presence and of all his Barons and himselfe was one of the Excommunicators That such a one should be maâ— their Chiefe Justice who would judge according to Right without respect to poore or rich With other things concerning the kingdome to the common utility peace and honor of the King and kingdome To these their necessaâ—â— Councels and provisions they did frequently and most constantly by way of advice desire the King to condescend swearing and giving their mutuall Faith and hands one to another That they would not defisâ—â— prosecute their purpose neither for losse of money or Lands nor love nor hare no nor yet for life or deaâ— of them or theirs till they had cleared England to which they and their forefathers were borne from up starts and aliens and procured laudable Lawes The King hearing this and that they came exquisitely arme that so he and his aliens might be enforced if they would not willingly assent tooke his corporall Oath aâ— his Sonne Prince Edward also that he would submit â—o their Councels and all those their Ordinances fâ—â— feare of perpetuall imprisonment The Lords having by an Edict threatned death to all that resisted Whiâ— done all the Peeres and Prelates tooke their Oath To be faithfull to this their Ordinance and made all whâ— would abide in the Kingdome to sweare they would stand to the â—ryall of their Peeres the Arch-bishopâ— and Bishops solemnely accursing all that should rebell against it And Richard King of Romans the Kings younger Brother comming soone after into England to visit the King and his owne Lands the d Matth. Par. p. 952 953. Spe. p. 636. Barons enforce him according to his promise sent them in writing before his arrivall to take this Oath as soone as he laâ—ded in the Chapter-house at Canterbury Heare all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewall sweare upon â—â— holy Gospels to be faithfull and forward to reforme with you the kingdome of England hithertâ— by the councell of wicâ—ed men so much deformed And I will be an effectuall coadjutoâ— to expell the Rebels and troublers of the Realme fâ—â— out of the same This Oath will I observe under paine to for feit all my Lands I have in England To such a high straine as this did these Popish Parliaments Prelates Peeres and Commons scrue up their â—â—risdictions to preserve themselves and the Kingdome from slavery and desolation whom Matthew Paris â—â— continuer for this service stiles e History Angliae p. 95â— Angliae Reipublicae Zelatores the Zelors of the English Republicke Neithâ— is this their example singular but backed with other presidents In the second and third yeares of King Eâ—ward the second f Walsing â—pâ—digma Neust An. 1309 1310 Hist Ang. p. 70. to 77. S. p. 608. c. with Holin Stow. Graf How and others Fâ—x Act. Mon. vâ—l â— Ed. ult p. 480 481. Piers Gaveston his great proud insolent covetous unworthy Favorite miscounselling aâ— seducing the young King from whom he had beene banished by his Father and swaying all things aâ—â—â— pleasure the Peâ—res and Nobles of the Realâ—e seeing themselves contemned and that foraine upstart pâ—â—feâ—red before them all came to the King and humbly entreated him That he would manage the Affaires of â— Kingdome by the Counsels of his Barons by whom he might not onely become more cautious but more safe from incâ—â—bent dangers the King Voce â—enus consented to them and at their instance summoned a Parliament at Londâ—â— to which he commanded all that ought to be present to repaire Where upon serious debate they earnâ—â—ly demanded of the King free liberty for the Barons to compose certaine Articles profitable to himselfe to his kingdome and â—o the Church of England The King imagining that they would order Piers to be banished a loâ—â— time denyed to grant their demand but at last at the importunate instance of them all he gave his assent aâ— swore he would ratifie and observe what ever the Nobles should ordaine The Articles being drawne up and agreed by common consent they propounded them to the King and by their importunity much against his well-liking caused him to ratifie them with his Seale and to take his corporall Oath to observe them Which done the Archbishop of Canterbury with his Suffragans solemnely denounced a sentence of excommunication against all who should contradict these Articles which they caused to be openly read in Pauls Church London in the presence of the Prelates Lords and Commons of the whole Kingdome the King being present Among which Articles they demanded That Magna Charta with other provisions necessary to the Church and Realme should be observed that the King â—s his Father had commanded should thrust all Strangers out of his Court and kingdome and remove ill Councellours â—â—om him That he would thenceforth order all the affaires of the Kingdome by the Counsell of the Clergie and Lords â—nd begin no warre nor depart any where out of the kingdome without common consent The King notwithstanding â—ll these things seemed hard and insupportable to him consented to the Articles and banished Piers into â—reland No * Note the credit of Princes Regall promises and Protestations sooner was the Parliament dissolved but the King neglecting his Fathers solemne adjurations â—ogether with his owne Oath never to reduce Piers sends for him backe to his Court marryeth him to the Countesse of Glocester his owne sisters daughter sheweth him more favour then ever Resolving with himselfe â—o retaine this Gaveston maugre all his Earles Barons and for the love of him to put his Crowne and life in â—erill when time should serve In which whither the King or his favourite shewed lesse discretion it is not â—t the first easily determined it being as unsafe for the one with so offensive behaviour to affect immoderate â—â—ew and use of grace as for the other to the injury of his name and Realme to bestow the same But upon â—he Queenes complaint to the King of France her Brother of Piers his insolence and prodigality and on the â—arons message to the King by common consent That he should banish Piers from his company and observe the â—ffect of the foresaid Articles or else they would certainely rise up against him as a perjured person by a like vow which â—peech seemed hard to the King because he knew not how to want Piers but yet discerned that more danger would spring â—p if he obeyed not the Lords Petition Piers rather by the Kings permission then good liking did the third â—â—me abjure the Realme with this proviso that if at any time afterward he were taken in England he should â—e forthwith put to death as a perilous enemy to the Kingdome yet he returning in Christmas to the King at Yorke the Lords spirituall and temporall to preserve the Liberties of the Church the Kingdome and remove this â—iper elected Thomas Earle of Lancaster for their Generall and sent honourable messengers to the King reâ—uesting him
a Seneca de Clemeâ—â—â—a l. 1. as may winne their hearts and affections and not to straine their pretended Prerogatives beyond the bounds of Law this being a most certaine experimented rule which b Polit. l. 5. c. 10 11. p 367 368 See Polybius Hist l. 6. Aristotle the Prince of Politicians gives That there are two intestine causes most perilous and frequent of all others by which a kingdome is usually lost and subverted The first is if the Nobles and people dissent from the King himselfe The second if Kings will Reigne tyrannically and usurpe a greater domination or prerogative then the Lawes of their kingdomes give them Then he addes Verily a kingdome is preserved by contrary remedies specially by a moderate kinde and temperate forme of Government For by how much the c Deut. 17. 19 20. See Prov. 16. 12. c. 20. 28 c. 29. 4. 14. c. 25. 5. more moderate the King shall be and contented with smaller and fewer prerogatives by so much the more constant and longer-lasting shall his kingdome necessarily be For by this meanes it recedes farther from the domination of Tyrants and it comes nearer to the equability of manners and humanity of life and is lesse envyed by their Subjects which he proves by the notable speech and example of King Theopompus And indeed this is the principall policy which God himselfe hath prescribed a King to prolong his dayes in his kingdome he and his children after him to keepe all the words of this Law and those Statutes to doe them that â—s to governe himselfe and his Subjects onely by Law not power to doe justice and judgement avoid oppression and not to liftup his heart above his brethren as if they were his vassals and noâ— men or Christians of the same kinde and quality as himselfe is Wherefore I shall close up this with old Bractons resolution d Lib. 3. c. 9. f. 107. Fleta lib. 1. c. 17. Potestas itaque Regis juris est non injuriae Exercere igitur debet Rex potestatem Juris â—icut Dei vicarius Minister in terra quia illa potestas SOLIUS Dei est potestas autem injuriae Diaboli non Dei cujus horum operum fecerit Rex ejus Minister erit cujus opera fecerit Igitur dum facit justitiam vicarius est Regis aeterni minister autem Diaboli dum declinat ad injuriam * See Leges Edwardi Confessoris cap. 17. in Lambards Archaion f. 130. accordingly Dicitur enim Rex a bene regendo non a regnando quia Rex est dum bene regit Tyrannus dum populum sibi creditum violenta opprimit dominatione Temperet igitur potentiam suam per legem quae fraenum est potentiae quod secundum leges vivaâ— quia hoc sanxit Lex humana quod leges suum ligent latoreâ— alibi in eadem digna â—ox Majestate regnanâ—â—s est legibus alligatum se Principem profiteri Item nihil tâ—m proprium est imperii quam legibus vivere Et majus imperio est legibus submittere Principatum merito debet retribuere legi quia Lex tribuit ei facit enim Lex quod ipse sit Rex Item cum non semper oporteat Regem esse armaâ—um armis sed legibus addiscat Rex sapientiam conservet justitiam All which is notably seconded by Judge Fortescue De Laudibus Legum Angliae c. 9. to 15. worthy any Princes serious perusall And thus doing neither he nor his Posterity need â—eare this Supreame Prerogative Power of Parliaments which hath â—aine dead and buryed for many ages Et pereat positum rubigine telum 11. All Papists e See p 2 3. the Authours there quoted Bishop Jewels View of a seditious Bull and of the Popes Supremacy Cassanaeus Catagloria mundi part 4. attribute farre more divine authority and Soveraigne Jurisdiction over Emperours Kings Princes Kingdomes Subjects to the Pope their Lord and God whom they make the Supreame Monarch of the World and all kingdomes in it and give him greater Authority to summon ratify and dissolve generall Councels then ever any Christian King or Emperour challenged or usurped yet those who maintaine these Paradoxes of the Popes Supremacy confesse f See John Whites Way sect 36. n. 30. 34 35. p. 102. 104 105. Surius Tom. 3. 4. that a generall Councell is above the Pope and may upon just cause not onely convent and censure him for his misdemeanours but likewise actually depose him and set up another in his stead as the Councels of Pisa Constans Basil which deposed foure Popes namely Gregory the 12. Benedict the 13. John the 23. and Eugenius the fourth the Councell of Chalcedon against Pope Leo the Councell of Sinuessa against Pope Marcellinus the sixth seventh and eighth generall Councels against Honorius the Councels of q Wormes and Brixia against Hildebrand the Councell of Pisa summond 1511. of purpose to depose Pope Julius for his perjury h See John Whites Way sect 36. n. 30 p. 102 and n. 34 35. p. 104 105. sundry Popish Writers acknowledge Now the Councell of Basil as I shewed * See p. 4. before defined That the whole Kingdome and Parliament hath as great a power over their Kings as a Councell hath over the Pope therefore by Papists verdicts it is above the King in point of Soveraigne power as a Councell is above the Pope which John Mariana De Rege Regis Instit lib. 1. c 3. to 10. professedly proves at large 12. That Court which may lawfully coniure question depose banish execute the Kings greatest Favorites Officers Judges yea Lord Protectors themselves the highest Peeres of the Realme notwithstanding such are said to be i Psal 82. 1 2. Exod. 22. 2â— John 10. 34. Gods k Rom. 13. 1 2 3 4. Ordained of God Gods Ministers To l Prov. 8. 15. decree Judgement g Fox Acts Monuments vol. 1. p 231. 235. 879 to 890. 962. by God to be the higher powers c. in Scripture as well as Kings and that not onely with but against the Kings Good will must questionlesse be the highest power and Jurisdiction in the Realme else the King and their Authority might protect them against its Justice But the Parliament may lawfully censure question depose banish execute all or any of these not onely without but against the Kings consent witnesse the proceedings in Parliament against m Hoveden p. 702 703. 705 706. with Speed Holinshed Grafton Stow Matthew Paris Polychronicon Fabian William Longchamp Bishop of Ely Chiefe Justiciaâ— Lord Chancellor and Vice-roy of England in Richard the first his Reigne during his absence in the Holy Land from which Offices he was by the Peeres and Commons deposed for his misdâ—meanours and oppressions n Walsingh Speed Holinsh Fabian in Edw. 2. Froyssards Chron. part 1. c. 12 13. Piers Gaveston and the two Hugh Spensers in Edward the seconds Reigâ—e oft banished
good advice of * Who now give the King no such advice Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons another Parliament to be holden at Westminster giving th 〈…〉 world to know withall that his purpose was to amend by their advice whatsoever was to be amended But the Baro 〈…〉 considering that still there arrived more and more strangers men of warre with horse and armes as now alas we s 〈…〉 they doe and not trusting the Poictovine Faith as we have now cause to mistrust the perfidious Papists and malignant Cavaliers and seeing no footstep of peace our present condition refused to come at the appointeâ— day sending the King word by solemne messengers that he should without any delay remove Peter Bishop of Winchester and the other Poictovians out of his Court which if he refused they all of them by the common consent of t 〈…〉 who le kingdome would drive him with his wicked Counsellors out of the Kingdome and consult about creating 〈…〉 new King Thesethings thus acted the King was much dejected in mind and all his Court hanging down 〈…〉 their heads and fearing not a little lest the errors of the Sonne should become worse then the fathers errors whom hi 〈…〉 Subjects indeavouring to depose from his royall Throne almost detruded him to that name which was give 〈…〉 him by a certaine presage John the Banished Wheresore hee could easily have beene drawne to redeem 〈…〉 the love of his naturall Liegemen with the disgrace of a sew strangers But the Bishop of Winchester with other his ill Counsellours and Poictovine Cavalieres counselled hi 〈…〉 to take up armes against his rebellious Subjects as they stiled them and to give their Castles and Lands to them w 〈…〉 would defend him and the kingdome of England from these Traytors The Counsell now given to his Majesty 〈…〉 his ill Counsellours and Cavalieres Hereupon the King inclining to the worser part raiseth an Army of Poictovine and Foraine Souldiers which came to him being sent for out of Flanders from whence the King no 〈…〉 hath many old Souldiers and Commanders sent him seiseth a Manour of Guilbert Bassers a Noble man give 〈…〉 him by King John calling him Traytor when he demanded it sets downe a day wherein all his Lords he suspected should deliver him sufficient pledges of their loyalty and being at Glocester with his Army whith 〈…〉 the Lords resused to come being required the King thereupon as if they were Traytors burnes their Manor 〈…〉 destroyes their Parkes and Ponds besiegeth their Castles and without the judgement of his Court and of thei 〈…〉 Peeres denounceth them exiles and banished men gives their Lands to the Poictovines and adding griefe to grie 〈…〉 wound to wound commanded their bodies to be apprehended where ever they were within the Kingdome he likewise sends a Defiance to the Earle Marshall whose Lands he had wasted who thereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which he was iyed to the King and free to make his defence Whereupon h 〈…〉 seeing * Note neither Faith nor Oath nor peace to be kept by the King or his ill Councellours who contrary to their promise and Oath refused to deliver up his Castle which they promised to render to him upon demand h 〈…〉 raiseth a greaâ— Army and takes his Castle On this the King upon better consideration did againe promise 〈…〉 and affirme That by advise of his great Councell all that was amisse should be rectified and amended And at th 〈…〉 day and place appointed he holds a great conference with the Lords But the evill Councellors he followed suffered him not to make good his promise For when divers there present greatly in the Kings favour with sundry Preachers and Fryers whom the King was wont to reverence and hearken to Humbly beseeched and earnestly exhorted the King to make peace with his Barons and Nobles and to embrace them with due affection being The Parliments present case his naturall Subjects whom without any judgement by their Peeres he had banished destroying their Manors Woods Parkes Ponds and being led and seduced by evill Councels lesse regarded his faithfull Subjects whose native bloo 〈…〉 would not permit them to bow downe then Forainers and which is worse called them Traytors by whom â—e ought t 〈…〉 settle the peace order the Councels and dispose the affaires of his Kingdome The Bishop of Winchester ofâ—ended it seemes at Peers takes the word out of the Kings mouth and answers That there are not Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the King of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth â—o ordaine may banish any offenders out of the Realme and by judiciall processe condemne them Which insolent â—peech the English Bishops relished so harshly that they presently with one voyce threatned to accurse and excommunicate by name the Kings principall wicked Counsellors of whom Winchester being the foreman appealed whereupon they accursed and I would our Bishops would doe so now if the God-dam-me Cavaliers accurse â—ot themselves sufficiently all such as alienated the heart of the King from his Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed â—he peace of the Realme and so the hoped accommodation vanished into greater discontents Hereupon the Earle Marshall and other Lords with their Forces sell pell mell upon the Kings Army slew divers of his forâ—einers and in conclusion drew him to such straits that enforced him to be capable of better advise Then Edmund â—rchbishop of Canterbury elect with other suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome presented themselves before the King at Westminster telling him as his loyall liegemen and O that some Bishop or faithâ—ull person if there bee any such about his Majestie would now deale thus clearely with him touchâ—ng his evill Counsellors That the Councell of Peter Bishop of Winchester and his complices which now he had and â—sed was not sound nor safe but euill and dangerous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and deâ—ised the English calling them Traytors turning the Kings heart from the love of the people and the hearts of the peoâ—le from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the wortâ—iest men of the Land by sowing false tales they â—rave into discontentment Secondly that by the Counsell of the said Peter his Father King John first lost the hearts of â—is people then Normandy then other lands and finally wasted all his treasure and almost England also and never afâ—er had quiet Thirdly That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to justice and law and not by their ungodâ—y Counsels these present troubles had not happened but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed his treasure unexâ—austed Fourthly that the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of preturbation because they that cannot â—aise themselves by peace must raise themselves by the troubles and disinherison of others Fiftly That they had the Trea 〈…〉 re Castles Wardships
