' he were in his Diocess admiring the Man and dissembling his Anger Nee Bonerus eum non admiratus amici Vultum hominis tantas inter simulaverat iras But tho' he thus escaped this Man yet another of his Name who was also a Retainer to him at Eaton when Provost there fell into his Hands whom he left not till he had reduced him into Ashes Namely Robert Smith who was burnt at Uxbridge in the Year 1555. This Robert belonged to the Church of Winsor and had a Clerkship there of 10 l. a Year Of Stature he was tall and slender active and very ingenious for many Things chiefly delighting in the Art of Painting which for his Minds-sake rather than for a Living or Gain he practised and exercised He was smart and quick in Conversation and fervent in Religion wherein he was confirmed by the Preachings and Readings of Mr. Turner Canon of Windsor and others In his Examinations before Bishop Boner he spake readily and to the purpose and with no less Boldness and gave that Prelate his own He was also a good Poet according to the Poetry of those Times Some Pieces whereof remain in Fox's Monuments And his Parts and Elegancy of Stile as well as his Piety Godward may be judged of by his Sententious Letter to his Wife from Prison a little before his Death Which may be seen in Fox beginning Seek first to Love God Dear Wife with your whole Heart and then shall it be easie to Love your Neighbour Be friendly to all Creatures and especially to your own Soul Be always an Enemy to the Devil and the World but especially to your own Flesh. In hearing of good Things join the Ears and Heart together Seek Unity and Quietness with all Men but especially with your Conscience For he will not easily be entreated Hate the Sins that are past but especially those to come Be as ready to further your Enemy as he is to hinder you c. It was remarkable at his Death that his Body well night half burnt and all in a lump like a black Cole he suddenly rose upright and lifted up the stumps of his Arms and clapped the same together and so sunk down again and Died. And this was the more to be remarked because he had at the Stake said to those that stood about him that they should not think amiss of him or his Cause tho' he came to that End and that they would not doubt but his Body tho' so to be consumed presently to Ashes yet Dying in that Quarrel should rise again to Life everlasting and added that he doubted not God would shew some Token thereof Smith in these Days of Queen Mary was removed off the Stage of Action being now but a silent Stander by And here he saw the pitiful Burning of poor Men and Women for Religion the Marriage with Spain the Loss of Calais and the Reduction of the Kingdom to the lowest Ebb both in Wealth and Reputation that it had been in for some hundreds of Years before Which Things went close to his Heart and out of the Love he had to his native Country filled him with Vexation nay and shame to behold Hear his own Words reflecting upon these Times in one of his private Discourses framed in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign We kept Calais 200 Years and odd in the French Ground in spight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissensions that ever were either in King Henry the Fourth the Sixth Richard the Third or Henry the Seventh their Times In King Henry the Eighth's Time we wan also to it Bouloign and Bouloignois I do assure you for my part if I may say what I think I question if I should have lived through Five hundred Years heretofore past I should have seen England at any time weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionates For all those wily Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both What decay came that Time to the substance of the Realm and Riches both publick and private it should be no less Pity than needless to tell I am sorry I can retrieve so little of this worthy Man during these five Years of Queen Mary which he spent in Leisure and Retirement However I have retrieved a Paper wrote by him in the Year 1557. that deserves here to be set down Intitled Advertisements and Counsels very necessary for all Noblemen and Counsellors gathered out of divers Authors both Italian and Spanish 1. TEll not all that you think nor shew all that you have nor take all that you desire nor say all that you know nor do all that you can For lightly shall
Man doth take it For it was a Disputation much after the old fort of Plato's Dialogues and Tullies and a Thing which I would wish some Learned Man had in hand that could handle it well as it will bear For the Matter seemeth worthy the Writing And they surely each Man defended his Part stoutly and lively with so many Reasons as came to his Mind I dare say for that time W. And whose Part took you But I am a Fool to ask you that Question before you tell me the Matter and Argument of the Disputation S. The Matter was of the Marriage of the Queen's Majesty whom I had thought that all the World as well as I had wisht to have been Married that it might have pleased God to have blessed and made glad our Country with a Young Prince of her Body W. And is there any Man so wicked and so foolish that doth not wish so S. I cannot tell you what he doth indeed but I assure you one whom I dare say ye neither account wicked nor a fool in reasoning would shew himself not only of the contrary mind but to have great Reasons for his Opinion W. That is but as you Philosophers and Rhetoricians do For you care not what part you take For if you list you will never lack Arguments and would make some simple Men as I am that hear you believe that the Cow is Wood and that the Moon is made of a green Cheese S. When you speak of Learned Men put me out of the number But he held that her Majesty did best in thus keeping her self sole as she doth and would seem to be in mind that it were best for her not to Marry W. Mary that is a Mind indeed if it were known abroad he were of such a mind whosoever he were I dare say every Man would spit at him in the Streets as he goeth and for my part I should never love him S. Why If her Majesty were of that mind as it seemeth by divers of her Doings and Sayings she is would you not love her W. Love her Her Majesty I cannot chuse but love Her Vertues be such that whosoever knoweth her Majesty tho' he were not her Subject must needs love her As for us that are her Subjects Duty compelleth us to love honour and obey her to take her part whatsoever it shall please her Highness to do in that Case But I cannot chuse but with otherwise S. Well another held the contrary Mary he would in any Case her Majesty should Marry within the Realm W. God's Blessing on his Heart Him I like well S. The third thought it more convenient that her Majesty should have some Prince a Stranger and brought great Reasons therefore W. That was I dare lay a Wager some Italianated English Man or some Mongrel that hath good store of Outlandish Blood in him S. Ye judge very fast before ye either know the Man or have perused his Reasons Well the fourth seemeth most indifferent For he was but directly against the first For in any wife he liked not that sole Life of a Queen For the rest whether it pleased her Highness to take a Nobleman of England or a Stranger he was indifferent W. Sir if I may be so bold as to hear the whole Discourse you shall do me the greatest pleasure in the World And seeing you were repeating the same with your self you were as well tell it out With one labour you shall repeat that thing that else you would do and pleasure me your Friend S. Neither the labour is all one to meditate in a Man's Mind and to speak out with his Tongue Nor his Peril is like For if I fail in the repeating to my self either in my Memory of the Reasons or plain uttering of them I am the Offender and Punisher no Man else can controul me When I shall take upon me to tell them unto you you shall I know sometimes have cause to find fault with my Memory and sometimes with my Wit and most times with my Eloquence And they peradventure have cause to be angry with me because with my ill rehearsing I do weaken their Arguments and with my Rudeness stain their Eloquence W. I pray you let these things pass and do but as well as you can For I can desire no better with Reason Let me hear also what was disputed amongst them S. It began thus After Dinner they were disposed to walk into my rude Garden and there I cannot tell well who one began to tell that now of fresh the Rumour of the King of Swâ—â—â—n Erieus's coming hither for as ye know by the Death of his Father Gustave it began to be stayed was renewed again and that of many he was undoubtedly looked for shortly to come himself hither into England and in proper Person not by Embassage to be a Wooer to her Majesty Then quoth I would that Wooing were once done and that her Majesty had one whom she could like of that we might see the hope and fruit of Succession more near at hand What said one of them is there not in England as goodly Men Noble Witty and Couragious as be in other strange Places What need it be fought so far that we have so 〈◊〉 By my Troth quoth another of them me think in far more better and honourable for all purpose that her Majesty should take to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d some Prince or Nobleman a Stranger than any of her own Subjects Well saith the third and I am in that mind altho' I know it is not the most plausible Opinion that her Majesty doth best to keep her thus sole unmarried as she is The fourth at that was as much displeased as you were Neither saith he am I altogether Proselyte of the first Opinion nor yet of the second But so that her Majesty Marry whether our Countryman or a Stranger I like indifferently Mary to hold that she should not Marry I hold it an unnatural and in manner a wicked Opinion against our Country My Masters quoth I we have all leisure thanks be to God and ye may make me now glad For methinks I am in Plato's Academy or Cicero's Tuseulane I pray you seeing you all four be of divers Opinions let us hear your Reasons We can have no better Place nor Time And if this Green Bank be not soft enough we will have Cushions brought to fit on To that they all agreed and said they needed no Cushions the Bank was so fair and the Garden so pleasant A little they strived who should begin But he that spake against Marriage said he would gladly first declare unto them that his Opinion was not so strange nor so unreasonable as they took it And so he began Then he who was for the Queen 's sole Life represented under the name of Agamus i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Calebs or â—â—dspite makes his Discourse at large After he had ceased Philoâ—enus i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