7. 17. 3. 4. E. 6. c. 11. 12. 1. Eliz. 1. 2. with sundry more Now â— Lib. 1. c. 8. l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. r polit l. 3. c. 1â— 11. 12. that Parlimentary power which onely can create and conferre on Kings a greater regall Authority and Prerogative then they had before must needs be the Originall and supreame authoritie for as we rightly argue m See 1 Eliz. c. 1. Rastal T it Sewers or Commissioners Rastall Tit. Iustices c. that the Kings Authority is superiour to all other his greatest Officers and subordinate Ministers of Iustice because their power is by Patent or Commission derived from his So we may from the selfe-same reason conclude that the High Court of Parliaments power the representative body of the whole kingdome is the most primitive soveraigne and greatest authoritie of all other yea larger and higher than the kings n Quiâ—quid â—fficit tale est magis tale nemo potest dare quod non habet are true in this case because it onely can enlarge the Kings prerogative whose originall or additionall Royalties proceede not from the king himselfe or his Ancestors owne inherent hereditary power for what king could justly without his peoples consents usurpe a Crowne or lawfull royall Prerogative to himselfe over an whole Countrey but meerely from the voluntary consent and grant of his people in the Parliament This is irrefragably evident not onely by the various o See Alex. ab Alexandro â— 3. c. 2. Facile perspici potest regni multa esse genera nec eandemimperii formam in omnibus esse regibus Regalis potentiae genâ—ra numero sunt quatuoâ— Aristot Polit. l. 3. c. 10. 11. See Dan. c. 8. 11. kinds of kings whereof some are of greater power and authority others of lesse some by Election others by succession by reason of their Subjects originall institution by the diverse alterations of the Monarchy in this kingdome which hath beene sometimes divided into 7. sometimes into 5. sometimes into 3. or two kingdomes and at last reduced unto one by the great changes and alterations made in all forraigne Realmes which have sometimes multiplied sometimes diminished the number and power of their Princes and sometimes quite abolished the royall forme of Government changing it into an Aristocraticall or popular rule by the divine Authority of S. Peter who in this regard calls Kings and their Supremacy a r 1 Pet. 2. 13 14. Alex ab Alexandro Gen. Dierâ—m l. 3 c. 3. l. 4. c. 23. humane creature or Ordinance of man because instituted limited and moulded into severall degrees of power by men over whom they râ—igneâ— by two expresse determinations of Aristotle in these termes s Politicorum l. 3. c 10. p. 209 2â—0 Regna patriis moribus legibus FVNDATA CONFIRMATASVNT And t Ibid l. 5 c â—3 p. 367. Verum Regnum est imperium majoribus praestantioribus viris VOLVNTAT â— CIVIVM DELATVM seconded by v De Officiis l. 2. Caeliâ—â— Rhodi Antiq. Lect l 8. c. 1 Alexander ab Alexandro Gen. Dierum l. 4. â— 23. Livie Hist Rom. l. 1. Sect. 17. p. 14. 15. l. 4 p. 144. 145. Plâ—â—archi Numâ—â—ompilius Tully Livie and others but likewise by Andrew Horne an eminent Lawyer in Edward the 1. his raigne in his Myrroâ—r of Justices Chap. 1. Sect. 2. p. 7. 8. 9. where he thus writes of the originall institution of our English Monarches After that God had abated the Nobility of the Britans who rather used force then right he delivered it to the most humble and simple of all the neighbour Nations the Saxons who came from Germany to conquer it of which Nation there have beene 40. Kings all which held themselves to have COMPANIONS These Princes called this Land England which before was named Greater Britain These after great warres elected from among them a King to Raigne over them to governe the people of God and to maintaine and defend their persons and goods in peace by the Rules of Law or Right And at the beginning they caused the King to sweare that he will maintaine the holy Christian faith to the utmost of his power and guide his people by p See Mathew Paris Speed Holinshed Grafton and others Law without respect to any person and shall be obedient to suffer or undergoe Law as well as others of his people And afterwards this Realme was turned to an heritage according to the number of his Companions who divided the Realme into 38. Counties and delivered each one a County to keepe and defend from Enemies according to every ones estate And although the King ought to have no Pâ—â—res in the Land yet because if the King of his owne wrong should offend against any of his people neither he nor any his Commissaries can be both Iudge and Party OF RIGHT IT BEHOVES that the King should have q Livie Hist Rom. l. 1. Arist Polit. l. 2. c. 8. Goodwins Rom. Aâ—tiq COMPANIONS for to heare and determine in Parliaments all the Writs and Plaints of the wrongs of the King the Queene and their children and of those especially of whose wrongs they could noâ— otherwise have common right These Companions are now called Counts after the Latine Comites and so at this day these Countries are called Counties and in Latine Comitatus c. Henry de Bracton who writ in Henry the 3. his raigne as in his forecited Passages so in others resolves x Lib. 1. c 8. f. 5. lib. 3. c 9 f 07. That the King is under the Law because the Law makes him a King by giving him dominion and power Now how doth the Law thus make him a kâ—ng but by the Parliament the kingdomes great Counsel by whose counsell and consent alone all Lawes were first enacted and yet are as the y Hujusmodi leges Anglicanae cum â—uerâ—m approbatae Sacramento Regis confirmatae mutari non poterunt c. Idem l. â— c. 2 f. 1. 6. same Author informes us who further addes That the King ought to be under the Law because Christ whose Vicar he is on Earth when he came to redeeme mankinde made choyse of this way especially to destroy the workes of the Devill using not the strength of his power but the reason of his iustice and so would be z Gal. 4. 4. â— under the Law that he might redeeme those that are under the Law Thus the Virgin Mary the mother of our Lord who by singular priviledge was above the Law yet to shew an example of humilitie refused not to be a subiect to Legall Ceremonies So therefore the King lest his power should remaine unbridled there ought not to be a greater then he in the Kingdome in the exhibition of Iustices yet he OVGHT TO BE THE LEAST or AS THE LEAST IN RECEIVING IVDGMENT if he require it b â—ract â—â—â— 3. c. 9. f. 107. lib. 1. c. 8. f. 5. l.
belongeth to a King for hasty rashnesse bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of thâ— Gospell Every Kingdome divided in it selfe shall be brought to desolation Master o Vol. 1. p. 214. Fox informes us that William the Conquerour through the peoples clamour promised to confirme this King Edwards Lawes but the most part of them he omitted contrary to his Oath at his Coronation Indeede I finde not that the Conqueror tooke this Oath when he was crowned but I reade in * History p. 440. 441. Speed and others that William the Conquerour abrogating for the most part the ancient Lawes of the Land and introducing neâ— hard Lawes of his owne written in the Norman tongue which the people understood not and thâ— Iudges wrested at their pleasures to the forfeiture of Goods Lands Life hereupon the Nobility and Natives seeking to cast off these snares and fetters of his Lawes set up Edgar Athelin for theâ— Generall once againe and â—ell into a new conspiracie raising great forces and resolving to make thâ— sword their Iudge The King hereupon by Lanfrankes advise who as Reâ—oboams sages gave him counsell somewhat to beare with their abuses rather then to hazard the ruine of all in fight appointed a meeting at Berkhamâ—teed Anno 1172. where the King entring parly with the English Nobility did so farre winde himselfe into their good opinions that they all forthwith layd downe their weapons And he for his part fearing to lose the Crowne with shame which he had gotten with effusion â—f so much blood gave his Oath upon the holy Evangelists and the reliques of Saint Albane the Martyr the same being ministred to him by Abbot Fredericke swearing to observe and inviolably to â—â—epe the ancient Lawes of this Land and most especially those compiled by King Edward the Confessor â—hough as the event soone shewed he little meant to doe as he promised Peace thus established â—is conference ended and the Kings oath received the English Armies disband themselves as dreaâ—ing Note this they had now good fortune by the foote and hoping the greatest stormes of their dangers were â—aâ—t which presently proved but a vaine surmise For king William having compounded with the â—anes began extreamely to hate the English Nobles and with full resolution of their destruction â—â—ddenly set upon them apart which he durst not attempt when they were united so that * See Hâ—ntindon Hist l. 7. p. 369. Mat. Paris Hist p. 6. sâ—aying â—ny imprisoning others and persecuting all of them with fire and sword well was he that could â—e first â—â—ne Such little faith or assurance is there in the solemne Oathes and Protestations of Kings to â—â—eir Subjects which are seldome really performed and intended onely as snares to intrap them if â—â—ey confide and rely upon them without any better security The forme of the kings Coronation â—er since Edward the a hath beene this and is thus administred p Magna Charta Printed Cum Privilegio London 1558. part 2. f. 16â—â— Iudamentum Regis quando coronaâ—uâ— Remonstrance Nov 2. p. 25. to 38. The Metropolitan or Bishop â—â—at is to Crowne the King with a meane and distinct voyce shall interrogate him if he will confirme with an â—ath the Lawes and customes granted to the people of England by ancient just and devout kings towards â—od to the samepeople and especially the Lawes and Customes and Liberties granted by glorious King Edward to the Clergie and People And IF HE SHALL PROMISE that he will assent to all these â—et the Metropolitan or Bishop expound to him what things he shall sweare saying thus Thou shalt â—epe to the Church of God to the Clergie and people Peace intirely and concord in God according to thy â—â—wer The king shall answer I will keepe it Thou shalt cause to be done in all thy judgements equall â—dright justice and discretion in mercy and verity according to thy power He shall answer I will doe it â—â—ou grantest just Lawes and Customes to be kept and thou dost promise that those Lawes shall be protected â—d confirmed by thee to the honour of God QUAS VULGUS ELEGERIT which the people shall â—se according to thy power He shall answer I doe graâ—t and promise And there may be added to â—e foresayd Interrogations what other things shall be just All things being pronounced he shall confirme that he will observe all things with an oath upon the Altar presently taken before all There â—ath beene a late unhappie difference raised betweene the q See the Parliaments Remonstrance of the 26. of May. p. 9. His Majesties Answer thereto p. 16. 17. and the Parliaments Reply Nou. 2. p. 2â— to 38. king and Parliament about the word ELEGERIT the Parliament affirming the word to signifie shall chuse according to sundry written â—oles and Printed Coppies in Latin and French the King on the contrary affirming it should be â—â—th chosen But he that observes the words of the ancient Oathes Populo tibi commisso rectam â—â—liciam exercebis malas leges iniquas consuetudines si aliquae fuererint in Regno tuo delebis bonas servabis all in the future tence and the verbes servabis Facies fierâ— protegendas corâ—oborandas in â—e former and same clauses of the Oath now used all of them in the future with the whole Scope â—tent and purport of this part of the Oath must necessarily grant shall chuse to be the true reaâ—ng and that it referres to the confirmation of * Iudge Huttons Argument against Ship-money p. 32. determines so future Lawes to be afterwards made in Parliament not those onely in being when the Oath was administred else kings should not be obliged by their â—athes to keepe any Lawes made after their Coronations by their owne assents but onely those â—â—eir Predecessors assented to not themselves which were most absurd to affirme From these severall Oathes and Passages the usuall forme of the Nobles proclaiming such and â—â—ch Kings of England with other r Page 4. â—â— forecited Histories it is apparant First that Popish Parliaments Peeres and Subjects have deemed the Crowne of England not meerely successive and heâ—ditaâ—y though it hath usually gone by descent but arbitray and elective when they saw cause maâ— of our kings comming to the Crowne without just hereditarie Title by the Kingdomes Peeres â—d peoples free election onely confirmed by a subsequent Act of Parliament which was then reâ—â—ted a sufficient Right by vertue whereof they then reigned and were obeyed as lawfull kings â—d were then and yet so acknowledged to be their Right by Election of their Subjects being seldome or never adjudged an illegall usurpation in any Parliaments whence the statute of 1 E. 4. c. 1. â— d â— E. 4. â— 2. declare king Henry the 4. 5. and 6. to be successively kings of England indeed and not right yet not usurpers because they came in by Parliament Onely Richard the third who treacherously murthered Edward the 5. his
in their Controversies of the Popes Supremacy of general Councels Generall Councell above the Pope the Pope above the Archbishop the Archbishop above the Ordinary because men may Appeale from the Ordinary to the Archbishop from him to the Pope but now with us to the Kings Delegates If there be any difference betweene c See Grafton p. 512 513. 161. Matthew Paris p. 954. Fox old Edition p. 508. King or Subject touching any inheritances Priviledges or Prerogatives belonging to the Crowne it selfe or any points of misgovernment yea which is more if there be any suite quarrell or difference betweene our Kings in Act and any other their Competitors d See Hoveden p. 724 725 for the Crowne it selfe which of them hath best title to it who of them shall enjoy it and how or in what manner it shall be setled the Lords and Commons in Parliament are and ought to be the sole and finall Judges of it Not to give you aâ—y instances of this kinde betweene King and Subjects which I have formerly touched nor to relate how our e Walsingham Hist p. 514. Speed p. 647 648. Kings Edward the first King John f Matthew Paris p. 273. 274 275. condemned to death by a Parliament in France by French Peeres for slaying his Nephew Arthur trecherously with his owne hands and likewise to lose the Crowne of England Henry the third and other our Kings have Appealed to the Parliaments of France and England upon differences betweene the Peeres and Kings of France and them concerning their Lands and Honours in France Or how King Edward the third and Philip of France submitted both their Titles to the Kingdome of France to the determination in a French Parliament where they were both personally present which adjudged the Crowne to Philip Nor yet to repeate the i pag. 5. forementioned precedents how the Lords and Commons when the Title to the Crowne hath beene in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by compeâ—itors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the * See Matthew Westm Fabian Grafton Holin Kingdom Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of Heâ—res misgovernment and câ—ntroversies abâ—ut the Title to the Crowne * Polichron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 399. See Grafton and Holinshed accordingly Canutus after the death of King Edmond Anno 1017. claiming the whole Realme against Edmonds Brethren Sons referred his Title upon the agreement made between Edmond and him foâ— this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of fealâ—y to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the * Matthew Westminster and Malmesâ—wy Anno 1036. Holinshed l. 17. c. 13. p. 398. Speed p. 404. 406. Huntingdon Walsingham Anno 1036. 10â—0 Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxfoâ—d who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaimed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying * Huntindon l. 6. Polychron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 410. Matthew Westâ—n An. 1042. p. 415. Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harolds death enacted by Parâ—iament g Matthew Paris p. 893. 925. 930. 948. 954 655. Grafton p. 188 189 Speed p. 687 688 785 786. That none oâ— the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared â—ight Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. k Hoveden Hunâ—ingdon Matthew Westminster Matthew Paris Walsingham Polychronicâ—n Fabian Anno 1126. Speed p. 477. See Hoâ—inshed Grafton Stow Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to fucceed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English Blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to â—er As much as in them lay after King Henries death if â—e dyed without issue male to establish â—er Queene â—f the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath h Polyd. Virgil l. 19. Claudius Seyseâ—â—us his French Monarchy By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill warres â—o the devastation of the Realme l Walsingham Ypod An. 1113 Matthew Westm An. 1153 p. 42. Matthew Paris â— 82 83. Speed p. 497. Hoveden p. 490. Hunâ—indon Hist l. 8 p. 598. Fox Vol. 1. p. 261. King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty â— Walâ—ingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should â—eaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Henâ—y should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy â—he Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should â—weare that Henry after the Kings death if he suâ—vived him should Pâ—ssesse the Kingdome without any conradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parlâ—ament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the Kingdome In the 8. and 25. E. 3. there was a m 25. E. 3. Parl 2. in the Statuts at large doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should inâ—erit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the Laâ— herein reduced to ceâ—tainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliamâ—nt in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to deliberaâ—â— of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings â—â— England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a special Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a * Cooke l. 7. The Princes case Parliament 11. E. 3. this