the Queen was much offended In May Hales's Business came to be examined by the Secretary After Examination he was found to have procured Books in Defence of the Earl of Hertford's Marriage and likewise in Approbation of the Title of Succession for the Lady Katharine Upon this Occasion thus did Smith the Ambassador write As I am a Man I would not have any Man vexed I could wish Quietness to all the Race of Mankind and that whosoever would might Philosophize freely But every Man should mind his own Business He declared that he for his part was for a Liberty of Philosophizing But whereas it was urged that they Philosophized too much he said he thought what was done was done more out of Curiosity than Malice And whereas he saw so much Danger and Vexation Banishment from Court and Imprisonment of great Men happening upon the Occasion of the said Book some for Writing it and some for Reading it he made this Moral and wise Reflection I plainly perceive how dangerous a thing it is to be too forward in prying into the secret Affairs of King's and Kingdoms CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper SMITH being come home from his Embassy the Sight of his old Friends and the Enjoyment of his native Country was a great Joy to him Haddon still remained Ambassador at Bruges Who in the Kalends of Iune Anno 1566. wrote to him that he did almost envy him this his present Happiness You said he have now recovered your Country your Prince your Consort your Friends your Ease and with the rest the high Commendation of your Embassy Whereas it is my unhappiness alone to be deprived of all those Comforts of my Life And no doubt Smith returned with the same Praise for the management of his Negotiation in France as his Friends in England gave him while he was in the Execution of it as the same Haddon signified to him not long after his first going into France viz. That the most intelligent Men of the Court attributed much to his Wisdom and Moderation but above the rest their common Friend Cecil the Queen's Secretary Who ever made honourable and friendly mention of him Sir Thomas Smith spent this Year in England among his Friends He had not been above Twelve Months at home but he was sent again into France in Quality of the Queen's Ambassador Extraordinary to make a formal Demand of Calais from the French according to a Treaty at the Castle of Cambray Eight Years before and when the last Peace was made at Triers Calais being then excepted in express Words and to be restored to England the second Day of April now next ensuing Sir Henry Norris was at present the Ambassador in Ordinary there who went over in February 1566. Sir Thomas followed the next Month viz. in March Repairing privately to Calais to be there the third Day of April to demand the Town Not as tho' they thought the Governour would deliver it but to avoid all Cavillations which the French might invent for by Law it was to be demanded at the very Place and being not delivered the sum of 500000 l. was forfeited to the Queen Mr. Winter a great Sea-Officer past secretly with him to take Possession thereof if they deceived the Expectation of the English and there were not passing three of the Council knew of Winter's going Sir Thomas took his Son Mr. Smith along with him bringing him up in all generous and gentile Accomplishments that he might be fit to do Service afterward to his Queen and Country And often he sent him over with Letters and Messages as he did in the Month of May this Year 1567. with Letters from himself and Sir Henry his fellow Ambassador containing the Contents of this their troublesome Negotiation But to return to Smith his Managery of this his charge which he did in this Formality He demanded Calais first at the Gates of the Town next the Sea in a loud Voice in French by the sound of a Trumpet of which an Act was presently made by a publick Notary to which were Witnesses certain outlandish Merchants and others there happily present And next coming to the French King he demanded Calais again together with Sir Henry Norris the other Ambassador That King remitted the matter to his Council where Hospital his Chancellor and our Smith argued the Point largely and learnedly on both sides which may be read in the History of Queen Elizabeth This being done Smith comes over again and was at Court about the 12 th of May and thus did he continue employedby the Queen in her service both at home anâ—abroad And for his pains he justly waited for some Preferment as a gracious token of thâ— Queen's acceptance of his Services And when in the Year 1568. Sir Ambrose Cave aâ— old Friend of his deceased who had been Chancellor of the Dutchy and one of the Queenâ—punc Privy Council he solicited and laboured with Cecil to be admitted into his Room He told the said Cecil that if any thing came â—r whatsoever came he should and must thinâ— that it came by him and promised that hewould not be unthankful and that if the Queen were disposed to bestow this Place uponhim he should reckon himself not utterly abjâ—ct of her Majesty Which Words point to â—ome Discontent in Smith's Mind as tho' he had taken it somewhat to heart that no preferment had been conferred upon him during the ten years the Queen had Reigned Dr. Haddon the Master of Requests wrote also upon this occasion to the Secretary in Smith's behalf that he might succeed in his Suit But withal he wrote in that manner astho ' he conjectured his Suit was in effect desperate which he exprest with some trouble concluding that it was destined That as he Haddon was to grow old among Beggars for his Office was to present begging Requests and Suits to the Queen so Smith to spend his life among Turfs meaning the Country Life which he Lived in Essex But withal he wished the Queen â—o worse Counsellors than he And so it fel out Smith missed his Suit and Sir RalphSadleir became Chancellor of the Dutchy So that in the Years 1567 1568 1569 1570. Sir Tho Smith was much in the Country Living aretired Life During which time he servâ—d his Country in distributing Justice and aking care of the Peace and Quiet of the Queen's Subjects and Execution of her Laws in the Quality of Justice of Peace in that Division of Essex especially aâ—punc bout the Part of Ongar and Epping where he dwelt Among other Causes that came before him there happened certain Matters of supposed Witchcraft Which occasioned much Disturbance among â—is Neighbours Arising especially from tâ—o Women viz. One Malter's Wife of Theyron at Mount the Parish where Sir Thomas himself dwelt and
preserve her long to Reign over her People and that his Grace and Mercy would turn all to the best In the midst of these Cares of our Ambassador the Lord Burghley wrote to him of a Matter that put him and his Collegue into a great Consternation It was concerning the Queen's falling Sick of the Small-Pox and withal of her speedy Recovery again His careful Mind for this Matter he thus exprest in his next Letter to the said Lord That he and his Fellow read the News of the Queen's Illness together in a marvellous Agony but having his Medicine ready which was that her Majesty was within an Hour recovered it did in part heal them again But that as his Lordship wrote of himself that the Care did not cease in him so he might be assured it did as little cease in them Calling to their remembrance and laying before their Eyes the Trouble the Uncertainty the Disorder the Peril and Danger that had been like to follow if at that Time God had taken her from them whom he styled The Stay of the Common-wealth the Hope of their Repose and that Lanthorn of their Light next God Not knowing whom to follow nor certainly where to light another Candle Another great Solicitude of his at this Time was as the Queen's Sickness so her Slowness to resolve and the tedious Irresolutions at Court. Of which he spake in some Passion after this sort That if the Queen did still continue in Extremities to promise in Recoveries to forget what shall we say but as the Italians do Passato il pericolo gabbato il fango He told that Lord moreover That he should perceive by their Proceedings in their Embassy what justly might be required was easie to be done But if her Majesty deceived her self and with Irresolution made all Princes understand that there was no Certainty of her or her Council but dalliance and farding off of Time she should then first Discredit her Ministers which was not much but next and by them discredit her self that is to be counted uncertain irresolute unconstant and for no Prince to trust unto but as to a Courtier who had Words at will and true Deeds none These were Expressions proceeding somewhat as may be perceived from his Spleen and partly from his present Indisposition of Body Which he seemed to be sensible of For he begged his Lordship's Pardon for what he had said rendring his Reason That he had been kept there so long that he was then in an Ague both in Body and in Spirit And that as the Humours in his Body made an Ague there of which he wisht it would make an end so that irresolution at the Court he hoped would help to conclude that he might feel no more Miseries Which he feared those that came after should feel Because we will not see said he The Time of our Visitation Thus did Smith express his Discontents into the Bosom of his trusty Friend for the Mismanagement of publick Affairs as he conceived discovering as his Zeal and Affection to the Queen and the State so the Temper of his Mind somewhat enclined to Heat and Choler This he writ from Blois on Good-Friday While Sir Thomas Smith was here Ambassador the Treaty of Marriage was in effect concluded between the Prince of Navarre and the Lady Margaret the present French King's Sister Which lookt then very well toward the Cause of Religion and both that Ambassador and his Collegues Walsingham and Killigrew liked it well One Matter in Debate and the chief was about the manner of Solemnizing the Marriage Whereupon they sent to the Queen of Navarre a true Copy of the Treaty of the Marriage between King Edward the Sixth and the late Queen of Spain the French King's Sister Wherein it was agreed that she should be Married according to the Form of the Church of England Which stood the said Queen of Navarre in such good stead that she produced it to the Queen-Mother of France To which they took Exceptions and said it was no true Copy of the Treaty Whereupon she the Queen of Navarre sent to Sir Tho. Smith who happened to be at that very Treaty By her Messenger she signified that she sent to him to know because he was a Dealer in the same whether he would not justifie it to be a true Copy To whom Sir Thomas answered That knowing the great good Will his Mistress did bear her and how much she desired the good Success of that Marriage as a thing that tended to the Advancement of Religion and Repose of this Realm he could not but in Duty avow the same and be willing to do any good Office that might advance the said Marriage CHAP. XIII Made Chancellor of the Garter Comes home Becomes Secretary of State His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match His Astonishment upon the Paris Massacre SIR Thomas being still abroad in France the Queen conferred upon him the Chancellorship of the Order of the Garter in the Month of April as some Reward of the League that he had taken so much pains in making For which he thanked her Majesty and said it must needs be to him many times the more welcome because that without his Suit and in his Absence her Highness of her gracious goodness did remember him About Iune 1572. he came home with the Earl of Lincoln Lord Admiral who was sent over to take the Oath of the French King for the Confirmation of the Treaty Which being done by the Queen's Command he was no longer to abide in France but to return at his best Convenience It was not long from this Time that the old Lord Treasurer Marquess of Winchester died and the Lord Burghley Secretary of State succeeded in his Place Then Smith was called to the Office of Secretary viz. Iune 24. having sometime before assisted the Lord Burghley in that Station And surely it was the Opinion of his great Learning as well as his long Experience and other Deserts that preferred him For his Learning had rendred him very famous in the Court A Poet in those Times writing an Heroick Poem to the Queen therein describing all her great Officers one after another thus depainted this her Secretary Inde tibi est altis SMYTHUS à gravibúsque Secretis Doctrinae Titulis Honoris fulgidus ut qui Pierius Vates prompto facundus ore Et cui solliciti exquisita Peritia Iuris Astronomus Physicusque Theologus insuper omni Eximiè multifaria tam structus in Arte Ut fedes in eo Musae fixisse putentur Wherein of all the Queen 's Wise and Noble Counsellors Smith her Secretary is made to be the deeply Learned Man about her as being an ingenious Poet an excellent Speaker of exquisite Skill in the Civil Law in Astronomy in natural Philosophy and Physick in Divinity and in a word so richly furnished in all the Arts and Sciences that the Muses themselves might be supposed to
introducing a Slavery among that free People and very apprehensive he was of the growing Power of that Nation that so threatned their Neighbours France as well as England Especially seeing withal how tender both Realms were to send Succors to those Parts to enable them to Vindicate their own Liberty and Safety from those inhumane and insufferable Practices there prevailing In the mean time the French accused the Sluggishness of the English and the English did the like of the French The Queen had sent some Forces to Flushing But there was a Report that she upon Duke D'Alva's Motion did revoke them But that was not so but he was gently answered with a dilatory and doubtful Answer But indeed more that would have gone from England thither were stayed The English on the other hand had knowledge that the French did Tergiversari hang off and wrought but timorously and under hand with open and outward Edicts and made Excuses at Rome and Venice by the Ambassadors importing their not meddling in Flanders or excusing themselves if they had done any thing there On which Occasion Smith in a Letter to the Ambassador in France gave both Princes a Lash reflecting upon the pretended Activity and warlike Qualities of the French King yet that he should thus waver and be afraid to engage and upon the Slowness and Security of the Queen of England You have saith he a King void of Leisure and that loves Fatigue whose warlike House hath been used to the shedding as well of their own as of foreign Blood What shall we a slothful Nation and accustomed to Peace do Whose supream Governor is a Queen and she a great Lover of Peace and Quietness But to see a little more of his Service and Counsel in the Quality and Place he served under the Queen When in this Year 1572. the Earl of Desmond was in England a Prisoner but reconciled unto the Queen and had promised to do her good Service in Ireland and soon to drive out the Rebels out of the Country the Queen and Court thought he would prove an honest and faithful Subject and so resolved to dismiss him into his Country And she told Sir Thomas that she would give him at his Departure the more to oblige him a piece of Silk for his Apparel and a reward in Money Upon which Sir Thomas's Judgment was That seeing the Queen would tye the Earl to her Service with a Benefit it would be done Amplè liberaliter ac prolixè non malignè parcè i. e. Nobly liberally and largely not grudgingly and meanly Which as he added did so disgrace the Benefit that for Love many times it left a Grudge behind in the Heart of him that received it that marred the whole Benefit A Quarrel happened this Year between the Earl of Clanrichard and Sir Edward Fitton Governor of Connaught who was somewhat rigorous in his Office which had caused the Rebellion of the Earl's Son The Case came before the Deputy and Council in Ireland and at last to the Queen and her Council in England Our Secretary drew up the Loâ—ds of the Councils Order about it to be sent to the Lord Deputy and the Council there to hear and decide it between them and withal was sent the Earl's Book and Sir Edward Fitton 's Answers given into the Council in England The Earl seemed desirous to have Matters sifted to the full Trial. And then each Party might say and prove the most and worst they could But Sir Thomas thought it the best way for the Deputy to perswade them both to wrap up as he exprest it all things by-past and to be Friends as they had promised it seems to be at a Reconciliation formerly made before the Lord Deputy and to joyn faithfully for the Furtherance of the Queen's Majesty's Service and the Quietness and good Order of the Country hereafter And it was in his Judgment as he added The best way to tread all under foot that had gone heretofore with a perpetual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to begin a new Line without grating upon old Sores Very wise and deliberate Council to avoid all ripping up former Grievances which is not the way to heal so much as to widen the old Differences There was this Year both Massing and Conjuring in great measure in the North especially and all to create Friends to the Scotch Queen and Enemies to Queen Elizabeth The one to keep the People in the Blindness of Popery and the other to hood-wink them to believe as it were by Prophesy the speedy approaching Death of the Queen The Earl of Shrewsbury was now Lord President of the Council in the North. He employed two sharp Persons to discover these Persons and their Doings Which they did so