The Treachery and Disloyalty of Papists to their Soveraignes both in Doctrine and Practise WHen I seriously consider the memorable Preamble of 3 Jac. ch 4. That it is found by daily experience that many of his Majesties Subjects who adhere in their hearts to the Popish Religion by the infection drawne from thence and by the wicked and divellish counsell of Jesuites Seminaries and other persons dangerous to the Church and State are so farre perverted in the point of their loyalties and due obedience unto the Kings Majesty and the Crowne of England as they are ready to entertaine and execute any Treasonable Conspiracies and Practises as evidently appeares by that more then barbarous and horrible attempt to have blowne up with Gunpowder the King Queene Prince â—ords and Commons in the House of Parliament assembled tending to the utter subversion of the whole State lately â—dertaken by the instigation of Jesuites and Seminaries and in advancement of their Religion by their Schollars â—ught and instructed by them for that purpose With the Statutes of 35. Eliz. ch 2. and 3 Jacobi ch 5. which â—â—act That all Popish Recusants shall be restrained to some certaine places of abode and confined to their private â—uses in the Country and not at any time after to passe or remove above five miles from thence under paine of forfeiting â—â— their Lands Goods and Chattels during life That none of them shall remaine within ten miles of the City of â—ondon nor come into the Court or house where his Majesty or Heire apparent to thâ— Crowne of England shall be nor â—ave in their owne houses or in the hands or possession of any other at their disposition any Armour Gunpowder or Muâ—tion of what kind soever And all this for the better discovering and avoiding of such Trayterous and most danâ—rous Conspiracies Treasoâ—â— Practises and attempts as are daily devised and practised against our most gracious â—overaignes Person and â—â—â— Commonweale by rebellious and trayterous Papists And when I read in * Dated January 10. 1606. and Februa 22. 1603. two of King â—â—mes his Proclamations That those adhering to the profession of the Church of Rome are blindly led together â—ith the superstition of their Religion both unto some points of Doctrine which * Note this cannot consist with the loyalty of Subâ—cts towards their Prince and oft times unto direct actions of conspiracies and conjurations against the State wherin â—â—ey live as hath most notoriously appeared by the late most horrible and almost incredible conjuration grounded upâ— points of Doctrine in that Church held and maintained and contrived and practised with the privity and warrant of â—any of the principall Priests of that profession to blow up our children and all the three Estates in Parliament assemâ—ed And when we consider the course and claime of the Sea of Rome we have no reason to imagine that Princes of â—r Religion and profession can expect any assurance long to continue unlesse it might be assented by the meditation of other â—rinces Christian that some good course might be taken by a generall Councell free and lawfully called to plucke up â—ose rootes of dangers and jealousies which arise for cause of Religion as well betweene Princes and Princes as beâ—eene them and their Subjects and to make it manifest that no State or Potentate either doth or can challenge powâ— to dispose of earthly Kingdomes or Monarchies or to dispense with Subjects obedience to their naturall Soveraignes Which was never yet attempted much lesse effected And in the Booke of Thankesgiving appointed for the â—â—h of November set forth by King James and the Parliaments speciall direction this observable Prayer â—omewhat altered by the now a Who confesseth Justifieth it in his Speech in Star-chamber June 14. 1637. Arch-prelate of Canterbury in the latter Editions to pleasure his Friends the â—pists To that end strengthen the hand of our gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the Land with Judgeâ—ent and Justice to cut off these workers of iniquity the Papists whose Râ—ligion is rebellion whose faith is factiâ— whose practise is murthering of Soules and Bodies and to roote them out of he confines of this Kingdome I canâ—ot but star damazed yea utterly confounded in my selfe at the Impudency and Treachery ofthose pernicious â—ounsellors who in affront of all these Lawes and premises have issued out sundry b See the Parliaments late Declaration Commissions under â—s Majesties hand and seale to divers notorious Papists not onely to furnish themselves with all sorts of â—mes and Munition but likewise to meet together armed and raise Forces in the Field to fight against the â—rliament Kingdome and Protestant Religion even contrary to divers his Majesties late Printed Declaraâ—ns and Protestations to all his loving Subjects advanced them to places of great trust and command in his â—ajesties severall Armies and procured them free accesse unto if not places of trust about his sacred person â— if they were his loyallest Subjects his surest guard as many now boldly stile them and more to be confiâ—ed in then his best and greatest Councell the Parliament whom they most execrably revile as Rebels â—â—d Traytors the more colourably to raise an Army of Papists to cut their throats and the throat of our Proâ—stant Religion first as they have already done in Ireland and then last of all his Majesties in case he refuse to become the Popes sworne vassall or alter his Religion which he hath ost protested and we beleeve he will never doe But I desire these ill Counsellours of the worst Edition to informe his Majesty or any rationall creature how it is either probable or possible that an Army of Papists should secure his Majesties person Crowne Dignity or protect the Protestant Religion the Parliament or its priviledges to all which they have shewed themselves most prosessed enemies We all know that Popish Recusants c See King James his Apology against Bellarmin Laurentius Byerlincke Opus Chronogr p. 319. Deus et Rex The Lord William Howards Sonnes late Booke in Defence of Papists taking the Oath of Allegiance obstinately refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy or Allegiance some of them that tooke it having beene excommunicated by their Priests for a reward Theâ— summe of which Oath is * 3 Jac. c. 4. That they doe truely and sincerely acknowledge and professe That the Pope hath â—â— authority to depose the King or to dispose of any his Kingdomes or to authorize any foraine Prince to invade his Countries or to discharge any his Subjects from their Allegiance to his Majesty or to license any of them to beare armes oâ— raise tumults against him or to offer any violence or hurt to his royall Person Government Subjects That notwithstanding any Declaration Excommunication or deprivation made or granted by the Pope or any Authority derived from him against the King his Heires and Successors or any absolution from their obedience they will beareâ— faith
and true allegiance to them and them protect to the uttermost of their power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever against their Persons Crowne and Dignity by reason of any such sentence or Declaration or otherwise And that they doe from their hearts abhorre detest and abjure as impiâ—us and hereticall this damnableâ— Doctrine and position prosessedly maintained by English Papists else why should the Parliament prescribe and they absolutely refuse to take this Oath that Princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever Willthose then who refuse to take this Oath or abjure this King deposing King-killing Doctrine harbouring a Seminary Priest in their Tents and a Pope in their hearts prove a faithfull guard to his Majesties Person Crowne or Kingdomes Will those who so oâ—â— conspired the death and attempted the murthers of Queene Elizabeth and King James onely because they were Protestants and Defenders of the Protestant Faith now cordially protect and assist King Charles without attempting any thing against his Crowne or Person who hath lately made and published so many Protestations and Declarations that he will never embrace nor countenance Popery but most resolutely Defend and Advance the Protestant Religion and makes this one principall motive how truely he taketh Heaven and Earth to witnesse of his present taking up of Armes Will they thinke you spend their lives for King and Parliament who but few yeares since lost their lives for attempting by a traine of Gunpowder to blow up both King and Parliament Will those secure his Majesty in his Throne now he is actually King of England who would have murthered him in his Cradle ere he was Prince to forestall him of the Crowne of England caâ—â— those prove really loyall to his Majesty and his Royall Posterity who would have blowne up him and all royall House at once even long before he had posterity In a word if ancient presidents will not convince us are those who for d See Dr. Jones his Booke of Examinations two yeares last past or more have beene labouring with might and maine to uncrowne his Majesty and utterly extirpate the Protestant Religion by horrid conspiracies and force of Armes in Ireland and are now there acting the last Scene of this most barbarous bloudy Tragedy now likely to spend their dearest blood in fighting for the preservation of his Majesties Crowne and the Protestant cause in England if thiâ— onely be the reall quarrell as is specioully pretended Or will any of that Religion who within these threâ— yeares have by force of Armes both in Catalonia Portugall and elsewhere revolted from and cast off theiâ— allegiance to their owne most Catholicke King to setup others of the same Religion in his Tribunall put tâ—â— their helping hands to establish his Majesty the most Protestant King in his regall Throne admit it were really not fictitiously indangered to be shaken Certainely if the ground of this unnaturall warre be such aâ— these ill Consellors pretend they would never be so farre besotted as to make choyce of such unfitting Champions as Papists for such a designe who are very well knowne to be the greatest enemies and malignants oâ— all others both to King Kingdome Religion and Parliament whose joynt destructions what ever thesâ— ill Counsellors pretend is questionlesse the onely thing really intended by the Popish party in this warre aâ— the proceedings in Ireland the introducing of soraine the raising of domesticke popish Forces the disarminâ— of Protestants and Arming Papists with their Harnesse clearely demonstrate to all whom prejudice hath noâ— blinded Now that I may evidence to these pernicious Counsellours and all the world how dangerous and unsaâ—â— it is for his Majesty and the Kingdome to put Armes into Papists hands and make use of them to protect thâ— Kings Person or Crown I shall desire them to take notice both of the Papists traiterous Doctrine and Practise in these three particulars they maintaine First That the Pope by a meere divine right is the sole and supreme Monarch of the whole world and all â—â—â— Kingdomes in it to dispose of them at his pleasure to whom and when he will without giving any account of his actions That all Emperours and Kings are but his vassals deriving and holding their Crownes from him by base uâ—worthy services worse then villenage that they call and repute them their Popes vassals curs packe asses wiâ— Bels about their neckes and use them like such if they offend the Pope For full proofe whereof out of their owâ— Authors and practise I shall referre them to Doctor e Dedicated to King Iames printed at London 1621. Richard Crakenthorps Booke Of the Popes Temporeâ— Monarchy chap. 1. p. 1. to 27. worthy any mans reading to John Bodins Commonwealth Lib. 1. cap. 9. aâ—â— Doctor John Whites Defence of the way to the true Church chap. 10. p. 43. Secondly That the Pope alone without a Councell may lawfully excommunicate censure depose both Emperours Kings and Princes and dispose of their Crownes and Kingdomes unto others That it is meet and necessary hee should â—xcommunicate and deprive all Kings who are either Heretickes or Apostates as they repute all Protestant Princes â—â—r oppressers of the Common wealth That as soone as such Princes are actually excommunicated or notoriously knowne to â—â—e Heretickes or Apostates their Subjects are ipso factâ— absolved from their government and Oathes of Allegiance whereby they were bound unto them and may yea ought to take up armes against them to deprive them of their kingdomes Thirdly That such tyranicall and oppressing Kings may be killed poysoned or slaine by open force of Armes not onely lawfully but with glory and commendations That this is to be executed by Catholikes and that it is not onely an heroiâ—all but meritorious act worthy the highest Encomiums These two last pro positions you may read abundantly proved by the words of Popish writers and 40. examples of several Emperours Kings and Princes which Popes Papists have excommunicated deprived violentâ—y assaulted and murthered in e Dedicated to King Iames and printed at London 1624. Doctor John Whites defence of the way to the true Church chap. 6. pag. 14. to 22. and chap. 10. pag. 43. 44. in his Sermon at Pauls Crosse March 24. 1615. pag. 11. 12. in Bishop Bilsons true difference of Christian Subjection and unchristian rebellion part 3 throughout Aphorismi doctrinae Jesuitarum King James his Apologie against Bellarmine with his Answer to Cardinall Perron and sundry printed Sermons preached on the fist of November to which I shall referre the Reader What security or protection then of his Majesties royall Person Crowne or Kingdomes can now be expected from our Popish Recusants infected with these traytorous Principles and branded with so many ancient moderne nay present treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraignes let the world and all wise men seriously judge What faire quarter and brotherly assistance the
and strength of the kingdome in their hands which they insolently abused to the great hazard â—f the whole estate for that they made no conscience of an Oath Law Justice or the Churches censures Therefore we 〈…〉 King speake these things faithfully unto you in the presence of God and man and doe counsell beseech and admâ—nish â—ou to remove such a Councell from about you and as it is the usage in other Realmes governe yours by the faithâ—ull and sworne children thereof To which the King in briefe answered That he could not suddainely put off hâ—â— Councell and therefore prayed a short respite Nothing â—ad hither to preserved the King more Then that he could â—ithout griefe forgoâ— any favorities if he were nearely pressed the contrary quality whereof hath beene the cause of â—iâ—all desolation to so many Princes For though choyce of Counsellours ought to be free yet by common inâ—endment they should be good or how ever they are or are not it is madnesse to hazard a Crowne or lose the love â—f a whole Nation rather then to relinquish or diminish a particular dependance for which the publique must not be â—azarded nor subverted The King therefore in this point not infortunate commands Bishop Peter from his Court to keepe residence at his Cure without once medling in State affaires removes all his evill Counsellors derives them of their Offices and puts good men in their places and commands all Poictovians and Foraine forces to deâ—art the Realme receives all his Nobles into favour restoring them to their lost Offices Lands Castles admits them 〈…〉 to his Court and Councell puts all his ill Counsellours and Delinquent Officers to their legall trials and fines And â—r Peter Rivales his Treasurer he was so vehemently incâ—nsed against him for his ill Counsell that he sware 〈…〉 would plucke out his eyes were it not for reverence of his holy Orders And at his Arraignment at Westminster 〈…〉 e King sitting in person with his Justices upon the Bench and shooting Rivales through with an angry eye â—ake thus to him O ihou Traytor by thy wicked advise I was drawne to set my Seale to those treacherous Letters â—r the destruction of the Earle Marshall the contents whereof were to me unknowne and by thine and such like Coun 〈…〉 ll I banished my naturall Subjects and turned their mindes and hearts from me By thy bad counsell and thy com 〈…〉 lices I was moved to make warre upon them to my irreparable losse and the dishonour of my Realme in which â—nâ—rprise I wasted my Treasâ—re and lost many worthy persons together with much of my Royall respect Therefore I 〈…〉 act of thee an account and thou shall be carryed to the Tower of London to deliberate till I am satisfied And 〈…〉 us were these civill warres and differences reconciled ill Counsellors removed enormities reformed De 〈…〉 nquents punished not without reducing store of coyne to the King and peace established in the Kingâ—ome Which History I have more largely recited because most of its passages are Paralell to the Kings 〈…〉 d his evill Counsellors present proccedings on the one hand and to the Parliaments in some sort on the o 〈…〉 er hand in the premises and I doubt not but they will prove parallels in the conclusion to the terrour of 〈…〉 ill Councellours and Cavalieres the just punishment of Delinquents all good Subjects joy and contentâ—ent and the reestablishment of our peace in truth and righteousnesse To end the point proposed * Walsingh Histâ— p. 84. 44. Ypod. Neust p. 101 Anno Dom. 1315. King Edward the second by his Writ summoned a Par 〈…〉 ment at London But many of the Lords refused to come pretending causes and impediments by which their ab 〈…〉 nce might well be excused and so this Parliament tooke no effect and nothing was done therein In this Parti 〈…〉 lar then Popish Prelates Lords and Commons have exceeded Protestants in this or any other Parliaâ—ent Fifthly Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Subjects have by Force of Armes compelled their Kings to grant and confirme their Lawes Liberties Charters Priviledges with their Seales Oathes Proclamations the Popes Buls Prelates Excommunications and to passe confirme or repeale Acts of Parliament against their wills Thus the Barons Prelates aâ—d Commons by open warre and Armes enforced both a Mat. Pa. An. 1214 1215. p. 240 to 256. Mat. West Walsingham Ypodig Neu. An. 1214 1215 Fabi. Caxton Hol. Graf Daniel in the life of K. John Hen. 3. Sp. Hist p. 578. to 637. King John and King Henry the third to confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta both in and out of Parliament sundry times with their hands Seales Oathes Proclamations and their Bishops Excommunications taking â— solemne Oath one after another at Saint Edmonds upon the High Altar An. 1214. That if King John should refuse to grant these Lawes and Liberties they would wage warre against him so long and withdraw themselves froâ— their Allegiance to him untill he should confirme to them by a Charter ratified with his Seale all things which thâ—â— required And that if the King should afterwards peradventure recede from his owne Oath as they verily beleevâ—â— he would by reason of his double dealing they would forthwith by seizing on his Castles compell him to give satisfaction Which they accordingly performed as our Histories at large relate Yea when they had enforceâ— King b Matth. Par. p. 252. Sp. Holinsh accordingly John thus to ratifie these Charters for the better maintenance of them they elected 25. Barons â—â— be the Conservators of their Priviledges who by the Kings appointment though much against his liking â— afterwards appeared tooke an Oath upon their Soules that with all diligence they would observe thesâ— Charters Regem cogerent and would COMPELL THE KING if he should chance to repent to observe them All the rest of the Lords and Barons then likewise taking another Oath to obeâ— the commands of the 25. Barons After this c Matth. Paris An. 1258. p. 9. 940 941. Matth. West 1258. Sp. p. 635. Hol. Graft Dani. Polychron An. Dom. 1258. King Henry the third summoned a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lord came armed with great Troopes of men for feare of the Poictovines to prevent treachery and civill warres aâ—â— the Kings bringing in of Foraine force against his naturall Subjects to which end they caused the Sea Ports â—â— be shut up and guarded The Parliament being begun the Lords propounded sundry Articles to the King which they had immutably resolved on to which they required his assent The chiefe points whereof weâ—â— these That the King should firmely keepe and conserve the Charter and Liberties of England which King John â— Father made granted and ratified with an Oath and which himselfe had so often granted and sworne to maintaiâ— inviolable and caused all the infringers ofit to be horribly excommunicated by all the Bishops of England in hâ— owne