effectually that in the Month of February many of these Conjurers and Massmongers were seized and by the said Lord Presidents Order were brought up by them that seized them to Secretary Smith good store of their Books which Sir Thomas seeing called Pretty Books and Pamphlets of Conjuring They brought also to him an Account in Writing of their Travail and pains in this behalf There was apprehended danger in these Practices For the Papists earnestly longing for the Queen's Death had cast Figures and consulted with unlawful Arts which they mixt with their Masses to learn when she should die and who should succeed and probably to cause her Death if they could This piece of Service therefore the Queen and Counsel took very thankfully at the Earl of Shrewsbury's Hands Which together with the Course that was intended to be taken with these Criminals the Secretary signified to him in a Letter to this Tenor My very good Lord the Pain that the two to whom you gave Commission viz. Pain and Peg have taken to seek out the Conjurers and Mass-mongers is very well accepted of by my Lords of the Council and they willed me to give your Lordship therefore their most hearty thanks The Queen also not without great Contentation of her Highness hath heard of your careful ordering of those matters The matters be referred touching the Massing and such Disorders to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the great Commission Ecclesiastical That which shall appear by Examination to touch the State and the Prince to be referred again to my Lords of the Council c. This was dated from Greenwich Feb. 17. 1572. But it was thought highly needful that this dangerous Nest in the North should be searched more narrowly for and the Birds taken that they might no more Exercise these evil Practices or worse hereafter The care of which was therefore committed by the Council to the Justices of those parts out of some secret Favour as it seems in some of the Privy Counsellors to Papists For those Justices were known well enough to be generally Popishly affected Therefore it was the Judgment of the Secretary that these Justices would rather Cloak than Open
see him burie in his Astronomy Nay if we may believe his Poet and that he did not take too much Poetical Liberty Smith was arrived to the very Top of the Astronomical Skill and might be a companion for Ptolomy Alphonsus and Zacutus if they were alive Nec Polus aut Tillus mâ—gâ—â— ulli cognâ—ta cuiquam Quorsum â—go dâ—ssâ—mulâ—m Fuit unus unicus ille Fâ—lâ—us Uraniâ— Ptolomâ— major utroque Et centum Alphonsis plusquam mille Zacutis And perhaps the Love and Study of the Stars might be one Reason that he delighted so much in his high Seat at Mounthaut where he might have a more spacious Prospect of the Skies In State-Policy he was a great Master Which by long Experience in State matters at home in the Reigns of four Princes and Embassies abroad he had acquired Walsingham that most compleat and happy Secretary of State improved himself much by making his Observations of Smith how quick and sharp his Apprehension of things how grave and sound his Counsels and with what Dexterity and admirable Parts he managed publick Affairs and yet with clean and just hands So he sung that made his Funeral Verses Sâ—cius tâ—nâ—orum insignis Honorum Qui vigilanti oculo SMITHI observasset Acumen Sensissâ—tque acres sensus animumque virilem Consiliumque grave pectus moresque colendos Virtutes etiam raras Dotesque stupendas He was also an excellent Linguist and a Master in the knowledge of the Latin Greek French Italian and English Tongues A great Historian especially in the Roman History An Orator equal to the best and a perfect Ciceronian A Notable Specimen of whose Oratory and History as well as of his Polities appears in his Discursive Orations about Queen Elizabeth's Marriage He had also a very good Genius in Architecture which that Noble Pile of Building at Hilhal doth sufficiently demonstrate And in the Art of Gardening he was very curious and exact Employing his own Hands sometimes for his diversion in grafting and planting At which work I find him when he was making an Orchard for his new House about the latter end of 1572. having made an Escape from the Court tho' the Winds then were very unkind to him Of which complaining to the Lord Treasurer he said he should soon be weary of Mounthaut because he could not graft nor transplant any Trees the Winds that then brought over the Earl of Worcester from France who had been lately sent to Christen that Kings Child being as he said the worst Enemy to all Cutting Paring or breaking of Trees here in England that could be or for setting of Herbs And as he was an universal and thorow-paced Scholar so he had a most compleat Library and kept a Learned Correspondence and was of a very accurate Judgment in matters of Learning His Library consisted of a thousand Books of various Learning and Arts as we are told by the Learned man his Friend that made his Parentalia Which noble Treasure he bestowed upon his own College where at least the Remainders of them are to this day besides some Italian and French Books which he gave to the Queens Library Libros Monumentaque mille Graeca Latina omnis generis nova prisca profana Religiosa dedit Italicos praeter quosdam Francosque libellos Elizabeteae pius Heros Bibliothecae A Catalogue of the Books which he had at Hilhal in the Year 1566. may be seen in the Appendix And as he was Owner of many Books so he composed not a few himself Three whereof are Printed I. His Commonwealth of England both in Latin and English II. Of the right and correct Writing of the English Tongue This I suppose is the same Book with that which Fuller in his History of Cambridge mentions Of his more compendious way of Printing which would defalcate a fifth part of the Cost in Paper and Ink besides as much of the Pains in Composing and Printing only by discharging many superflous Letters and accommodating the Sounds of long and short Vowels with distinct Characters III. Of the right and correct Pronouncing of the Greek Language Both these last mentioned were published by himself in Latin when he was Ambassador in Paris There is a Fourth Book lately Printed viz. 1685. which some make him the Author of namely Of the Authority Form and Manner of holding Parliaments Other Tracts there be of his that have lain hitherto unpublished As his Orations about the Queens Marriage His discourse of Money and his Tables for the reducing the Roman Coins to the just English Standard I have also seen another large Writing which by the hand seems to be his shewing certain ways and means for the taking care of and for the maintaining the Poor of the Nation And many more whereof as yet neither the sight nor the particular Subjects have come unto me To which I add several excellent Letters of his when Ambassador in France to the Lord Burghley and being Secretary of State to Sr. Francis Walsingham Ambassador in the same Court which are Printed in the Compleat Ambassador And a Bundle of other Letters writ to the Court when he was Ambassador with the French King Ann. 1562. the Earl of Warwick going then in the famous Expedition to New-haven which are yet reserved in the Kings Paper House He was a great Judge of Learning and Applications were often made to him for his Judgment in Matters of that Nature So Dr. Haddon appealed once to him in a sharp Controversie between the French Ambassador and himself Whether Tully were a good Lawyer Which that Ambassador had denied And how learnedly this was decided by Sir Thomas Smith may be seen in this History And both Cecil and the said Haddon would not allow the Answer to Osorius to come abroad till it had past his accurate Perusal and Correction His Acquaintance was with the Learned men of his Age. As Ramus and other Professors in Paris while he was there and with Cheke Cecil Haddon Wilson Ascham men of the finest Wits and purest Learning Of this last in a Letter to Haddon from France he enquired diligently after and complained that for two years and Six Months he had heard nothing from him and then added merrily That his Cocks for he was a great Cock Master ita illum excantâ—sse i.e. had so enchanted him that he had quite forgotten his Friends And I find the Correspondence between him and Ascham continued after for in 1â—68 Ascham requested of Smith to borrow a Book of his own Writing To which Smith answered by a Letter that he had sent it to Walden to be Transcribed least the first Copy and the whole Invention should perish together And Haddon being lately dead Smith in the same Letter told Ascham that his Epistles were found but not all and that his own Epistles to Haddon were more uncertain For they reckoned it pity any thing of that most Humane and Learned