but beauty also and ornamenâ— writes John Speed After all this i Walfing Hist Ang. p. 349. to 400 â—podigm Newstriae p. 144. to 158 Speed Hist p. 747. to 762. Holin Graft Stâ—w Fabian Caxton and others King Richard the second in the ninth yeare of his reigne summoned a Parliament whereâ—â— Michael de la Pole Earle of Suffolke for cheating the King was put from his Lord Chancellorship of England by thâ— Parliament and the Seale taken from him against the Kings will and given to Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely Whereupon both Houses gave halfe a tenth and halfe a fifteene to be disposed of as the Lords thought fit for thâ— defence of the Realme The Parliament was no sooner dissolved but the King recals de la Pole and other ill counsellors to the Court shewing them greater favour then before In so much that at Christmas the King madâ— de la Pole sit at his owne table not in the usuall garment oâ— a Peere but of a Prince out of a stomacke and hatred againâ—â— the Peeres whom from thenceforth he never regarded but feinedly and then fals to plot the death of the Duke of Glâ—cester and other Nobles who opposed his ill Counsellors For which purpose he appoints a meeting at Noâ—â—ing haâ—â— Castle with a few persons generally ill-beloved ill-advised and ill-provided The course agreed upon by thâ— King and that ill-chosen Senate was first to have the opinion of all the chiefe Lawyers who saith Speâ—â— seldome faile Princes in such turnes concerning certaine Articles of Treason within whose nets they presumâ—â— the reforming Lords were and if the Lawyers concluded those Articles contained Treasonable matters thâ—â— under a shew of justice they should be proceeded against accordingly The Lawyers who were the very meâ—â— which in the last Parliament gave advice to the Lords to doe as they did now meering were demanded Whether by the Law of the Land the King might not disaâ—ull the Decrees of the last Parliament They joyntly answeâ—ed he might because he was above the Lawes a most apparent errour confessing that themselves had in thâ— Parliament decreed many things and given their judgement that all was according to Law which they acknowledgâ— to be altogether unlawfull The King thus informed appointeth a great Councell at Nottingham and withaâ—â— sends for the Sheriffs of Shires to raise Forces against the Lords who denyed saying that they could not raisâ— any competent Forces or Armes against them the whole Counties were so addicted to their favours and being furtheâ— willed to suffer no Knights to be chosen for their shieres but such as the King and his Counsell should name they aâ—swered that the election belonged to the Commons who favored the Lords in all and would keepe their usuall customes a good president for our present Sheriffes whereupon they were dismissed Then were the Lawyeâ— and Judges Robert Tresilian and his companions called before the King to determine the judgements of Treason against the Lords to be legall and to set their Seales thereto which they did Meane time the King and Duke of Ireland sent messengers to hire what Forces they could That they might stand with them if neede weâ—â— against the Lords in the day of battle * Note this Many of which answered that they neither could nor would stand against thâ— Lords whom they knew for certaine intimately to love the King and to endeavour all things study all things doe aâ—â— things for his honour yet many out of simplicity thinking themselves to be hired promised to be ready upon the Kingâ—â—oâ—â—ce The Lords hearing of these proceedings were much sadded being conscious to themselves â—â— no 〈…〉 â—â—rthy the Kings so great indignation The Duke of Glocester sent his purgation upon Oath by the Bishop â—â— London to the King wâ—o inclining to credit the same was in an evill houre diverted by de la Pole â—he Duke hereupon makes his and their common danger knowne to the rest of the Lords upon which â—ey severally gather forces that they might present their griefes to the King How he favoured Trayâ—rs not onely to them but to the Publique to the imminent danger of the Realme unlesse it were speeâ—ly prevented The King on the other side by Trayterous CoÌ„unsellours advise sought how to take â—em off single before they were united but in vaine by reason their party was so great Meane time â—me peaceable men procured that the Lords should repaire safe to Westminster and there be heard Thiâ—er approaching they are advertised by some who had sworne on the Kings behalfe for good deaâ—â—g to be used during the interim that in the Mewes by Charing-Crosse a thousand armed men which â—ithout the Kings privity Sir Thomas Trivet and Sir Nicholas Brambre Knights were reported to have â—â—d for their destruction attended in ambush The King sweares his innocency promising safe conâ—â—ct to the Lords if they would come who thereupon came strongly guarded and would trust no longer â—he King sitting in royall State in Westminster Hall the Lords present themselves upon their knees before â—m and being required by the Lord Chancellour Why they were in warlike manner assembled at â—aring gye Park contrary to the Lawes their joynt answer was That they were assembled for the good of the â—ing and kingdome and to weed from about him such Traytors as be continually held with him The Traytors â—ey named to be Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Michael de â— Pole Earle of Suffolke Sir Robert Tresilian that salse Justiciar Sir Nicholas Brambre that false Knight â— London with others To prove them such They threw downe their Gloves as gages of challenge for a triâ—l by the Sword The King hereupon replyed as knowing they were all hidden out of the way This â—all not be done so but at the next Parliament which shall be the morrow after Candlemas all parties shall â—ceive according as they deserve And now to you my Lords How or by what authority durst you presume to levy â—orces against me in this Land did you thinke to have terrified me by such your presumption Have not I men and â—mes who if it pleased me could environ and kill you like sheepe Certainely in this respect I esteeme of â—u all no more then of the basest Scullions in my Kitchins Having used these and many like high words â—e tooke up his Unckle the Duke from the ground where he kneeled and bade all the other rise The â—st of the conference was calme and the whole deferred till the next Parliament then shortly to be holâ—â—n at Westminster In the meane time that the world might see how little able the King was to equall â—s words with deeds a Proclamation was set forth in which the King before any tryall cleareth the â—ords of Treason names those persons for unjust accuâ—ers whom the Lords had before nominated The â—ords neverthelesse thought not good to sever themselves but kept together for feare of the worst which
â—ll out for their advantage For the Duke of Ireland with the Kings privity such was his false dissimâ—â—tion had gathered a power in Wales and Cheshire which they intercepting neare Burford and Bablecke â—ew Sir William Molineux leader of the Cheshire men and made the Duke to flye in great feare Aâ—ong the Dukes carriages was found as the devill or rather God would have it certaine Letters of the â—ings to the said Duke by which their Counsells were plainely discovered The Lords hereupon â—arch with speed up to London having an Army of forty thousand men the Lord Major and City doubtâ—ll whether to displease the King or Lords upon consultation receive the Lords into the City and supâ—y their Army with provisions in the Suburbs Which the King hearing of seemed to slight them sayâ—g * Note the perill and policy of protracting Let them lye here till they have spent all their goods and then they will returne poore and empty to their â—uses and then I shall speake with and judge them one after another The Lords hearing this were exceedâ—gly moved and swâ—re They would never remove theâ—e till they had spoken with him face to face And â—rthwith sent some to guard the Thames lest the King should slip out of their hands and then scoâ—â—e at â—em The King being then in the Tower and seeing himselfe every way encompassed sent a message â—â— the Lords that he would treat with them who thereupon desired him That he would come the neâ—â—â—y to Westminster where they would declare their desire to him The King replyed That he would not treat â—ith them at Westminster but in the Tower To which the Lords answered That it was a suspicious place â—â—cause traines might there be laid for them and dangers prepared to destroy them Whereupon the King â—nt word They shâ—uld send thither two hundred men or more to search and view all places lest any fraud should â—e hid Upon which the Lords repaired to the Tower and in the Kings Bed-chamber laid open to â—â—m briefly all his conspiracy in causing them indirectly to be indicted They object to him his mutability â—d underhand working producing his owne Letters to the Duke of Ireland to raise an Army to destroy them â—gether with the French packeâ—s they had intercepted whereby it appeared he had secretly practised to flye with â—e Duke of Ireland into France to deliver up Callice to the French Kings possession and such pieces as the â—rowne of England held in those parts whereby his honour might diminish his strength decay and his fame â—erish The King seeing this knew noâ— what to doe especially because he knew himselfe notably â—eâ—ressed At last craving leave they left him confounded and shedding teares yet upon condition that â—e should come to Westminster the next day where he should heare more and treaâ—â— of the necessary affaires of the Kingdome Which he promised to doe retaining the Earle of Darby to sup with him 〈…〉 before he went to bed O the ficklenesse of weake Princes and faithlessenesse of their royall words a 〈…〉 Protestations some whisperers telling him that it was not decent safe nor honorable for the King 〈…〉 goe thither he changed his resolution The Nobles hearing this were very sad and discontented a 〈…〉 thereupon sent him word That if he came not quickely according to appointment they would chuse them anoth 〈…〉 King who both would and should obey the Counsell of his Peeres The King strucke with this dart came t 〈…〉 next day to Westminster there attending his Nobles pleasures To whom after few discourses the Nobles said That for his honour and the benefit of his kingdome all T 〈…〉 tors whisperers flat terers evill instruments slanderours and unprositable persons should bee banished out of b 〈…〉 Court and company and others substsâ—uted in their places who both knew how and would serve him more honora 〈…〉 and faithfully Which when the King had granted though with sorrow they thought fit that Al 〈…〉 anâ—er Nevill Archbishop of Yorke John Fordham Bishop of Durham with sundry other Lords Knights a 〈…〉 Clergy men should be removed and kept in strait prison to answer such accusations as should bee object 〈…〉 against them the next Parlia Whereupon they were apprehended forthwith and removed from the Co 〈…〉 After the feast of Purification the Parliament much against the Kings will who would have shifted it 〈…〉 at that time began at London The first day of the Session Fulthorpe and all the rest of the Judges w 〈…〉 arrested as they sate in judgement on the Bench and most of them sent to the Tower for that having fi 〈…〉 overruled the Lords with their Counsels and direction which they assured them to be according to Law 〈…〉 afterward at Nottingham gave contrary judgement to what themselves had determined formerly Tresilian t 〈…〉 chiefe Justice prevented them by flight but being apprehended and brought backe to the Parliament 〈…〉 the forenoone had sentence to be drawne to Tiburne in the afternoone and there to have his Thro 〈…〉 cut which was done accordingly The King seeing these proceedings by advise of his ill Counsellors * Grafton p. 348 349. 150 151. absented himselfe from his Parliament and sent Michael de la Pole then Lord Chancellor to demand foure fifteenes in his name â—f the Commo 〈…〉 for that without lesse he could not maintaine his estate and outward warre To which the body of the Parliame 〈…〉 made answer that without the King were present they would make therein no answer and that unlesse the Ki 〈…〉 would remove him from his Chaneellorship they would no further meddle with any Act this Parliament Th 〈…〉 King upon this sent to the Commons that they should send to Eltham where he then lay 40. of the wis 〈…〉 and best learned of the Commons who in the name of the whole house should declare unto him their minde Up 〈…〉 which message the House were in more feare then before for there went a talke that the King intended 〈…〉 betray divers of them which followed not his minde either that way or at a banquet appointed to be made purposâ—ly aâ— London if Nicholas Exton the Maior of London would have consented thereunto at which time t 〈…〉 Duke of Glocester should have beene taken Wherefore the Lords and Commons assembled together agree 〈…〉 with one assent that the Duke of Glocester and Bishop of Ely should in the name of the whole Parliament be se 〈…〉 to the King to Eltham which was done and the King well pleased that they should come When they cam 〈…〉 into his presence they most humbly saluted him and said Most high and redoubted Soveraigne Lord the Lor 〈…〉 and Commons of this your Parliament assembled with most humble subjection unto your most royall Majesty desi 〈…〉 your most gratious favour so that they may live in tranquillitie and peace under you to the pleasure of God a 〈…〉 wealth of the Realme On whose behalfe
we also shew unto you that one old statute and laudable custome is approve 〈…〉 which no man can deny That the King our Soveraigne Lord may once in the yeare lawfully summon his high Cou 〈…〉 of Parliament and call the Lords and Commons thereunto as to that which is the highest Court of this Real 〈…〉 In which Court all equity and justice must shine even as the Sunne when it is at the highest whereof poore and ri 〈…〉 may take refreshing where also must be reformed all the oppressious wrongs exactions and enormities within t 〈…〉 Realme and there to consult with the wise men for the maintenance of the Kings estate And if 〈…〉 might bee knowne that any persons within the Realme or without intended the contrary there also m 〈…〉 bee devised how such evill weeds might be destroyed There also must be studied and foreseene that if a 〈…〉 charge doe come upon the King and his Realme how it may be well and honorably supported and sustained Hither 〈…〉 to it is thought by the whole Realme that your Subjects have lovingly demeaned themselves to you in ayding 〈…〉 with substance to the best of their powers and they desire to have knowledge how and by whom these goods be spe 〈…〉 One thing resteth yet to declare in their behalfe unto you * Notâ— The King should be present in Parliament once in 40. dayes how that by an old Ordinance they have an Act if t 〈…〉 King absent himselfe 40. dayes not being sicke but of his owne minde not heeding the charges of his people 〈…〉 their great paines will not resort to his Parliament they then may lawfully returne home to their houses And 〈…〉 sir you have beene absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which greatly is our discom 〈…〉 for t And our Parliaments present case To this the King answered by these words Well we doe con 〈…〉 der that the people and Commons goe to rise against us wherefore we thinke we can doe no better then to aske a 〈…〉 of our Cosin the French King and rather submit us to him then to our owne Subjects The Lords answered S 〈…〉 that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger For it is well knowne that the French King 〈…〉 your ancient enemy and your greatest adversary and if he set foot once within your Realme he will rather dispo 〈…〉 you invade you and depose you from your estate royall then put any hand to helpe you c. And as th 〈…〉 King cannot be poore that hath rich people so cannot he be rich that hath poore Commons And all these inconven 〈…〉 〈…〉 es be comne by the evill Counsell which are about you And if you put not your helping hand to the redresse â—he premises this Realme of England shall be brought to nought and utter ruine which clearely should be laid 〈…〉 our default and in your evill Counsell Seeing that in the time of your Father this Realme throughout all the 〈…〉 rld was highly esteemed and nothing ordered after these wayes Wherefore we be sent unto you to exhort you to 〈…〉 uester all such persons as might be the occasion of ruine either of you or else of your Realme By these good 〈…〉 swasions the King was appeased and promised within three dayes after to come to the Parliament and to 〈…〉 descend to their Petitions And according to his appointment he came Where soone after John Fordham 〈…〉 hop os Durham was discharged of the Treasurourship and the Bishop of Hereford ser in his place de la 〈…〉 le was put from his Chancellourship for divers crimes frauds briberies and treasons by him com 〈…〉 tted to the prejudice of the King and his Realme committed to the Tower and fined 20. thousand 〈…〉 rkes to the King in releeving of the Commons Divers other Judges Knights and Delinquents of all 〈…〉 t s were condemned and executed others banished and their states confiscated others put out of office 〈…〉 this Parliament as you may reade in our Histories and in the k 10. R. c l 11. R. 2. c. l 29 3 4 5 6. 2 R. 2. c. 2. 3. 12. Statutes at large in which Statutes the 〈…〉 schievous effects of these evill Counsellors to King Kingdome and people are at full related whereby 〈…〉 e King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed the Lords â—ayâ—g of Forces against them resolved to be lawfull and these traytorous Delinquents made uncapable of 〈…〉 y pardon l See the Records of this Parliament published by order of both Houses Aug. 27. 1642. and their raysing of Armes against the Parliament and kingdome though with the Kings 〈…〉 ne consent and his command declared and enacted to bee high Treason These proceedings ratified 〈…〉 d assented to in Parliament by the King much against his will wrought an intolerable secret 〈…〉 tred and desire of revenge in his heart against the Lords which for want of power he concealed neare 〈…〉 yeares space but in the 20. yeare of his raigne being somewhat elevated in his spirit with a rumour 〈…〉 at he should be elected Emperour he suddenly apprehended the Duke of Glocester the Earles of Warwicke 〈…〉 d Arundell the chiefe sticklers in the premises committing them to severall prisons And to blinde the 〈…〉 ples eyes lest they should riseup in Armes to rescue these Lords the King sent out a feigned Proclamation which he caused to be proclaymed throughout the Realme that these Lords were apprehended onely for 〈…〉 w Treasons committed against him for which he would he prosecute them in the next Parliament and not for the 〈…〉 trepasses After which he proclaimes those Lords Traytors Which done he summoned a m Grafion p. 329. c. Mr. Saint-Johns Speech 1640. p. 33. 1. H 4. No. 21. 21. 48. Parliament at Westminster to this Parliament the King commanded to 〈…〉 me all such as he had best confidence in omitting the rest and the Knights were not elected by the Commons 〈…〉 custome required they should be but by the Kings pleasure yea he put out divers persons elected and put in other 〈…〉 their places to serve his turne which was one Article objected against him when he was deposed Against 〈…〉 e time of this Parliament the King received a guard of 4000. Archers all Cheshire men as if he would 〈…〉 ve gone in battle against enemies so that divers came armed to the Parliament out of feare These 〈…〉 eshiere men were rude and beastly people and so proud of the Kings favour n As the Cavaliers do now that they accounted the 〈…〉 ng to be their fellow and set the Lords at nought though few of them were gentlemen but taken from the 〈…〉 ough and other trades After these â—usticall people had a while courted they grew so bold that they 〈…〉 uld not let neither within the Court nor without to beat and slay the Kings
good Subjects as the Cavaliers doe 〈…〉 w and to take from them their victuals at their pleasure paying little or nothing for them and to ravish their 〈…〉 ves and daughters And if any man persumed to complaine to the King of them he was soone rid out of 〈…〉 way no man knew why nor by whom so that in effect they did what they listed In this Parliament 〈…〉 King having made the Speaker and a great part of mercinary proud ambitious men of the Commons 〈…〉 use to be of his side to act what he required them he then prevayled likewise with the upper house 〈…〉 with the Prelates then with the Lords more out of feare of him then any reason by meanes where 〈…〉 the Commission Charters of pardon and Acts made in Parliament in the 10. and 11. yeare of his raigne 〈…〉 re quite revoked and declared voyd in Law as being done without authoritie and against the will and 〈…〉 ertie of the King and of his Crowne And withall they declared the Judges opinions for which they were 〈…〉 demned in that Parliament to be good and lawfull and attainted the said imprisoned Lords of high 〈…〉 eason and confiscated their lands The two Earles hereupon were beheaded and the Duke by reason 〈…〉 is pâ—pulatâ—tie smothered onely for their former actions which done the King adjourned the Par 〈…〉 ent to Shrewâ—bury where he subrilly procured an o 21. R. c. 12. Act to passe by common consent that tâ—e power 〈…〉 he Parliament should remaine in seven or eight persons who after the Parliament dissolved should deter 〈…〉 e certaine petitions delivered that Parliament and not dispatched By colour whereof Those Commit 〈…〉 proceeded to other things generally touching the Parliament and that by the Kings app 〈…〉 ment in derogatien p 21. R. 2. c. 16. Walsing Hist Aug. Annâ— 1398. p 394 〈…〉 he state of the Parliament the disâ—ommodity and pernicious example of the whole Realme And by colour 〈…〉 Authority hereof the King caused the Parliament Rols to be altered and defaced against the effect of the 〈…〉 said grant After which he much vexed and oppressed his people with divers forced Loanes Oathes 〈…〉 positions and oppressing Projects to raise money seeking to trample them under his feet and 〈…〉 roy the Realme and tooke all the Jewels of the Crowne with him into Ireland without the Kingdomes 〈…〉 sent Which rendered him so odious to his people that Henry Duke of Lancaster landing in England the whole kingdome came flocking to his ayde so that he had an Army of 60000. men in a short time who v 〈…〉 ed to prosecute the Kings ill Counsellours Whereupon King Richard returning out of Ireland hearing 〈…〉 the Dukes great Army assembled against him and knowing that they would rather dye then yeeld 〈…〉 of their hatred and seare of him he dismissed his Courtiers hiding obscurely in corners till he was a 〈…〉 prehended and by a Parliament summoned in his name though against his will judicially deposed 〈…〉 his misgovernment Among which Articles of his misgovernment for which he was judicially dethroned these are rema 〈…〉 able First * Graft p. 400 401 402 c. That he wasâ—fully spent the Treasure of the Realme and had given the possessioâ—s of the Crow 〈…〉 to men unworthy by reason whereof daily new charges more and more were laid on the neckes of the poore C 〈…〉 monalty And when divers Lords were appointed by the High Court of Parliament to commune and t 〈…〉 of divers matters concerning the Common-wealth of the same which being busie about those Commissions he 〈…〉 other of his affinity went about to impeach them of high Treason and by force and threatning compelled 〈…〉 Justices of the Realme at Shrewesbury to condescend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords 〈…〉 somuch that he began to raise warre against John Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundell Rich 〈…〉 Earle of Warwicke and other Lords contrary to his honour and promise Item He assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make warre on the fores 〈…〉 Lords and suffered them to rob and pillage without correction or reproofe Item Although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made Proclamation throughout 〈…〉 Realme that the Lords before named were not attached for any crime of Treason but onely for extortions 〈…〉 oppressions done in the Realme yet be laid to them in the Parliament rebellion and manifest Treason Item He hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants and friends by menace and extreame paines 〈…〉 make great sines to their utter undoing And notwithstanding his pardon to them granted yet he made the fine of new Item That he put out divers * Note Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers of his owne Mi 〈…〉 on s subverting the Law contrary to his Oath and Honour Item For to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shire to remaine above one yeare or two Item He borrowed great summes of money and bound him under his Letters Patents for repayment of the sa 〈…〉 and yet not one penny paid Item He taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Councell and the same Treasure spent in folly not pay 〈…〉 poore men for their victuall and viand Item He said That the Lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometime in his brest by reason of wh 〈…〉 phantasticall opinion he destroyed Noble men and impoverished the Commons Item The Parliament setling and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Co 〈…〉 monwealth he by his private friends and solicitors caused to be enacted * Such a kinde of proviso was endevoured to beadded to the Petition of Right 3 Caroli That no Act then enacted should 〈…〉 more prejudiciall to him then it was to any of his Predecessors though with proviso he did often as he listed 〈…〉 not as the Law meant Item That he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money besides Plate and Jew 〈…〉 without Law or custome contrary to his Oath taken at his Coronation Item That without the assent of the Nobility he carryed the Jewels Plate and Treasure of the kingdome o 〈…〉 the Sea in to Ireland to the great impoverishing of the Realme And all the good Records for the Comm 〈…〉 wealth and against his extortions he privily caused to be imbezeled and conveyed away Item When divers Lords and Justices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in cha 〈…〉 both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatning 〈…〉 that no man would or durst say the right Item He most tyrannically and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Prin 〈…〉 hands and at his disposing Item He crafâ—ily devised certaine privy Oathes contrary to the Law and caused divers of his
Subjects f 〈…〉 to be sworne to observe the same anâ— after bound them in bonds for the firmer keeping of the same to the great 〈…〉 doing of many honest men Which how parallel they are to the late and present Court Practises and Doctrines of our times 〈…〉 wise men determine The King being thus Judicially dethroned in Parliament Henry the fourth 〈…〉 the same Parliament which continued notwithstanding Richards deposition who summoned it 〈…〉 created King who in the q â— H. 4. c. 1. 2 3 4. first Parliament of his Raigne reversed and annulled as illegall the P 〈…〉 liament of 21 Rich. 2. with all its Acts Circumstances and dependants and revived that of 11 Rich. 2. 〈…〉 all points as made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme To these I might adde t 〈…〉 r Walsing hist Angl. p. 416. 417. Ypodig p. 168. 170. Pol. l. 8. c. 10. Caxt. p. 430. Hal Chr. par 1. f. 25 Hol. p 529. Speed p. 775. Maroin Fabian Grafion and others Rebellious insurrectious of Richard Scroope Arch-bishop of Yorke the Earle of Northumber land a 〈…〉 their Complices against King Henry the fourth Anno 1405. to reforme the State and government 〈…〉 lieve the Church and Common weale and Depose King Henry in and by a forced Parliament The Spee p. 486 Hunting lib. 8. insurrection of the Popish Nobles against King Stephen for violating his Oath touching Forrests and 〈…〉 ther immunities of Church and Commonwealth which they would force him â—o confirme the severall k Walâ—ing ham Hist Angl. p. 258. to 281. Speed â— 849. c. 734. c. insurrections of Jacke Cade Jacke Straw Wat Tyler and their Popish Vulgar rabble to force their King to call Parliaments to alter and repeale old Lawes enact new displace offensive great Officers promote new ones of their nomination to ratifie what propositions they required and subvert the government of the Real 〈…〉 with the l Speed p. 1032 to 1049 1112. to 1120. See Hall Grafton Holinshed Howes Martin in the lives of H. 8. Ed 6. and Q. Eliz. severall Rebellions of the Popish Lincolne-shire and Yorke-shire men under Doctor Mackarell a Monke and some men of quality in Henry the 8 his raigne Of the Cornish men Norsolke men Ket and others in Edward the 6. his rule of the Popish Earles of Northumberland Westmoreland and other Northern Papists in Queene Elizabeths dayes by force of Armes to compelâ— these severall Princes to summon Parliaments to repeale all Lawes against Mosse and Popery and for the establishment of the Protestant Religion with other Acts concerning the government of the Common-wealth to enact divers new Lawes and propositions which they demaunded to remove great Officers and privie Counsellors from their places and the like All which transcend the Acts and proceedings of this or any other our Protestant Parliaments or subjects being done without any preceding Order or resolution of both houses representing the whole Kingdome and against the generall consent of the people But I shall conclude with one ancient president more in one of our beâ—â— Kings reignes In 25. E. 1. m Walsig Hist Angl. p. 36 37 38. 39 40. 41. 42 44. 48. Ypoaigmâ— Neustriae p. 83. 84. 85. 86. 97. Cookes Magna Charta p. 530. to 580. The Lords and Commons in Parliament grievously complained and Petitioned to the King against divers taxes tallages and prisâ—ges wherewith they were oppressed by him to the great impoverishing of the Realme against the violation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forrest the imposition upon Woolls and their sommons to goe with him into Flanders to which they were not bound by Law The King excusing these taxes by reason of his necessity to mainetaine the warres and giving them a dilatory answer the Earle Marshall and Hereford withdrew themselves from Parliament and with their complices commanded the Barrons of the Eschequor not to levie the 8. penny of the people granted to the King at S. Edmonds and induced the Citizens of London to joyne with them to recover their Liberties Whereupon the King sending to them for peace they would condescend to no peace but on these termes That the King should confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta with the other Articles to them annexed that he should enact and take no ayds tax or tallage from the Clergie or Commons without their common consent in Parliament and that he should remit all offences to these Earles and their confederates all which the King ratified by his * Articuli sâ—per Chartaâ— Charter at large by his oath and by a solemne excommunication of the Bishops twice every yeate of all those who should transgresse this Charter of his For which the Laity gave him the 9 and the Clergie the 10. penny of their goods And because this confirmation was made in Scotland the Kings and divers others promised for him that he should confirme it when he came into England which they pressing him to doe in a Parliament at London in the 27. yeare of his Reigne after some delayes he ratified it with this addition in the close saving the right of our Crowne which when the Lords heard they departed home in great discontent but the King re-sommoning them at quinidena Pasche granted all things absolutely according to their desire committing the per-ambulation of the Forests throughout England to 3. Bishops 3 Earles and 3. Barrons to settle their bounds according to God and justice which not being speedily executed but neglected the King having purchased a dispensation of his oath wherewith he had ratified his foresaid Charter from the Pope 〈…〉 ereupon the King holding a Parliament at Stamford the 29. of his Reigne the Lords and Barrons repaired thither with great store of horses and Armes with a purpose to extort aâ—ull execution of the Charter of the Forrest hither to deferred upon which the King considering their earnestnesse and importunity condescended to their will in all things Sixtly Parliaments Lords and Prelates in former times have affirmed that when a Parliament was once met together by lawfull sommons it might not be dissolved or discontinued againe at the Kings meere pleasure till all the publicke affaires for which it was called were dispatched all grievances redressed and all Petitions exhibited therein fully heard and answered agreeable to the resolution of the great a Surius Concil Tom. 4. p. 103 c. Fox Act. and Monuments vol. 1. â—dit ult p. 879 c Councils of Basil Constans and divers Popish * John White his way c. Sect 37 n. 30. p. 102 Writers that a generall Councell once lawfully sommoned by â—he Pope and met cannot be dissolved by him againe at his pleasure without the Councels consent before all the Churches affaires be therein setled Vpon which resolution thâ—se Counâ—ells continued together and deposed sundry Popes notwithstanding their Bulls to dissolve them to keepe themselves in their chaires This is apparent
2. c. 16. f. 24. That a King is created and elected by whom but by his kingdome to this purpose to doe justice unto all That a king cannot doe any thing else in earth seeing be is Gods Minister and Vicar niâ—â—id solum quod de jure a Luk. 2. 22. 23. 24. â—otest but that onely which he can doe by Law That God the Law and his Court to wit the Earles â—nd Barons in Parliament are above the King and ought to bridle him and are thence called c Comites viâ— quia a Comitatu â—ive a societate nomen sumpserunt qui etiam dicâ— possunt Consules a consulendo Reges enim tales siâ—â— associant ad consulendum regendum populum Dei. ordinaâ—tes eos in magna potestate honore nomine c. Idem l. â— c. 8. f. 5. 6. Coâ—ites because they are the Kings Companions Fleta an Ancient Law-booke written in King Edward â—he third his raigne lib. 3. c. 3. and 17. useth the selfe same words that Bracton doth and concludes â—hat the King hath a Superior to wit God and the Law by which be is made a Kiâ—g and his Court of Earles â—nd Barons to wit the Parliament d De Laudibus Legum Argliae c. 9. to 15. Fortescue a great Lawyer Chauncellor to King Henry the 6. â—roves at large That the King is not above but under the Law that be cannot alter the Law of Ergland â—or â—ay any Taxes at all on his Subiects but by Parliament That all lawfull Kings and Kingdomes were at â—â—rst created and erected onely by the unanimous free assent of the people that the kingdome of England is a Poâ—cie or Aristocraticall mixt Government not an absolute royall Soveraignety That the e Hanc potestatem â popâ—lo effluxam ipse habet c. p. 25. King hath his â—â—yall power DERIVED TO HIM FROM THE PEOPLE whereby it is unlawfull for him to â—le his people by any other power which he prosecutes in sundry chapters too tedious to transcribe â—nd in one word f Chap. 8. vol. â— pag. 173. Raphael Holinshed Iohn Vowell and others in their Description of England â—rinted Cum Privilegio resolve thus of the Parliaments power This House hath the most high and â—bsolute power of the Realme for thereby kings and mighty Princes have from time to time beene â—eposed from their thrones and Lawes are enacted and abrogated Offenders of all sorts punished and corâ—pted Religion either disanulled or reformed It is THE HEAD AND BODY OF ALL THE â—EALME and the place where every particular man is intended to be present if not by himselfe yet by â—s Advocate and Attorney For this cause any thing that is there enacted is not to be withstood but obeyed â—â— all men without contradiction or grudge and to be short all that ever the people of Rome might doe eiâ—â—er Centuriatis Comitiis or Tribunitiis the same is and may be done by the Authority of Parliament Now the Romans in their assemblies had power to enact binding Lawes to create and elect â—â—eir Kings and Emperours and likewise to judge censure and depose them to create and elect all kindes â—â— Officers and to * See Bodine l. 2. c 5. l. â— c. 10 Eutropius and Grimston in the life of Nero Maximinius Heliogabalits and others Livy Rom. Hist l. 1. â—â— change the very forme of their State and Government as I shall hereafter manifest Therefore by these Authors resolution the Parliament hath an absolute power to doe the like when â—hey see just cause Sir Thomas Smith one of the Principall Secretaries of State to King Edward the 6. â—nd Queene Elizabeth and a Doctor of Law in his Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 1. in the old but â—â— in the last Edition hath the same words in effect with Holinshead and addes that the Parliament giâ—eth forme of Succession to the Crowne c. Our kings royall power being then originally derived to â—hem conferred on them by the peoples and kingdomes common consents in Parliament and all their â—ew additionall Prerogatives too as the premises evidence it cannot be denied but that the whole â—ingdome and Parliament are really in this sence above him and the most Soveraigne prime power â—â—om whence all other powers were and are derived See Fortescue c. 9. to 15. Fourthly This is undeniable because the whole kingdome in Parliament may not onely augâ—ent but likewise * abridge allay abolish and resume some branches of the Kings royall power and â—â—erogative if there be just cause as when it becomes onorous mischievous and dangerous to the Subâ—ects inconvenient to or inconsistent with the kingdomes peoples welfare peace safety Liberty or â—he Lawes this is most apparant by Magna Charta Charta de Forresta Statutum de Prerogativa Regis De Tallâ—gio non-concedendo 1. E. 3. c. 6 7. 2. E. 3. c. 2. 8. 3. E. 1. c. 35. 9. E. 3. c. 12. 5. E 3. c. â— 10. E. 3. c. 2. 3 14. E 3. c. 1. 14. 18. E. 3. c. 8. 25 E. 3. c. 4. Stat. 3. c. 1 2. Stat. 5. c. 8. 11. 36. E. 3 c. 10. â— 7. E. 3. c. 18. 42. E. 3. c. 3. 10. R. 2. c. â— 11. R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 1. R. 3. c. 2. 4. H. 4. c 13. 21. Jac. c. 2. 3. 24. 7. H. 8 c. 3 â—he Petition of Right 3. Caroli most Statuts against Purveyens Pardons Protections the Acts made this Parliament against Ship-money Knight-hood Forrest-bounds Pressing of Souldiers the Star-Chamber High-Commission the Trienniall Parliament the Continuance of this Parliament whiles they please with g See the Arguments against Ship-money and Impositions and the Declarations against the Commission of Aray sunâ—ry other Acts which restraine abridge repeale and resume divers reall and pretended branches of the â—ings royall Prerogative because they proved grievous and mischievous to the people and dangeous and pernicious to the kingdome This then answers that irrationall groundlesse position of Doctor Ferne That h Resolving of Conscience Sect 4. 5. the Subjects neither lawfully may nor ought in any case to resume al or any part of that Regall power wherewith they have once invested their Kings by common consent Which as it is contrary â—o that received principle of nature and reason Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur That â—ll Governments created by mens consents may be altered diminished or repealed by their consents â—â— i See Ioshua Iudges Samuel Kings Chron. Daniel throughout â—saiah Ieremy Ezickiel in sundry chap. sundry Presidents and Prophesies in Scripture concerning the alterations the Subversions and Dimiâ—utions of kings and kingdomes to the constant practise of k See Sleidan de 4. or Imperiis Mat. West Livy Iustin Opmerus Purchas Chronicon â—hronicorum and all generall Histories all Realmes and States whatsoever from â—dam till this instant who have undergone many strange alteratians eclipses diminutions yea Peâ—â—ods of Government to the Resolution of l Polit. l.