to bed not so nicely as the Ladies and Gentlewomen be here but either in a Tent or a wide Barn after the maner of her Country Ireland And I'tell you said she I felt in a maner no pain at al these Births Nor I se no Cause why I should make so nice of the Matter as you do here in England We do not so in our Country Whereat an old Lady was wonderfully offended and said they were Beasts and she was but a Beast to say so Then she as a witty Lady turned the Matter and said It was a Gift which St. Patrick begged for her Country-folk the Irish Women of our Lady But the Truth is al Women that stir about to travail and to labour as they do there and do not use themselves to Rest and Ease as they can better away with Travail because of use so they bear that Travail of Childbirth with much more Ease and in maner with no pain Which we do se also in these idle Runnagates Egyptians whose Women be always trudging from place to place as they be and be brought to bed in the Straw in some Barn or Out-house without any great Curiosity And within three or four days after yea sometimes the second day they ride away with the rest of that beggarly Train I remember I read when I was a Boy in Aristotle and I trow it be in his Politicks he would that those that should make Laws for a Common-wealth should have regard also to Women that were great with Child that they should not use themselves to over-fine ' Diet nor to over-much Rest. Which saith he may be don if they do appoint them certain Pilgrimages to be don to such Gods as have the Honor of such Matters Meaning such Gods as the Gentils did Sacrifice unto for such things as Gemini Lucina Parcae Iuno c. His purpose is that when the Time of Birth draweth nigh they should by gentle means be brought to a kind of Exercise and Travail either on Horseback or on Foot or both to the intent that they might the easilier bear the Travail of Childbirth And thought that they could by no means so wel be perswaded unto them which then he somewhat heavy because of their Burden as by Colour of Holiness and Religion So that our Pilgrimage also which we had of late years was not much out of the Way for such an Effect as may appear But I tary long about these Matters To bear Children is painful I do not deny It is the Threat of God to Eve and to al her Posterity as wel as to Adam and al Men to get his Living with the Sweat of his Brows And yet some Men sweat but easily And why should not I think also that her Highness should bring forth her Children more easily than a great sort of other Women I se nothing leadeth me to the contrary Many things do encourage me to think so Her Learning Discretion Judgment her store of Physicians and of al things necessary for them to use That where other by their Folly do make that Travail to them more painful and dangerous than naturally it should be her Highness by her Noble Vertues and Wisdom should make it more easie yea than of natural Course it should be For as there be ways to augment so there be ways to diminish Pain or Grief Wherein standeth the Difference of Wisdom or Folly But why do I stand upon this Would not her Majesty be glad think you to take some pain to make a Prince To make one who should be a part of her who should mâ—ke her alive after her Death Reign in her stead when by Course of Nature she can tarry no longer Who shall continue and transplant her Name and Posterity for many an hundred years here Kings in England and leave such a Row of that Race as is the Root of Iesse Was it nor you of whom I heard even now that all fair and laudable things be painful to come by Will you not grant unto me that this which I speak of now to have a Prince born of her own Body who should Reign after her Highness here in England in whom she might se her own Image not painted in a Table but lively expressed every Joint yea both Body and Soul who should cal her Highness Queen Mother and whom al England should cal King and Father Whom it you do not think more to be esteemed than al the Treasure that the wise and rich Prince her Grandfather K. Henry the VII left at his Death or that the Noble and Magnificent Prince her Father K. Henry VIII spent in his Life ye are in a contrary Opinion to all English men Whom when she shall behold kiss and embrace she shall take more Comfort and more Pleasure in than of all the Riches and Jewels which her Highness had or ever was Lady of Do you not think I say such a Jewel worthy to have the pains taken for the getting of it and bringing it to life Are you he that was even now so stout that if the Thing were good laudable and necessary to be had the harder it were to obtain the more you thought it were to be laboured for And so you Counsilled and proved by many Reasons and Authorities Are you I say now again so weak and so womanly hearted that for a little pains in the Birth peradventure of one Hour or two or at the most of one Day for the Extremity of the Pain cannot lightly be longer wil counsil us to cast down our Courage and run away like Cowards and leave al this so rich and so precious a Treasure ungotten and unlaboured for for the Travail of one hour I wis Foloign cost more the getting and Calais the loosing And yet this Treasure were more worth than both those Holds to her Majesty I dare say and unto the Realm of England if it should be esteemed by true value Mary yet ye go neerer me and bring in certain Queens who have dyed in Childbirth And herein you had good Advantage to have two Examples so neer and in so fresh Memory that they must needs make much indeed to the Terror of Mischance And yet this is but another Startbugg that you have gotten to make us afraid It is sineâ— the Conquest five hundred years little under or over In which time our Chronicles have indifferently wel been kept and many Kings and Queens have dyed and al not after one sort I pray you how many more have you read of that have dyed in Child-bed And yet one of those was not the Queen but Dowager as you know well enough And some men would say it was thought that that did distress her then and bring her to her End as much as Travail of the Birth But of that I will not Dispute But if in five hundred years in which space so many Queens have had so many Children and only one or two have dyed in Childbed would you make
He could not be so good as his Father was for so much as Cyrus had left such a Son to rule after him as Cambyses Servants told him he was and Cambyses thought himself to be But Cambyses himself had not yet gotten any Child This Fable of Crasus as Herodotus saith so tickled Cambyses that he escaped therby and told the Truth Why say you no more had Q. Mary and Child Mary Sir I do not compare the Queens Highness to Q. Mary but yet I wil say that Queen Mary did what lay in her more for that purpose than Q. Elizabeth doth And I would She would as wel in that as in al other Things pass Q. Mary It al be wel now as you say it is We have Peace we have Plenty We have Quiet at home Friendship abroad What should we desire more As we have great Cause to give Almighty God Thanks for it and to rejoyce and Congratulate with the Queens Highnes for that So have we the more Cause â—o fear the greater Occasion to foresee the â—â—ster Warning to provide that this Estate might continue Except we shal be no wiser than the Grashoppers to whom because they did not provide in Summer wherewithal to live but applied al their Time to Singing and Dauncing the Ants did say when Winter came and their Need appeared that they must weep and repent then without Remedy We al rejoyce in the Queens highnes and have great Cause God prospereth al things in her Highnes hands above al Expectation and almost more than we can desire Because the Weather is so fair shal we not look for a Storm Because this is a Summer shal we think that Winter wil never come If we do se only that is present if we have no regard what shal come after If we had no consideration as wel for our Prosperities as for our selves We are not worthy to be called Men but Beasts Who whether of Reason or no. I know not but certainly of a certain Instinct of Nature seem to have a care and hoard up store for the time to come Wherefore if we have cause to like in her Majesty those Princely and Heroical Gifts which Nature hath bestowed on her Highnes That goodly Personage and Stature resembling her Father so noble a Prince and so wel beloved to the Realm If her Beauty doth not only please us but bring al other in Admiration that se her If th'excellency of Wit the great Understanding that Knowledg of so many Tongues the Dexterity of Entertaining and the Gravity in Communication and al other the Princely and Heroical Vertues which be so clear and resplendent in her Majesty do ravish us in Admiration of her Highnes Except we should do as the Grashoppers do content our selves with the Time present and look no further what can we do but wish pray desire and long for the Propagation and Continuation of the same among us Like as we do with Flowers which we like with Apples and other Fruit which do please us above al others we desire to have more of the same kind set in our Garden and more of the same Fruit grafted in our Orchyard that our Posterity may take pleasure in them as wel as we This is so natural so goodly and so reasonable that methinks it was but a strange Question of you to ask What we lacked And if I could cal this Realm of Eâ—gâ—aâ—d to speak what it lacked and what Fault it found I dare say it would not only wish but expotulaâ—e and accuse her Highnes and say Did not I bring thee up O Queen Did not I nourish thee Hath not God in thy Youth saved thee from so many Dangers From Prison from Punishment from Death because thou mightest reign and rule my People in the Fear of God and the Knowledg of his Son And that thou mightest once again bring in the Light of the Gospel and cast off the Romish Yoke and keep the Race of the Mixed Rose which brought again the amiable Peace â—ong exiled from among my Children by the Striving of the two Roses And wilt thou now as much as lyeth in thee let it be extinct What if thy Noble Father had lived Sole as thou doest What if that good Lady