houses license under paine a Major Pars est totum Brookes Corporations 34. Smiths Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 3. â—f inditement imprisonment or fine as appeares by the Bishop of Winchesters case 3. E. 3. 19. Fitz. â—orone 161. and Stamford l. 3 c. 1. f. 153 compleatly answers that fond cavill of the Malignants â—nd Royalists against this Parliament that the king and many of the other members have wilfully â—bsented themselves from the House of purpose to dissolve it if they could notwithstanding the late â—peciall Act made by their joyntconsents for its continuance Ergo this unlawfull Action of theirs to effect this pernicious designe must nullifie or at least invalid in their new non-sence Law and â—ogicke the lawfull proceedings of those worthy faithfull members who continue in it to preserve â—oth Parliament Kingdome Religion Lawes Liberties from ruine and dissolution If these abâ—ent members be the greater number why doe they not come and over-vote the rest in the House in peaceable legall usuall Parliamentary way rather then challenge them into the field in a military â—legall unusuall bloody manner unheard of in former ages If the lesser party then present or abâ—ent the Major part must over-rule them volensnolens as it hath ever used unlesse they will be wilâ—â—ller I cannot say wiser then all their predecessors put together As for his Majesties absence from Parliament by the pernicious advise of Evill Counsellors so Object â—uch insisted on by Malignants I answer 1. That it was without any just cause given by the Parliament Secondly It was much Answ â—gainst their wills who have a See their Messages and petitions to the king to this purpose oft importuned petitioned and used all possible meanes to procure â—is returne 3. His absence was procured and is yet continued by those alone who most unjustly â—axe the Parliament for it and would take advantage of this their owne wrong Fourthly though â—e be personally absent as a man yet he is still Legally present in Parliament called the kings preâ—ence as he is a king as he is in al other his Courts of Iustice where all proceedings are entred b See Camdens Brit. p. 163. which stiles the Parliament the kings presence The Register of Writs Old New Natura Brevium old and new book of Entries Cookes Institures on Littleton f. 71. 6 Coâ—am Rege though the king never yet sate personally in either of them as he hath oft times done in his Parliament for the continuance whereof he hath passed such an Act as will inseperably tye his â—oyall presence to it though his Cavaliers about him should by force withdraw his person from it â—ot onely as farre as Yorke but the remotest Indies yea he must first cease to be king of England ere â—e can be legally absent from his Parliament of England This his wilfull personall absence from â—is greatest Counsell which desires and needes it is as many conceive an Act of the highest in justice â—hat ever any Prince could offer to his Parliament worse then a â— King 12. 2 Chron. 18. Rehâ—boams forsaking the counsell â—f his ancient Sages to follow the hare braind advise of his young Cavaleers for though he followâ—d not their ancient prudent counsell yet he withdrew not himselfe from them as his Majestie â—oth now sever himselfe from his Parliament not onely without but against all prefidents of his â—oyall predecessors except king b Richard the second who once absented himselfe from his Parliaâ—ent above 40. dayes yet then returned to it upon better advise and the very common custome and â—aw of the Land which he is obliged by his Coronation oath and many late protestations added â—o it constantly to maintaine This appeares most clearely by the ancient Treatise of the manâ—er of holding of Parliaments in England both before and since the conquest * See Minshes Dictionary Title Parliament f. 526. tendeâ—ed to and apâ—roved by the Conquerone himselfe newly printed 1641 which in the Section touching the kings â—bsence from Parliament resolves thus The king is BOVND by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let therefrom by bodily â—icknesse and then he may keepe his chamber yet so as he lye not without the Manour or Towne â—t the least where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for 12. persons of the greaâ—est t Grafton p. 348. 349. 350. and best of them that are sommoned to the Parliament that is 2. Bishops 2. Earles 2 Baâ—ons 2. Knights of the shire 2 Burgesses and 2. Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and â—itnesse his estate and give A uthority to the Arch-bishop of the place the Steward of England â—nd chiefe justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same â—â— his name expresse mention being made in that commission of the * Note this cause of his absence there â—hich ought to suffice The reason is because there was wont to be a cry and murmure in the Parâ—iament for the kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole commoâ—alty of the Parliament neither indeede OVGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONEâ—Y IN THE CASE AFORESAYD And whereas Malignants clamour that most of the â—ords are absent as well as the king and therefore this can be no lawfull Parliament The same â—uthor will in forme them that if the Lords be once sommoned to Parliament and then appeare â—ot or absent themselves the king may hold the Parliament with the commonalty and commons â—f the kingdome every of which hath a greater voyce in Parliament then the greatest Earle in Engâ—â—nd because he represents a whole county towne or city the other himselfe alone without Bishops â—arles or Barons because in times past before there was either Bishop Earle or Baron yet even â—hen kings kept their Parliaments but on the contrary no Parliament can be kept by the king and â—eeres if all the Commons for the kings misgovernment or such like cause should absent themâ—â—lves This is the judgement of r In Holinsheads Chronicle of Ireland f. 127. 128. Master John Vowel too who writes in this manner Yet neâ—â—rthelesse if the king in due order have sommones all his Lords and Barons and they will not come or if they come they will not yet appeare or if they come and appeare yet will not doe or yeeld â—â— any thing then the king with the consent of his Commons may ordain establish any acts or Laweâ— which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents But on thâ— contrary if the Commons be sommoned and will not come or comming will not appeare or appeâ—ring will not consent to doe any thing alleaging some just weighty and great cause the King in thesâ— cases d Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts f. 8. 4. H. 7. 18. 7. H. 7. 14. 11. H. 7. 27. Parliament
1. c. 2. 19. H. 6. 63 a. 64. b. 31. H. 8. c. 10. Dyer 60 a. Cookes Institutes on Littleton f. 109. 110. Writers resolve is the most high and abâ—olute power the supreamest and most ancient Court of the Realme of England and hath the power of the whole Realme both Head and Body and amorg other Priviledges this is the highest that it is above the Law â—t selfe having power upon just grounds to alter the very common Law of England to abrogate and repeale old Lawes to enact new Lawes of all sorts to impose taxes upon the people yea it hath power to declare the meaning of any doubtfull Lawes and to repeale all Patents Charters Grants and â—udgements whatsoever of the King or any other Courts of Iustice if they be erronious or illegall not onely without but against the Kings personall consent so far as finally to obliege both King and Subjects Now it is cleare on the contrary side that the King hath not the power of the whole Realm â—ested in his person that he t Fortescue c. 10. to 1â— Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l 3. c 9. Fleta l 1 c. 5. 17. Brooke Patents 25. 41. 12. 51. 53. 69 73. 100 Prerogative 15. 103. Commissions 15. 16. See Iudge Crooks and Iudge Huttons Arguments against Ship-money Petition of Right 3. Carol. Br. Parliament 42. and his Prerogative are not above but subordinate to the Lawes of the Realme that he cannot by his absolute regall power altar the Common Law of the Realme in any particular point whatsoever that he cannot repeale any old nor enact any new Law whatsoever norimpose the least taxe or common charge upon his people nor imprison their persons distraine s Sir Thomaâ— Smith of the Common-wealth of England l. â— c. 1. 2. Holinshed Description of England c. 8. p. 173. Cambdens Brittania p. 173. Iohn Vowels Order and usage how to keepe a Parliament in Holinsheads Chronicles of Ireland p. 101. to 120. Minshewes Dictionary Tit. Parliament their goods declare any Law or reverse any judgement in the meanest of his Courts without or against his peoples joynt consents in Parliament For Potestas sua Juris est non Injuriae Nihil â—liud potest Rexin terris niâ—i ID SOLVM QVOD DE JVRE POTEST Bracton l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. Therefore without any peradventure the Parliament in this regard is the most Soveraigne Authority and greater in jurisdiction than the King v Of the Common-wealth l. 2. c. 10. p. 159. Iohn Bodin that great Lawyer and Polititian resolves That the chiefe marke of an absolute and Soveraigne Prince is to give Lawes â—o all his Subjects in generall and to every of them in particular without consent of any other greater equall or lesse than himselfe For if a Prince be bound not to make any Lawes without the consent of a greater than himselfe he is then a very Subject if not without his equall he then hath a Companion as x l. 2. c. 16. f. 34. a. l. 1. c. 8. f. 5. b. Fleta l. 1. c. 17. Walfingham Hist p. 36 37. 40. Bracton and others forecited say our English King hath namely his Earles and Lords thence-stiled Comites if not without the consent of his inferiours whether it be of his Subjects or of the Senate or of the people he is then no Soveraigne Whence it followes that the Kings of England who cannot make any Law to obliege either all or any of their Subjects nor impose any * Taxes nor repeale any Common or Statute Law but in and by their Parliaments are no absolute Soveraigne Princes as some Royalists and Court Divines most falsly averre them to be but meere mixt Soveraignes inferiour to their Lawes and Parliaments the â—ole Law-makers and Law-alterers though not against but with the Kings assents considered not abstractively as Kings but copulative as a branch and member of the Parliament And indeede to speake impartially though the kings Royall assent y See Sir Thomas Smiths Common wealth of England l. z. c. 1. 2. 3. Holinshed Description of England c. 8. p. 173. Chronicles of Ireland p. 101. 102. M. Hackwels manner of passing B 〈…〉 Sect. 8. p. 74. Brooke Parliament 4. 107. 33. H. 6. 33. 33 H. 8. c. 21. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 7. b. Br. Parliament 26. 39. 40 41. be generally requisite to passe and ratifie Lawes yet I humbly conceive that the originall prime Legislative power of making Lawes to binde the Subjects and their Posteritie rests not in the kings owne royall person but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it For first admit the king should propound any Lawes to his people as kings and Lawgivers usually did at first yet these Lawes would no wayes obliege them unlesse they voluntarily consented and submitted to them in Parliament and the sole reason why our Acts of Parliament binde the Subjects in former times and at this day is not because the king willed them z 4. H. 7. 18. 7. H. 7 14. 11. H. 7. 27. 33. H 6. 17. Bro. Parliament 4. 40. 76. 107. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 8. but because the people gave their a Bro. Ancient Demesne 2â— 10. H. 7. 20. a. 33. H. 8. c. 17. generall consents unto them in Parliament as Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England Holinshed the Prologues to most Ancient Statutes the King by the advise and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and at the speciall request of the Commons in Parliament assembled and by THE * See 2. 7. 8. 12. 14. 17. 4. H. 7. AUTHORITY OF THE SAME PARLIAMENT doth grant and ordaine c and all our Law-bookes resolve and that upon this received Maxi ne of Law Quod tangit omnes ab omnibus debet approbari The king doth but like the Minister in Marriage declare it to be a Law but t is the parties consents which makes the marriage and the people onely that makes it â— Law to binde them whence those in a Cook 7. â—â—luins case 7. H. 6. 35. b. Dyer 373. Br. Parliament 98. Scotland Ireland Man Garnsey â—â—â— Jerâ—â—e are not bound by our English Statutes nor we by theirs nor tenants in Ancient demesne because they consented not to them Therefore the chiefe Legislative power is in the people and both Houses oâ— Parliament not in the king as it was in the Roman State Where the b Livy Hist â— 1. 2. Bodin Common-wealth â— 1 c. 10. people had the Soâ—eraigne Iurisdiction of making and confirming Lawes to binde them not their Kings Emperours oâ— Senate as I shall hereafter manifest Secondly this appeares by the case of c Fiz Assise 413. Avowry 74. Praescriâ—â—ion 67. Broo Custome 31. Co. 5. Rep. f. 63. 64. 67. 68 Kitâ—chin 45. 73 â—0 Customes and By-Lawes in Corporations and Manoâ—â—s which binde all the Corporation and Tenants if they be reasonable without the Kings or Lords consents by reason of
their mutuall assents alone and as these private By-â—awes obligâ— all those who consent to them by reason of their owne free assents onely so doe all publike Acts of Parliaments obliâ—ge all Subjects onely because of their generall assents to them in their Knights Citizenâ— and Burgesses elected by and d See â— â—ac c. 1. representing their persons Thirdly all e 33. H. 6. 17. Br. Parli 4. M. Hackwell of Pasâ—â—ng Bills Cromp. Iuris â— 8. Chron. of Ireland f. 127. â—â—â— 30. Acts of Parliament are usually made framed altered thrice read engrossed voted and fully agreed upon in both Houses without the Kings personall knowledge or privity for the most part before they come to have his royall assent And when they are thus agreed on by both Houses the king cannot alter any one word or letter in them as the Houses may doe but must either absolutely assent to or consider further of them as the Houses tender them And if the king send any Bill he desires to have passe it must be thrice read and assented to in both houses which have power to reject aâ—ter enlarge or limit it as they thinke meete else it can be no Act at all Aâ— cleare demonstration that the chiefe power of enacting and making Lawes is onely in the people Commons and Peeres not the king who by his Writ doth purposely sommon them to meete anâ— enact Lawes as the chiefe Legislators witnesse this notable clause in the y Cromp. Iuris of Courts f. 1. 2. and at the end of the Manner of â—olding Parliaments in England Writ for the Election of Knights Burgesses Ita quod iidem Milites plenam safficientem â—oteâ—â—atem pro S E COMMVNITATE Comitatus praedicti dicti Cives Burgenses prâ— se COMMVNITATâ— Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab iâ—sis babeant AD FACIENDVM Eâ— CONSENTIENDVM HIS quae â—â—ne ibidem DE COMMVNI CONSILIO DICTI REGNâ— not Regis nostri contigerint ORDINARI super negotâ—â—s antedictis Ita quod PRO DEFECTâ— POTEST ATâ—S HVâ—VSMODI c. dicta negotia INFECTA NON REMANEANT quovâ— modo answerable to which is that clause in * Pope Elutherius his Epistle to our first Christian king Lucius about An. 185. Exillis Deigratia PER CONSILIVM REGNI VESTRI SVME LEGEMâ— per illam Dâ—i potentia vestrum reges Britaniae regnum Fourthly all publicke Acts are the whole Kingdomes Lawes made principally and solely foâ— the subjects benefit if good their prejudice if ill therefore the whole kingdome represented iâ— and by both Houses not the king knowing much better what is good or bad for themselves theâ— the king alone it is z See â—â—tv before just and reasonable that they and not the king should be the principalâ— Law-makers to binde or buâ—then themselves with any new Lawes penalties or restraints Fifthly it is cleare that all Acts which give any Subsidie Tax Penalties or forfaitures to the king are made onely by the people in Parliament and not principally by the king since the king cannoâ— be sayd in any propriety to give any thing to himselfe This is undeniable by the forme of penning all subsidie Bills granted by the Commons or Clergie Your Commons assembled in your Higâ— Court of Parliament c. humbly present your Majestie with the free and cheerefull gift of two intire sâ—bsidies which we humbly beseech your Majestâ—e graciously to accept c. Your Majesties faithfull subjects the Prelats and Clergie c. with one agreement and uniforme consent have given and granted and by these presents doe give and grant to your Highnesse c. foure intire Subsidies in manner and forme as followeth And by the kings assent to these Bills a Hackwâ—ls passing of Biâ—s sect 8 p. 78 Le Roy remercy ses Loaulz subjects accept LOVR BENEVOLENCE c. the Commons having the sole power to grant or deny b See Rostal Taxes and Tenthes The Acts of Subsiâ—ies 21. Iac â—â—is present Parliament Speed p. 745. Subsidies and Taâ—es when they see cause and to limit the proportion of them the manner and time of paying them and to order how and by whom they shall be received and imployed aâ— all Acts of this Nature â—anifest If then they be the chiefe Law-makers in these Acts which layâ— any imposition â—pon the Subjects goods or restraint on his person then by like â—eason in all other penall publik Lawes Sixâ—ly All Acts of Paâ—liaments made in the raignes of â—surpers who have no Title to the â—rown nor right to assent to Lawes are c See 1. E. 4. c 6. 4. E. 4. 10 9. E 4. 1. 2. â—r Charters dâ—â—ardon 22. 13. Eliâ— c. â— firme and good in Law and shall binde the right heires to the Crowne as iâ— evident by the Lawes made by king John Henry the 4. 5. 6. reputed usurpeâ—s by Edward the 4. and Richard the third acknowledged an usurper whose Lawes are yet in force The reason is as is cleare by 1. E. 4. c 6. because the Lawes and all other Iudiciall Acts in Courtâ— of Iustice are the Acts of the Parliament and Courts themselves which are lawfull not of the king who is unlawfull Therefore certainely the Legislative power is more in the Parliament thenin the king if not wholly in it there being Lawes and Kingdomes before kings were Seventhly admit the king should dye without heire no doubt the kingdome and Parliament have a just right either to alter the government or dispose of the Crowne to what familie they please as â—he constant practise of all kingdomes in such cases manifests and d The trâ—e difference c. part 3. p 416. Bishop Bilson himselfe assureth us that all Nations once members of the Roman Empire when the right heires failed were suffered to elect their Governours where they pleased as the Romans themselves might doe and no doubt they might make binding publike Lawes during the Inter-regâ—um yea if the king be an infant as Henry the 3. Henry the 6. Edward 3. 5. and Richard 2. with other ouâ— kings were when the Crowne â—escended to them or non Compos Mentis or taken with a dead palsie or Apoplexie or an Ideot by â—irth or Age or a Monkeprofessed as e Fox Actâ— Monument vol. 1. p. 173. Speeds Hist p. 244. some kings have beene or absent in a Pilgrimage to Rome or â—â— voyage to the Holy Land or other remote forraigne Parts by reason of warres as f See Nubrigenfis Speed Holinshead Mat. Westmâ— and others in the lives of R. 1. H. 1. 2. 3â— 4. 5. 6. 8. Ed. 1. 2. 3. 4. divers of our Kings heretofore have beene and so unable personally to consent to lawes no doubt in all such â—ases the right of creating a Protector to executâ— regall power sommon Parliaments assent to Lawes is â—nely in the g Walsingh Hist Angl. A. 1422. p. 458. Speed p. 1108. Grafton p. 496. 447. 648. Fabian p.
470. Hall f. 176. to 183. Hovâ—den Annal. pars posterior p. 702. 703. 705. 706. Parliament which may in these cases make any publike Acts without the kings personall â—resence or assent and the assent of the Regent or Protector usually created by them shall as firmely â—inde the king as if he had personally consented as is evident by all the Acts of Parliament passed â—uring the Minority of h Acts and Monuments Old Edition p. 705. See Holinshead Speed Grafton in their lives Henry the 3. who was but 9. yeares old Edward the 3. who was but 1â— Richard the 2. who was but 11. yeares old Henry the 6. who was not 9. moneths old Edward the 5. â—ut 12. yeares Henry the 8. not 18. yeares Edward the 6. but 9. yeares of age when they began theiâ—â—aignes and so uncapable of giving any personall consent to Lawes by themselves of which they could not Iudge but by their Protectors and by all Acts made in the absence of King i See Hoveden Annal pars posterior â— 702. 703. 705. 706. Richard the â— Edward the 1. 2. 3. 4. Henry the 3. 2 3 4 5 6 and others out of the Realme all good as apâ—eares by 28. H. 8. c. 17. which altered and 33. H. 8 c. 22. which declareth the Law in these particuâ—ars A cleare demonstration that the Parliament is the most absolute Supreame power and Law-â—iver not the king Eightly the king hath little or no hand in making but onely in assenting to Lawes when they are made by the Houses as the usuall forme of passing Acts Le Roy â—e veult The King wills or â—ssents â—o it not before but after they have passed both Houses imports which assent of his if the Bills â—e publike and necessary for the Common good is not meerely arbitrary at the kings will but the king by oath and duty is bound to give it and the Lords and Commons may in justice demand it of meere right as I shall shew anon His Royall assent then though it be the last act which compleats Acts and makes them Lawes yet since it is but an assent to a Law formerly made by both Houses which he cannot alter in any point yea an assent which the king in honour Law justice duty by â—ertue of his â—oronation Oath is bound to give as appeares by the Prefaces of most statutes the staâ—ute of Provisours 25. E. 3. Parl. 6. 20. E. 3. and other Acts is so farre from proving the king the Supreme power and Lawgiver that it manifests the contrary that this power principally resides in â—oth the Houses not the king Ninthly this is apparant by those Coronation Oathes which Parliaments and the kingdome in * See Edward â—he â—onfessors Lawes c. 17. in Laâ—bard and Fox king Edwards dayes even before the Coâ—quest have anciently prescribed to our kings before they would accept of them for their Soveraignes of which I shall give you a short account a Math. Westm An. 1088. Eadmerâ—s Hist l. 1. p. 13. 14. Maâ—â—aris Hist p. 12. 13. Speed Hist p. 456. Graften p. 21. 22. Malmesâ—ury l. 4. p. 119. 120. After the death â—f William the Conquerour William Rufus his younger sonne in the absence of Robert the elder broâ—her hastens into England to obtaine the Crowne and finding the greatest part of the Nobles against him he gave his solemne Oath and faith to Lanfranâ—e Archbishop of Canterbâ—ry his Tutor that â—f they would make choise of him for their king he would abrogate the over-hard Lawes of his father and â—romise to observe justice equitie and mercy throughout the kingdome in every businesse and defend the â—eace and Liberty of the Church against all men and ease them of all hard taxes Upon which conditions â—olentibus omnibus Provincialium animis by the voluntary consent and voyces of all he was chosen k Sir Thomas Smiths Common wealth of England l. 2. c. 2. 3. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 7. â— Iohn Voâ—el Chronicles of Ireland f. 122. to 130. M. Hackwels Manner of passing Bils Sect. 8. and crowned king Which promise and Oath he soone after breaking saying Who is it that can â—â—â—â—ill all his promises Many of the Nobles levyed warre against him adopting Robert his elder Brother king b Mat. Paâ—â—s p. 52. 53. â—4 Eadmerus Hist l. 2 p. 55. Wil. Masmes â— 5. p. 1â—6 H. â—untin l. 7. p. 378. Roger Hoveden Annal pâ—â—s 1. p. 4â—8 Polych â—â— c. 11. Fâ—bian part 7. c. 226. p. 318 Graft p. 32. Speed p. 466. 467. William Rufus dying Henry the 1. his younger brother in the life of Robert the right heire assembling all the Glergie and people together to London to procure their favour and love to chuse him for their king and Patron he promised the reformation of those Lawes by which England had beene oppressed in the raignes of his Father and Brother To which the Clergie and Nobles answered that if he would with a willing minde reforme those rigorous Lawes remit the Taxes imposed upon the Subjects and by his Charter confirme those ancient Lawes and customes which flourished in the kingdome in the time of Holy king Edward they would unanimously consent to him and consecrate him for their king Which he willingly assenting to and affirming with an oath that he would performe he was by the assent both of Clergie and people consecrated king at Westminster promising by oath to confirme king Edwards Lawes and renounce all oppression in pursuance whereof as soone as he was created he by his Chartar confirmed and reformed divers Lawes for the ease and benefit of his Subjects recorded at large by Matthew Paris Speed and otheâ—s The beginning of this Charter is observable Henry by the Grace of God of England c. Know ye that by the mercy of God and COMMON COVNSEL of the Barons of the kingdome of England I am crowneâ— king And because the kingdome was oppressed with unjust exactions â— out of respect to God and the love I beare towards you all make the Church of God free c. and all the evill customeâ— wherewith the kingdome of England was unjustly oppressed I take from thence which evill customes I here in part set downe And in the end of his Charter he confirmed and restored to them king Eâ—wards Lawes with those amendments of them which his father made by the consent of hiâ— Barons After which those Lawes of his were published through all England and Ranulph Bishop of Durham banished the Court and committed to the Tower for his oppression bribery and otheâ— crimes Henry deceasing c Mat. Par Hist p. 73. Malâ—es Novellae Hist l. 1. p. 178. 179. 180 Henry Hunti l. 8 p. 386 387. Hoveden p. 481 482. Mat. West Aâ—. â—â— 36 p 35. Speed p. 483. 484. Graf p â—1 42 Maude the Empresse his right heire to whom the Prelates and Nobleâ— had sworne fealty in her fathers life time was put by the Crowne by the Prelates and Barrons whâ— thought it
basenesse for so many and great Peeres to be subject to a woman and that they were freeâ— of their oath by her marying out of the Realme without their consents and Stephen Earle of Mortainâ— who had no good Title assembling the Bishops and Peeres at London promising to them an amendment of the Lawes according to all their pleasures and liking was by them all proclamed kingâ— whereupon they all toâ—ke their oathes of Allegiance to him conditionally to obey him as their king so long as he should pâ—esâ—rve the Churches Liberties and keepe all Covenants and confirme them with his Charter according to the old proverbe Quamdiâ— habebis me pro Senatore â—go te pro Imperatore All this the king at his Coronation swore and promised to God the people and Church to performeâ— And presently after going to Oxford he in pursuance of his oath there sealed his fore promised Charter of many indulgâ—uâ— favouâ—s the summe whereof was this That all Liberties Customes and Possessions granted to the Church should be firme and in force that all bad usages in the lanâ— touching Forrests exactions and annuall Taxes which his Ancestors usually received should beâ— eâ—â—rnally abolished the ancient Lawes restored prefacing therein d Assensa Cleri Populi in Reg â—e Angliaeelectus Mâ—lm p. 179. That he obtained the Crownâ— by election onely Haec â—â—tem specialâ—ter aliâ—â—ulta generaliter se servaturâ—m juravit sed nihil â—onum quae Deo promiserâ—t observavit writes Mathew Paris Hovenden and Huntingdon Pene omniâ— perperam mutavit quisi ad hoc tanâ—um jurâ—ssâ—â— â—t praevaricatorem Sacramenti se regno toti ostenderet saith Maâ—mesâ—ury * See Speed p. 483. 484. granting those inâ—â—â—â—â—ties rather to blind their eyes than with any purpose to manâ—cle his oâ—ne hands with such paâ—chment chaines Such faith is to be given to the soâ—emnest Oathes of kings But this his perjâ—ry was like to cost him his Crowne his Prelates and Peeres thereupon revolting unto Maude The forme of King Henry the second his Oath I finde not onely I read e Hoveden p. 491. Graft p. 50. that upon his â—oronarion he caused the Lawes tâ— be reformed by advise of discâ—eet men learned in the Law and by his Proclamation commanded that the good Lawes of his grand father Henry should be observed and firmely kept throughout the Realme Whe â—â—ore it is probable he tooke the same oath that he did f Mat. Par. p 147. Hoved. p. 657 Waâ—siâ— â—podigma Neustr An. 1189. p. 45. 46. Speed â— â—â—â— Richard the first succeeding at his Coronation in Westminster Church comming to the High Altar before the Clergie and people tooke this solemne oath upon the Holy Evangelists and many Saints reliques 1. That all the dayâ—s of his liâ—e he would beare peace honour and reverence to God and hâ—ly Church and the ordinances thereof Secondly that to the people committed to his charge he would exercise Right Justice and Eâ—uitiâ— Thirdly that he would abolish naughty Lawes and Customes if any were brought upon his kingdome and would enact good Lawes and the same in good sort keepe and without Mal-engyâ— Which oath most solemnely taken Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury standing at the Altar forbad him in the name of Almighty God to assume that â—â—nâ—â—r VNLESSE HE HAD â— FVLL PVRPOSE TO KEEPE WHAT HE HAD SWORNE Whereunto Richard ASSENTING and promisiâ—g by Gods helpe to performe all the premises WITHâ—VT FRAVD With his owne hand humbly taking â—he Imperiall Crowne from the Altar delivered it to the Archbishop who set it on his head g Hoveden p. 793. Mat. Par. p. 189. 190. Speed p. 548. 549 550. See Polydore Virgil Holins King Richard deceasing John his younger Brother to put by Arthur the next heire to the Crowne came â—eedily out of Normandy into England where the great assembly at Northampâ—on to preserve their â—ights and Liberties were content to accept of him for their king and yeeld fealty to him to keepe â—ith and Peace to King John upon condition onely if he would restore to every of them their Rights which â—fterwards was the occasion of great dissentions And-comming to London to be crowned Hubert â—rchbishop of Canterbury the Pillar of the Common-wealths stabilitie â—nd incomparable for deepe â—aching wisedome steps forth in the midst of all the Bishops Lords Barons and others there asâ—mbled at his Coronation and spake thus unto them Heare you all you are in discretion to know â—at no man hath right or any other fore-title to succeede another in a kingdome * A strange Archiepiscopall Doctrin unlesse first with invoâ—tion for grace and guidance of Gods Spirit he bâ— BY THE BODY OF THE KINGDOME THEREVNTO CHOSEN and â—e indeede some choyce man and picked out for some â—menencie of â—is vertues according to the example and similitude of Saul the first annointed Kiâ—g whom God set over â—is people though neither the Sonne of a King nor of any royall discent So after him likewise David â—e son of Iâ—sse the one for beiâ—g valorous and a person fitting Royall dignity the other for being holy and â—â—ble minded To shew that whosoever in a kingdome excelleth all in valour and vertue ought to surâ—ount all in Rule and Authority yet so as that if any of the Of spring of a deceased King surpâ—sseth oâ—ers it is fit joyntly to consent in election of such a one This therefore we have spoken in favour of eminent â—arle John who is present the brother of our most illustrious King Richard â—ow deceâ—sed wanting â—â— heire of his body who being provident valiant and truely noble we haviâ—g invocated the grace of the â—oly Spirit have all unanimoâ—sly ELECTED as well in regard of his Merits as of his royal Blood Neither durst any doubt or demurre on these things knowing that the Archbishop had not thus deâ—ned without cause Wherefore Earle John and all men approving this speech they ELECTED â—nd ASSVMFD the Earle for their king and cryed out saying Let the King live But the Archâ—ishop being afterwards demaunded why he had spoken these things answered that he was assured â—â— some divining foresight that king John would worke the ruine of the kingdome corrupt the Crowne â—nd precipitate it into great confusion And that he might not have the reines free to doe this he OVGHT TO BE CHOSEN BY ELECTION NOâ— BY SUCCESSION King John at this â—is Coronation was involved in a threefold Oath namely That he should love holy Church and its Miâ—isters and preserve it harmelesse from the inâ—ursion of Malignants That abolishing perverse Lawes be â—ould substitute good ones and exercise Right Iudgement in the Kingdome of England After which he â—as adjured by the Archbishop in the behalfe of God and strictly prohibited not to presume to accept this â—onour unlesse he fully purposed in his minde actually to fulfill what he had sworne To which he answeâ—ng promised that by Gods assistance he would bona â—ide keepe those things which he
by Parliament and violently pâ—t to death though the Kings highest Officer and darling Minions o Walsingham Holinsh Speed Grafton Stow in 11 R. 2. c. 1. 6 7. Froysards Chron. part c. 97. Michael De La Pole wiâ—h other great Officers and Favourites to King Richard the second condemned deprived of their Offices banished and executed by the Peereâ— in Parliament together with Trisilian Belknap and their fellow Judges who misadvised him in point of Law p Hall Stow Speed Holinsh Grafton Fox in H. 6. Humphâ—ey Duke of Glocester Protector to King Henry the sixt arrested of high Treason in a Parliament at Bury and there murdered q Hall Holi Grafton Stow in H. 8. Cardinall Wolsey that powerfull favourite â—o King Henâ—y the eight accused and put from his Chancellorship and other Offices by the Parliament r Fox Speed Holinshed Stow Grafton in Ed. 6 The Duke of Sommerset Lord Protector to King Edward the sixt accused and attainted of high Treason in Parliament for which he lost his head the great Earle of Strafford Lord Depuâ—y of Ireland who lost his head this Parliament for Treason full sore against his Majesties and the Queenes wills with infinite others mentioned in our Stories and Records Nay Queenes themselves have undergone â—he censures of Parliament of which we have sundry precedents in Å¿ See Fox Hall Speed Holinshed Grafton in his life 28. H. 8. c. 7. p. 35. p. 8. c. 1. King Henry the eight his Reigne not onely to divorce but losse of their very heads and shall any Delinquent then thinke to be protected by any power against the Parliaments justice now 13. Not to mention the Parliaments Soveraigne Power and Jurisdiction t Matth. Paris p. 560. 562. 933 934 935. Speed p. 750. Grafton p. 188 189. 240 241. 221 222 223. The severall Acts for Subsidies and Rastal Warre Truce Armes Money Mint Musters Taxes Tonnage Poundage The Parliaments two Remonstrances concerning the Militia Câ—oks Instit on Artic Super Chartas in Making or proclaiming warre or Peace in which they have oft tiâ—es not onely advised but overswayed the King in creating the highest Officers in Ordering the Militia of the Kingdome by Sea and Land by setled Lawes of which more an on or in ordering the coyne and Money of the Land together wâ—th the Mint or designing how the Subsidies and Aydes granted by them to the King shall be disposed of to the Kingdomes use of which there are sundry precedents All which are strong See Bodines Commen wealth l. 1. c. 10. evidences of its Soveraigne Authority together with the Acts concerning his Purveyance and all Revenues royall Nor yet to remember this infallible Argument to prove Kingdomes greater and more valuable then Kings that Kings as publique Servants to their Realmes ought to hazard their lives for their Kingdomes safety and preservation as many have done in waâ—â—es against enemies but never ought the whole kingdome to be lost or hazarded to preserve its Kings Pâ—erogatives that of John 11. 48 49 50. and chap. 18. 14. being an undoubted rule in Divinity and Policy * That it is expedient that any one man though a King should dye for the people that the whole Nation perish not rather then the whole Nation dye for him There is one cleare Demonstration yet remaining to prove the Supreame power of Parliaments above Kings themselves which is this That it is the highest Court and power to which all x See Sir Thomas Smiths Common wealth l. 2. c. 1. 2. Holinsheds Description of England c. 8. p. 173 and Chronicles of Ireland p. 127. to 130. Cromptons Jurisdiction Appeales are lastly and finally to be made from all other Courts and Judges whatsoever yea from the Kings owne personall resolutiâ—ns in or out of any other his Courts and such a transcendent Tribunall from whence â—here is no appeale to any other Court or person no not to the King himselfe but onely to another Parliament If any erroneous judgement be given in the Kings Bench Exchequer Chamber Chancery Court of Wards or any other Court within the Realme or in the Parliament in Ireland it is finally to be reversed oâ— determined in Parliament by a Writ of y 1 H. 7. 1. Br. Parliament 92. 98. Error 65 88. 137. See Ash Error 65 66 67 68 70. Error or upon a Petition or Bill If any sentence be unjustly given in any Ecclesiasticall Courts or before the Delegates the finall Appeale for redresse must be to the Parliament Illegall sentences in the now exploded extravagant Courts of Star-Chamber or High Commission Injuries done by the King and his privy Councell at the Councell Table are examinable and remediabâ—e in this High Court Nay if the King himselfe should sit in person in the Kings Bench or any other Court as sometimes our Kings have done and there give any judgement it is not so obligatory or finall but that the party against whom judgement is pronounced may appeale to the Parliament for reliefe But if the Parliament give any judgement There * See 22 E 3. 3 Error 8. 8 H 4. 12 13 can be no Appeale to any higâ—er Tribunall Court or Person no not to the King but onely to the next or some other Parliament as is evident by experience by all z 21 R. 2. c. â— to 15. 1 H. 4. c. 2 3 4. 8 H. 4. 12 13. See 1 Mariae c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. â— 3. 21 Jac. c. 28. And all Acts for restitution in blood of Persons Attainted and Acts of repealing Sâ—atutes Bracton l. 1. c. â— Attainders of Treason by or in Parlâ—ament by all inconveent and unjust Actâ— passed in Parliament which concerne either King or Subject Which cannot be reversed nor repealed though erroneous nor the right heire restored in blood by any Charter fâ—om the King but onely by an Act of repeale or restitution in bloâ—d by another Parliament Now this is an infallible Maxime both in the Common Civill and Canon Law that The Court or person to wâ—om the last appeale is to be made is the Supreamest power as the a See Ashes Tables Error 65 66 67 68 69 70. Kings Bench is above the Common Pleas the Escâ—equer Chamber * See Matthew Paris p. 268. Legimus quod multi alâ— Reges imo Reguli usque ad mortem dimicaâ—unt c. above the Kings Bench and the Parliament above them all because a Writ of Error to reverse erroneous judgements given in the Common Pleas lyeth in the Kings Bench Errors in the Kings Bench may be reversed in the Eschequer Chamber and errors in all or either of them may be redressed finally in Parliament from whence there is no further appeale Hence the Canonists conclude a b Bodin l. 1. c. 10. Summa Angelicâ— Rosella Tit. Appellatio Lindwood lib. 2 de Appellationibus Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 448 449. 452. 506. 24. H. 8. c. 12. All Papists and Protestants