thy Mother had don so Should I not have lacked thee in whom I have now such Joy and Comfort as I never had the like in any Prince Remember what is the Nature Property and Duty of that Sex and Kind of which thou art Is it not to bring forth young Babes to nourish them in their tender Age to have that Carefulnes Motherly-Love and Tendernes over them which no Man can have And why do I not se one in thy Armes whom thou mightest kiss and embrace and play withal of thine own Which after thee should rule and govern this Realm and be the Staff of thine old Age and mine This thou owest to the Noble King thy Father This to the Wife Prince thy Grandfather This to al thy Auncesters This thou doest to me And if this be the Property and th' end wherunto Women were first ordained to bring forth Children and to propagate the Name of their Stock and Family why wilt thou O Queen having so many high and excellent Vertues stain them al with this Wickednes degenerate from this Nature What meaneth St. Paul when he saith of Women That they shal be saved by the bearing of Children if they tary in the Faith And what wilt thou O Queen deny it always Why should the wife and couragious Prince thy Father put away the Superstitioâ—s Nuns if now his Daughter should take their Property and as it were their Order upon her Defer stil and stil And how long wil it be Time goeth away Age draweth on Youth flyeth Opportunity is spent And wilt thou not se the bringing up of thy Jewel of that Tresure of the Realm Wilt thou not se him trained up in such Vertue and Nourture as thy self was Shal I tary so long for it til Age shal drive thee away and so leave that thy Jewel and mine to be brought up by the wide World What I like in thee that do I desire to se in the Prince that should succeed thee And who can be better School-master Nurse Bringer-up of him than my ELIZABETH can be the Mother of my Infant And such a Mother as in a King of most Power no Realm can desire more Princely and Heroical Vertues And for the Pain thou shalt have again this most plesant Recompence that as thou shalt wax old so shalt thou se thy self wax as it were young again in him Now I am sure would England say Thou wouldest wish with al thy Heart for the Love that I know thou dost bear me thy Country not to leave after thee a Child to Govern me but either a man of perfect Age or at the least a young â—an very neâ—r such Time as Princes shoulâ— take the Government themselves And how is that possible it
thou do stil prolong Doubt and Defer as now thou dost Thus meâ—â—â—nks England might speak wel enough to her Majesty Whose Word I trust her Highneâ— wil both hear and weigh when it shal please God to put it in her Highnes mind But I wil return to your other Argaments Mr. Agamus You were something long in proving that the Queens Majesty may in Peace by her Council in War by her General govern and conduct al things as wel as tho She were there in Person her self Hardly wil I graunt that the one should be as wel as th' other I se in al other things that Oculus Domini non solum pascit Equum optime as he said but also Colit stercorat Agrum The Italians have a Proverb La â—â—ccia d'buomo saccia de Leone The Face of a man is the Face of a Lion Meaning that the Presence of a man himself to whom the thing doth appertain to Terror to Diligence to setting forward of that which is intended doth furmount and pass al other things As when our late Sovereign K. Henry VIII â—ay against Boloign and another Camp with right good Captains before Montrel the Courage of the Soldier the Provision of the Victuals the Effect of the Enterprize ye know was not like For th' one fought under the Princes Ey th' other as it were behind him th' one saw present Reward or Pain th' other had but trust of their Captains Report As touching the Romans where do you se or read in their Histories that the Leaâ—tes which we call Generals or Lieutenants did so wel as the Consuls or Proconsuls in any War Who altho they were but as other of the Senate yet for that Time they had a Kingly and Sovereign Authority especially abroad And yet the Romans thought not that enough but when any danger came they made Dictaâ—â—â—ent Who from the Time of his Dictatorship was a very King or Monarch as ye know well enough So much did they think that Legats and Generals could not do th'enterprize so wel as he that hath the Princely Fasces as they cal them and the Sceptre And who that readeth the Veuctian Histories shal se that altho their Captain or General hath one of their Senate called Proveditore with him By whose Counsil if he do he doth avoid the danger of judgment Yet for because he is not indeed Consul or Dictator ye see their Wars go but coldly forward And this you knowing which Thing I marked in your Tale you praise them for the keeping that which they get wherefore I peradventure could shew some Causes Indeed for good Warriors I never heard Man yet give them the Prize And if I should grant this that the Generals in War do as wel as the Prince in Person which thing you see I am very loth to do and if it had not been strange and a thing to be wondered at in Octavius Augustus Plutarch would not have noted it But if I should grant it yet as the Greeks say One City is before another and there is difference in Generals and Lieutenants not only in knowledge of the Feats of War and in the Hardines of Courage and Wisdom to atchieve them but also in Estimation of the Soldier And who can be more esteemed or go more nâ—er to do as much in the Wars and with Soldiers as the Queen her Self if She were a Warriour or there in Person should do as either he which is the King or the Queens Husband In K. Henry III. his Time I read of Prince Edward who was after called Long Shanks and in the Time of Edward III. of the Black Prince and Henry V. that they did as much as their Fathers and that their Soldiers would under their Banners sight as valiant and go as far as they would govern their Fathers being then Kings of England And no marvail They did not only look shortly to have them their Sovereign Masters but they knew in the mean time how dear those Persons were to their Fathers Which two things did work so much in their Hearts and Minds that there was smal Want of the Royal Presence So much think I it doth excel to the Encouragement of the Soldier to the Hope of the Capitain to the Terror of the Enemy to understand that the Husband of the Queen he whom her Highnes Loveth above al men and whom She trusteth most and who can commend their Doings at al Times to her Highnes to be in the Field over it is of any other Lieutenant or General whosoever he be At one thing I assure you you had almost made me to laugh when that you spoke so husbandly of Husbanding I perceive the Queens Majesty doth not wel that you are not one of the Green-cloth you would husband the Matter so wel and teach them al to save mony And for one thing ye might do wel there because I perceive ye love no Takers But if you were once of them I fear me you would love Takers better and bear with them as wel as al the rest do Oh! merciful God do you look to save mony and do not care to save your Head You do consider how a few Expences may be saved and do not se how your Posterity shal be spent and consumed Cal to remembrance I pray you what was spoken you wot Where and When a little before the Speaker of the Parlament went to move that Petition to her Highnes wherof I spake even now I would to God her Majesty might live ever I would she should not dye but now I know that being born of mortal Parents there is no Remedy She must once run this Race that al her Progenitors have don before and al mortal Men and Women shal follow When that is don what a Damp shal England be in What an Eclipse wil that be if God do not either send a Prince before of her Body or els incredible Aggrement of the Nobility and Commons We hear what the Daulphin did attempt by the Title of his Wife the Scottish Queen after the Death of Q. Mary Happy is the Queens Majesty by the great Consent of her Subjects and happy be her Subjects by the Life and Prosperity of her Highnes But if there come any Dissension for the Trials of Titles If there come Part-takings who should wear the Crown what a more miserable Realm should there be in the whole World than this of England I am afraid to speak and I tremble to think what Murthers and Slaughters what Robbing and Riâ—ling what Spoiling and Burning what Hanging and Heading what Wasting and Destroying Civil War should bring in if ever it should come From the Time that K. Richard II. was deposed in whom al the Issne of the Black Prince was extinct unto the Death of K. Richard III the unkind and cruel Brother of Edward IV. whose Daughter was Maried as ye know to K. Henry VII by reason of Titles this poor Realm had never long Rest. Noble men
men wherein I must needs confess that there is a Disparagement for that these Men were not Noble by Birth and therefore not meet to Match with such Noble Women But for the Queens Majesty to Marry one of her Noblemen is no disparagement at all Neither is the Comparison like And in this case ye do make me to marvel at you and to doubt what you do think of the Nobility of this Realm of England as tho' they are not as Noble as the Nobility is of other Realms Is not a Duke of England an Earl a Baron and their Sons as much to be counted Noble as they be in other Realms That I think you cannot deny How then should the Queens Majesty be more disparaged Marrying here one of that Degree than there For mâ—thinks you do so speak that if her Highness Married a Duke or a Nobleman of another Realm then it were no Disparagement Which if you grant then either grant this also or shew the Diversity Ye will say because here they be all her Highness Subjects So surely they be But her Subjects be of divers Sorts and Dâ—grees Whereof the Nobility is as the Right Arm of the Prince the Glory and Beauty of the Realm the Root and Nursery of her Highness Stock and Family Off-springs of Kings and Queens of England and whom her Highness and all her Progenitors calleth always in her Letters and Writings and common Talk Cousins Which word Cousins betokeneth that in mingling of that Bloud there can be no disparagement And so much as you would seem in your Talk to embase that Order and Estate so much you must needs appear â—to abase and contemn the Queens Majesty's own Bloud to whom they be and always have been accounted Allied and as Cousins And is it a Disparagement for the Queen of England to Marry an Englâ—sh man Why more than to the King of England to Marry an English woman The Authority is all one And as well is the English woman a Subject to the Crown as the English man Do you think that King Henry VIII her Majesty's Father was disparaged when he Married her Highness Mother or Queen Iane or Queen Katharine Par And that he was always disparaged save once when he Married his Brothers Wife which was a Stranger And think you that all the rest of the Kings of England of whom a great number Married their own Subjects were Disparaged Methinks this is a strange and unnatural Opinion If it be an Honour to be a Kings Wife or a Queens Husband not only to the Person but also to the Region out of the which they come no Country may justlier crave that Honour nor to none the Prince doth more justly owe that Love than to her own Country where she was born and where she is Queen And if ye would be loth to suffer and would spâ—nd your Blood rather than this Realm should be Tributary or Subject to any other yea you would not gladly see that any foreign Prince should do so much here or be so much set by here and have so much Power as your Natural Prince and Queen And if you may justly call that a Dispâ—ragement when this Realm which is the Head of Nations round about is put under the Girdle of another Who maketh more Dispaâ—agement I pray you the foreign Prince to be the Queens Husband or the English Subject But you are of the Opinion as I perceive that Eraâ—mus speaketh of that thinketh it not comely for a Kings Daughter to be coupled but with a King or a Kings Son To whom he answereth as well as if he had studied this oâ—r Case This is private mens Affâ—ction saith he from which Princes ought to flee as fast as they may If the Marry saith he to one who is not of such Power as the or her Father what is that to the Purpose if that he be for the Realm more expâ—dient It is more â—onour to the Prince to neglect that foreign Dignity of the Marriage than to prefer her Womanly Affection to the Profit of the Realm So far is that great learned and wise man from your Opinion that he calleth the Marriage with Strangers Uneven Marriages and as a man would say Disparagements when he saith there lacketh both that Love and Dearness which the common Country Likeness of Body and Mind doth bring and that Natural and traâ— and uncounterfeit Affection which those Marriages have which are made between them that have all one Country He saith also as I have said before that hardly the Country acknowledge them that are born oâ— those uneven Marriages for their own or that those that are so born cannot with all their Hearts love their Country but as their Blouds be mingled out of divers Countries so their Love is but as it were half dealed and parted in twain And did noâ— this man think you as a Prophet declare that thing which we did see of late in Qâ—eâ—n Mary Did not her vehement Love towâ—rd Spain and Spaniards dâ—clare that she was bâ—â— half English as it were in Affection so thâ—â— mingled Bloud in her Nature could not â—idâ— it self And if the Case standeth so and 〈◊〉 be so much to be looâ—t unto as ye will have it better it were for her Highness and more honourable as it may appear evidâ—ntly to make one of her Noblemen by that means equal to a foreign Prince who shall alwayâ— be ready to obey and Honour her than to take a foreign Prince from abroad who shall look to command and be her Superior And because that Poetry is reckoned of a great learned man to be the eldest Philosoâ—â—y for long before the Philosophy of Thales and Socrates began most Ancient Writers called Poets by fained examples or else by Deeds done described like Fables did instruct men and cause the witty Reader in them to see the good success and happy Fortune of Well-doings and the evil Success and Inconveniences which follow of Evil-doings that so we might have as it were shewed before our Eyes what to follow and what to eschew â—â—t us weigh and consider what they write of this Matter and what Examples they make of those Heroical and Noble Women who forsaking their own Country men fell into the Love of Strangers How good how true how Loving I pray you were your Strangers to them Was not that lâ—sâ—y and valiant Warriour Iason soon gotten and most unkindly and uncourteously did forsake Mâ—dea of Colches who not onely saved his Life but for his Love lost her Country and to save her Lovers Life did abandon the Lives of her Father and Brother How long was Theseus of Athens kind to Arâ—adne King Mâ—nâ—s's Daughter who saved his Life else to have been destroyed in the Labyrinth How true was Dâ—mophon to Phillis of Thracia Hercules to Omphale of Lydia or Aâ—nâ—â—s to Dido of Carthâ—ge All these Queens or Queens Daughters who contemning the Noblemen of their own Country as unequal unto them chose
a Dukedom adjoyning and the bigger Kingdom the less And if they fall both into the Lap of a Mighty great Monarch as the Emperor of Rome of the Turks or of the Persians security they may have but their Honour and Liberty is clean lost whether Conquest giveth it them or Marriage Howbeit of these the Empire of the Romans doth least oppress and leaveth most Liberty Which is not for fault of Will but of Strength What intended Charles the last Emperor to do to the Almains What attempted his Predecessors against the â—wissers What hath he brought to pass at Naples and Milan And what did King Francis to Piedmont These may be Mirors and Examples to us to consider and see what Advancement it would be to us to fall into the Hands and Power of a Prince that is a Stranger and Stronger than We be Now if you will say there may be Covenants made Bonds taken and for the more surely by the Parliaments of both Realms the Conditions of Matrimony may be enacted and such Assurances devised as there may be no doubt of any Inconveniences to follow Indeed this is a Device but I pray you let me tell you of a Question that not long ago a Baron of England moved in the Parliament to this Purpose And if you can assoil it you shall move me much If the Bands be broken between the Husband and the Wife either of them being Princes and Soveraigns in their own Country who shall sue the Bands Who shall take the Forfeit Who shall be their Judge And what shall be the Advantage If you will not Answer I will tell you Discord Dissension War Bloodshed and either extream Enmity or else the one Part must at length break and yield If you will say Tush He will not do against his Promise he will not break his Accord and Agreement he will so much consider his Honour and Love that what he hath once said he will always stand to Well granting that I pray you what needs any Bonds Whereupon cometh this Mistrusting but upon Fear So long as Love lasteth and he standeth in that Mind in which â—e was when he made the Bonds I my self do not doubt but he will keep them because he so mindeth And then the Bonds be superfluous But if his Mind fortune to alter or change and so he misliketh the Conditions whereto he hath agreed and will not keep the Covenants what shall these Bonds avail To which you have neither Place of Iudgment Persons of Plaintiff or Defendant and least of all a competent Judge to compel the wrong Doer to abide right And if it were done what pleasure shall the Compelled Party have of the Compeller Or what Trust can the Compeller have of the Compelled Nay Bonds Covenants Indentures and Conditions be far from the free Love Sincerity and hearty Doings of Love when the Hearts Minds and Bodies be united Can there be a surer Bond than that which maketh them all one And if they be not so then they be two and what two Marry Princes which know to Rule and not to be Ruled and who may not abide to be compelled or enforced Nor is it so meet that otherwise they should but only by Perswasion nor indeed cannot without Battle or Bloodshed I think an Article comprized in the Conditions by Act of Parliament with King Philip was that we should not for his Cause enter into War with France But yet I trow we did to our no small Loss And you heard rehearsed by Agamus how well Iaques de la Nardâ— kept his Bonds to Queen Iane of Naples But let us leave all this and have respect only to our Gain and that the Queens Majesty shall have her Honour and Power marvellously advanced and her Dominion enlarged into I cannot tell how many Miles This is the fair shew Look what followeth The greater Monarchy the larger Frontiers â—he more Garrisons the more intricate Titles the more ready occasions for War Which must needs be the Consuming of Money of disquieting her Subjects of emptying the Realm of able men We had two Emperors of Rome came out of the Isle when it was Britain Constant and Constantine This you will say was a great Honour to the Realm that a Nobleman of England should hold the Crown of the Empire Not now when it is in manner but little but then when to be Emperor of Rome was to rule all the World And so would I say too if I did not consider as well the sequel thereof as the first fair shew For in taking the Power from hence they took so many of the good Warriors expert Captains tall and likely men that they left the Britains so weak that the Scots and Princes over them overcame them in every Place They were sain to ask Aid of the Saxons And of them who came for their Aid they and their Posterity for ever were driven down out of the whole Country of England into the barren Mountains of Wâ—les King Edward III a Prince most valiant and Victorious with those Victories in France and continual carrying over of men to people such Towns Cities and Fortresses as he had won there did make the People here at home so thin and those that were left so desirous rather to spoil than to labour that from the Twentieth of his Reign to the 26 th or 27 th he and all the Council of the Realm were most troubled and occupied how to cause the Fields of England to be Tilled as may appear by the Acts of Parliament made in that space And if this Disadvantage be in Victory what shall be in the Loss If it be thus in Conquering what shall it be in being Overcome As for such Wars as we have for our own to do I have not seen it neither read but with our own Nation we have been able to man them well enough and have not used or have not much been helped with the Power of other Princes allied Which thing also Nicâ—lao Michiavelli hath Noted And read you the Histories and you shall see that when we had most help of them then lâ—ast was done And first of France at Agincourt at Cressy and at Poitiers wherein the greatest Battails were foughten and the most noble Victories obtained there was but our own Nation and the King of England's Subjects King Edward I in so often conquering all Scotland used but his own Subjects And hitherto sith the Time of William the Conqueror we have thanks be to God been able to defend our selves against the French and the Scots always allied together without the Help of Forâ—ign Aid So that we have at the end saved our Realm and rather gotten of them than lost And King Henry VIII Marrying at home did not only save but also got both in France and Scotland and kept also that which he had gotten Qâ—eâ—n Mary having by Marriage all these Helps which you so greatly praise so far she was from getting now that she lost
that which was gotten by her Ancestors and had been kept by the English so long But because we shall better and more near at hand see the Advantage of heaping Realms together King Edward III. and the Black Prince goâ— almost all France His next Successor therefore must needs have his Power marvellously encreased So may it appear For tho' he were confessâ—d the riâ—ht Heir yet a Nobleman of this Realm of England bereaved him of both France and England King Henry V. again drove the Dâ—uphin to a very streight Room in France Wherefore by your Reason his Power must be marvellously augmented which he did leave to his Son Did not a Duke of his Realm dispossess him of his Crown for all the help that Queen Margaret his Wife and Daughter to Reigner Duke of Anjou and King of Sicily Naples and of Ierusalem could bring from her Father and all those four Realms to the Aid of her Husband or the Prince her Son So that for that Matter the Italian Proverb seemeth true â—hi troppe abbraccia poco stringe He that embraceth too much holdeth fast but a little Now for Encrease of Riches let us go as near Many would judge that the getting and keeping of Bulloâ—gn and Bullâ—â—gnâ—is in France now in the Time of King Henry VIII and the obtaining and holding of â—addingtâ—n and the Pâ—ethes and a great Part of the Lowdian in Scotland should have brought in great Riches to this Realm It was that almost bâ—ggered England For thereby our fine Gold was conveyed away our good Silver appâ—arâ—d not our Mâ—ssy and old Plate was mâ—â—lâ—d And every man seeth that not only our good â—â—n was wonderfully consumed but that which was leâ—t pitiously altered and mâ—dâ— worse The Gold much debased and at the lâ—â—t for Sterling Silver we had two 〈◊〉 oâ— Copper and scarce the Third part 〈◊〉 metal remaining in the Coin Which now without any such Revenues either out oâ— France or Scotland thanks be to God and the Queens Highness beginneth well to amend again Whether think you King Henrâ— IV. which had but England left his Kingdom richer to his Son King Henry V. than he with all his Conquests to his Son King Henry VI. who hâ—d nothing in France but Câ—lais Did not King Henâ—y VII leave more Riches in his Coâ—â—râ— to King Henry VIII who Conquered both in France and Scotland than he lâ—ft to King Edward VI. And do yoâ— not perceive that Qâ—eâ—n Mary who wrote that she was Queen of so many Kingdoms Dutchess of so many Dukedoms Marchioness and Countess of so many Marchionâ—s and Earldoms c. did not â—ave lâ—ss â—ichâ—s in her Coâ—â—â—rs and â—â—alth in the â—â—alm at the Time of her Death than ever any of her Pâ—oâ—â—nitoâ—â— did My Mastâ—â—â— say wâ—at you will and call me as it plâ—ase you â—ithâ—r Enemy to Sâ—ranâ—â—râ— the Pattern or â—dâ—a of an old English mâ—n Fam. friend or what you â—iâ— I say and see that it is ENGLAND alone that shall make her Highness strong ENGLAND and no other her true Patrimony Riches Power and Strength whereto she must trust ENGLAND her Highness native Country alone being well tilled and Governed shall be better to her Majesty in the End than all those Empires Kingdoms Dukedoms and Marchionates and other Rabblements of gay Titles which are but Wind and Shadows and Makers of Cares and Costs Which are no Profit but rather Hindrance and Loss as at last will be proved and as you may perceive by these Discourses her Predecessors have proved Now Mr. Philoxenus or Lewelyn or Lovealien for I thank my Godfather neither you nor I can lack Names I have sufficiently as methinketh answered you to your Six Parts Causes or Occasions which you make of Marriage You see that for Succession that Prince shall be to the Realm most loving most tender and most natural which hath both his Parents mere English And such an one hath England most cause to Love who is mere Hâ—rs of whom no other Region may claim any part You see that for Plâ—asure Comfort and Ioy which in Matrimony the one should have of the other the English man for Likeness of Manners for naturalness of Education yea and because he is most tryed and best known is most likely to be more kind loving and natural than the Stranger who is both different in Tongue and Manners rather stumbled on by Fortune than chosen by certainty You see how it is to the Realm most Honourable and to her Grace most allowable not to despise and contemn or to reckon inferiour to any other Country men those which her own Region and Country bringeth up Ye see that Strength which Foreign Princes bring is rather a Weakning than a Strengthening rather to be suspected than trusted Ye see also that the Stranger ever is like to have and also more like to impoverish than to enrich the Realm And that the Realm it self by good Government both is able enough to enrich the Princes thereof and hath enriched them when they have been contented alone with it rather than when they have sought and gotten great Augmentations of other Countries Which things if you will weigh in a just Pair of Ballances without being affected so much as you are to Strangers I do not doubt but ye will condescend now at the last to my Opinion and Judgment and think as ever I have thought that for all Purposes it were better for the Queens Majesty if it could stand with her Pleasure to Marry an English man than any other Stranger whatsoever he be NAY said he whom they called Mr. Godfather stammering after his manner speak to me Man that am indifferent never speak to him For ye are not so far in with England and English men as he is with Strangers or to this our Host here Let him give judgment For he hath been attentive enough I am sure he hath born away all that hath been spoken Come on quoth he to me what â—say you to the Matter Mary quoth I it were a Presumption indeed to speak before my Prince without Commission I trust her Highness shortly will give sentence her self and not with Words but with Deeds shew who took the better Part to the great Contentation of us all But yonder hath one stood a good while to call us to Supper I have caused him to stay whilst all were ended Why is it Supper time so soon quoth one of them it may be so by the Day but methought the Time was very short So it appeared to me quoth I But Supper tarrieth for you Well we must obey our Host said they and so walked in fair and softly jesting one with another at their new Names NUM IV. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of Thomas Smith Esquire Uncle and Heir of Edward Smith Esquire deâ—eased Son and Heir of Sir William Smith the Younger and Heir of Sir William Smith the Elder who was Nephew and Heir of Sir Thomas Smith Kt.