Kings eldest sonne was created Duke of Cornwall by Parliament which then also entailed the Dutchy of Cornwall upon the eldest sonnes of the Kings of England See 21 R. 2. c. 9. * 7. H. 4. c. 2. Hals Chronicle 1. H. 4. f. 10. 15. Fabian parâ— 7. p. 376. Speed p. 763. King Henry the fourth the â—etâ—er to assure the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and France to him and his posterity caused them by a speciall Act of Parliament in the first yeare oâ— his raigne to be entailed and setled on himselfe and the heires of his body begotten and Prince Henry hiâ— eldest sonne to be established pronounced ordained and decreed heire apparant to him and to succeed hiâ— in the said Crownes and Realmes to have them with their appurtenances after the Kings death to him anâ— the heires of his body begotten And if he should die without heire of his body begotten then to remaine to thâ— Lord Thomas the Kings second sonne with successive remainders to Lord John the third and Lorâ— Humfry the Kings fourth sonne and the heires of their bodies begotten After which Act passed for tâ—â— avoyding for all claimes titles and ambiguities to be made unto the Crowne he thought never by any of his Subjects to be molested or troubled the rather because in this Parliament it was first concluded that deposed King Richard should continue in a large prison and â—e plenteously served of all things necessâ—ry both for viande and apparell and if any persons should presume to reare warre or congregate a multitude â—o deliver him out of prison that then he should be the first that should die â—or that sediâ—ious commâ—tion Which King Richard as * Fabian part 7. p. 373. Sir John Bâ—got by his Bill exhibited to this Parliament averred hâ—â— divers times at sundry Parliaments in his time holden said that he would have his intent and pleasurâ— concerning his owne matters whatsoever betide of the residue and if any withstood his will or minde bâ— would by one meanes or other bring him out of his life And further said to him at Lichfield in the one â—â— twentieth yeare of his raigne that he desired no longer for to live then to see his Lords and Commons haâ—â— him in â—s great awe and dread as ever they had of any his Progenitors so that it might be chronicled of him that none passed him of honour and dignity with condition that he were deposed and put â—â—rom his said dignity the next morrow after So wilfull was he as to preferre his will before his Crowne or safety n Hall An. 38. 39. H. 6. f. 176. to 183. Fabian Anâ—o 1441. p. 470. Grafton p. 643. to 648. Holins Stow Howes An. 1440 144â— In the yeares 1440. and 1441. Edward Duke of Yorke came into the Parliament House anâ— there in a large Oration laid claime and set forth his Title to the Crowne of England which King Heâ—ry the sixth had long enjoyed desiring the Parliament to determine the right of the Title betweene theâ— both â—ides submitting to their resolution as the proper Judges of this weighty royall controversie After lonâ— debate and consideration of the case among the Peers Prelates and Commons of the Realme it wâ—â— finally agreed and resolved by them That in as much as Henry the sixth had beene taken as King for 38. yeaâ—â— and more that he shâ—uld enjoy the name and title of King and â—ave pâ—ssessiâ—n of the Realme during his nâ—turall life And if he either died or resigned or FOR FAITED THE SAME for breaking â—â— part of this concord then tâ—e said Crowne and authority royall should immediately descend to the Duke â—â— Yorke King Edward the 4. his Father if he then liveâ— â—r else to the next heire of his line And that the sâ— Duke from thenceforth should be Protector and Regent of the Kingdome Provided alway that if the Kiâ—â— did closely or apertly study or goe about to breake or alter this agreement or to compasse or imagine the deâ—â— of the said Duke or his bloud then he TO FORFEIT THE CROWNE and the Duke Tâ— TAKE IT These Articles made by the Parliament betweene them they both subscribed sealed â— swore to and then caused them to be enacted Loe here we have these two Kings submiting their Titles â— the Crowne and Kingdome it selfe to the Resolution of both houses of Parliament as the Soveraigâ— Judge betwene them who settled the Crowne in this order under paine of â—orfeiting it by Kiâ—â— Henry if he violated their Decree herein and appointing a Lord Protector over the Kingdome in â—â— full age as o Historia Angliae p. 458. Parliamentum fuit câ—nvâ—catum in quâ— Parliamento ex assensu omnium Statuum idem Dux Defensor seu Protector Angliae fueraâ— nominaâ—us ordinaâ—us omniaque Regni offâ—cia beneficia ejus dispositioni sunt commissa Walsingâ—am informes us a Parliament câ—nstituted Duke Humsry to be protector of hiâ— and hâ—s Kingdome of England and the Duke of Bedford to â—e Regent of France during his minority whâ— exercised all regall power by vertue of that authority which the Parliament derived to them Aâ—â— this in these two Kings reignes p See Grafton p. 691. 692. Speed p. 869. 878. 859. 886. 1. E. 4. c. 1. 17. E. 4. c. 7. the Crown and its descent were variously setled by Parliament as I haâ—â— formerly manifested yet so as that which one Parliament setled in this kinde continued firme till it â—â— akered or reversed by another Parliament King q Speeds Hist p. 928. 931 Richard the third comming to the Crown by usurpâ—tion to strengthen his Title procured the Lords and Commons to passe an Act of Parliament where in thâ— declare him to be their lawfull King both by election and fuccession entaile the Crowne upon him and the heiâ—â— â—f his body lawfully begotten create his Sonne Edward Prince of Wales and declare him heire to succeed him in â—he royall Crowne and dignity after his decease In which Act of Parliament recited at large by Speed there is this memorable passage That the Court of Parliament is of such Authority and the people of this land of such a nature and disposition as experience teachâ—th that manifestation or declaration of any Truth or Right made by the three Estates of this Realme Assembled â—n Parliament and by the Authority of the â—ame makes before all other things most faith and certainty and â—uieting of mens mindes removeth the occasion of all doubts and seditious language r Halls Chro. 1 H. 7. f. 855. Henry the seventh afâ—erwards slaying this usurping Richard at Boswell-field to avoyd all ambiguities and questions of his Title to the Crowne in his first Parliament procured the Lords and Commons by a speciall Act to setâ—le the inheritance of â—he Crownes of England and France on him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten perpetually by the grace â—f God so to endure and on none
forced on the King Edward the second presumptuous anâ— TREASONOUS ORDINATIONS not onely to reforme the Kings house and Counsell and tâ— place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even claim a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdome together with the King which William Inge a Judge of the Common Law with other like sticklers trayâ—erously perswaded them was according to Law which grosse slander of the Parliament House would have beeâ— capitall at least in former ages and may now indanger the heads of those who speake or write the samâ— of the present Parliament Never did any of our Kings charge any Parliament with high Treason hither to much lesse indict or wage warre against the Parliaments as Traytors which questioned or deposeâ— them for offences against the Kingdome Let none then dare affirme that the Houses of Parliament are or can be Traytors now for providing for their owne and the Kingdomes safety Fifthly That to conspire or levy warre against the Parliament or Kingdome to dissolve or destroy it or the Members of it is no lesse then High Treason as hath beene solemnely adjudged in Parliament 15 E. 2. in the Act entituled Exilium Hugonis le de Spenser in 11 Rich. 2. c. 2 3 4. and in the Parliament Roll Printed by Order of both Houses August 27. 1642. And before both these in k Lib. 14. sect 112. Stamf. l. 1. c. 2. f. 1. b. and Cromptons Juâ—isdict f. 73. Glanvil who declares it to be Treason even at the Common Law Si quis machinatus fuerit vel aliquid fecerit in SEDITIONEM REGNI agreeable to l Instit l. ult Tit. 8. Vlpian and the m Tit. 3. Saxon Lawes which informe â—â— of Treasons against the Common-wealth and Kingdome the case of n Ciceâ—o Orat. in Catil Cateline and o Liv. hist l. 23. sect 17. others as well as against the King and to the Statute of 13 Eliz. c. â— which makes it High Treason for any person to stirrâ— up aâ—y Forainers or strangers with force to invade this Realme or Ireland And if it be no lesse then high Treason against the King to slay the Chancellour Treasurer or any of the Judges or Justiceâ— of either Bench Eyer Assizâ— or Oyer and Terminer being in their places doing their Offices though by the Kings command as is cleare by 25. E. 3. c. 2. and all our Law Bookes then much more must it be high Treason against the King and Kingdome to warre against the highest Court of Parliament or slay any member of it for doing theiâ— Offices and executing the Houses just Commands as I shall in due place more fully manifest In briefe the Gun powder plot in 3 Jacobi to blow up the Parliament House was then adjudged resolved by the Parliament * 3 Jac. c. 1 2. 4 5. in his Proclamations for apprehending those Traytors The proceedings against Traytors Spee hist p. 1248. to 1257. King and Judges to be high Treason not onely against the King but Parliamenâ— and Kingdome too and to blow up or assault the Parliament now in the Kings absence is question leâ—â— high Treason both against the King Parliament and Kingdome Yea the statute of 28. H. 8. c. 7. declares those Who shall claime the Crowne even of right in any other manner then it limited by vertue and authority of that act after the Kings death with all their Counsellors and abettors to be deemed and adjudged HIGâ— TRAITORS TO THE REALME not the King and such their offence to be repâ—ted HIGH TREASON and they for it to suffer such paines of death and forfeiture of Lands anâ— Goods as in any cases of high Treason is used And I read in * Par. 7. p. 186. Fabian that Eguiran chiefe Counsellor to Philip the third of France was judged to death and hanged on the Gibbet at Paris for Treason against King Philip and the REALME OF FRANCE as our powder Traytors were executed for high Treason against the King and Realme of England And by the Statutes of 5. R. 2. c. 6. II R. 2. c. 1. 3. 17. R. 2. c. 8. 21. R. 2. c. 2. 4. 20. 3. H. 5. Sâ—a 2. c. 6. 1. Mariae c. 6. certaine offences are declared and made high treason and the committers of theâ— Trayters and enemies not onely to and against the King but likewise TO AND AGAINST THâ— REALME and in particular the illegall indicting of some Lords to destroy them as guilty of High Treason for procuring a Commission in Parliament supposed prejudiciall to the King and his Crowne 10 R. 2. c. I. and the opposing and annulling of that Commission and of some Processe Judgements Executions made given and affirmed in some of those Parliaments raising forces and leâ—ying warre against the Parliament and Members of it to destroy them were then * See Walsingh Holinshed Fabian Grafton Stow Speed in 10. 11. R. 2. 21. R. 2. c. 12. adjudged High Treason both against the King and THE REALME though done by the Kings expresse Commission and command The reason is because the King in judgement of Law * See here p. 20 21. 22. is ever legally present in and with his Parliament when they sit as I have already proved where ever his person is and his royall legall will of which alone the Law takes notice is ever presumed to concurre with his greatest Councell the Parliament against whose Priviledges safety and protection he neither can nor ought by Law or right to attempt any thing and if any personall Commands or Commissions of the King under his great Seale to doe ought against Magna Charta the Subjects liberty safety property the Parliaments Priviledges the Common or Statute Lawes of the Realme all which expressely prohibit the levying of warre killing wounding murthering imprisâ—ning disinâ—eâ—iâ—ing robbing or plundering of the Subjects without legall triall or conviction as dâ—e the Statutes of 2 R. 2. c. 7. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 1 H. 5. c. 6. which prescribe exemplary punishments against such Plunderers and Robbers especially the Welshmen issue out to any person or persons whatsoever especially to raise forces on levie warre against the Parliament or Subjects they are meerely void in Law and will rather aggravate then extenuate the guilt of those who obey or execute them as is clearely resolved not onely by 42. Ass p. 5. 12. Brooke Commissions 15. 16. Cooke b. 5. f. 50. 51. l. 7. f. 36. 37. l. 8. f. 125. to 129. but likewise expressely adjudged and enacted by the Statutes of 15. E. 3. Stat. 1. c. 1. 3. 42. E. 3. c. 1. 3. 11. R. 2. c. 1. to 6. 21. Jac. c. 3. the Petition of Right 3. Caroli 28. E. 2. Artic super Chartas c. 2. 4. E. 3. c. 4. 5. E. 3. c. 2. 25. E. 3. c. 1. 15. 34. E. 3. c. 2. and generally byall Statutes concerning * See Rastals abridgement Tit. Purveyors Purveyors by the memorable old Statute of 25.
to deliver Piers into their hands or drive him from his company out of England as being perswaded â—hile that King-â—ane breathed peace could never be maintained in the Realme nor the King abound in treasure nor the Queene enjoy his love But the wilfull King preferring the dearenesse of one stranger before the love of the â—hole Realme would noâ— condiscend Whereupon the Lords thus contemned and deluded presently raise â—n Army and march with all speed towards Newcastle not to offer injury or molestaâ—â—on to the King writes â—alsingham the case and purpose of the present Parliaments Army but that they might apprehend Piers himâ—elfe and judge him according to the Lawes enacted Which when the King heard he fled together with Piers like a proscribed and banished man to Tynemouth and from thence to Scarborough Castle Where Piers was forced to yeeld himselfe upon condition to speake but once more with the King And then carryed to Warwicke Castle where he had his head strucke off at the command and in the presence of the Earles of Lanâ—aster Warwicke and Hereford as one who had beene a subverter of the Lawes and an open Traytor to the Kingdome and that without any judiciall proceedings or triall of his Peeres though an Earle and so deare a Favourite of the Kings Which bred a lasting haâ—red betweene the King and his Nobles Who being afterwards charged by the King in Parliament with their contempt against him in the spoiles committed by them at Newcastle and wickâ—dly killing Piers They stoutly answered That they had not offended in any point but deserved his royall favour â—or that they had not gathered force against him but against the publike enemy of the Realme And then obtained an Act â—f Pardon that no man should be questioned for Gavestons returne or death printed in old g Tâ—tles Magnâ— Charta part 2. f. 50 to 57. Magna Charta Not long â—fter this unfortunate King doting upon the two h Walâ—ing Hist p. 90. to â—10 ypodig Neust p. 105. to 111 Speed Hist p. 674. to 683. See Fabiâ—n Holm Graf Thoâ—â—â—de â—â— More Higdâ—â— Caxton in his life Spencers as much as ever he did on Gaveston to whom they â—ucceeded not onely in pride rapine oppression and intolerable insolencies but even in height of familiarity and power with the King So as they ruled and lead the King as they pleased in so much that no Earle Baron or Bishop was able to dispatch any thing in Court without their advise and favour which made them generally envied of all because they domineered over all The Lords and Barons hereupon confederated together to live and die for juâ—tice and to their power to destroy the Traytors of the Realme especially the two Spencers And meeting together with â—heir forces at Sbirborne Thomas of Lancaster being their Captain they took an oath to prosecure their designe to â—he division of soule body Then they spoyled these Spencers their friends goods take their Castles by vioâ—ence waste their Manors through malice slay their servants utterly omitting the usuall wayes of Law equitie following the impetuousnes of their minds they march on to S. Albans with Ensignes displayed sent solemn messengers to the King then at London commanding him not only to rid his Court but kingdome too of the Traytors of â—he Realme the Spencers condemned in many Articles which they had framed against them by the commonalty of the Realme if he loved the peace of the Kingdome And they further required the King to grant letters Patents of indemnity to themselves and all such as had bore armes in their company that they should not be punished by the King or any other for their for epast or present trangressions The King denyed both these demands at first as unjust and illegall swearing that he would not violate his Coronation Oath in granting such a pardon to contempiuâ—us Delinquents Whereupon running to their armes they marched up to London entred the Citie and to avoyd dangeâ— the King through the Queenes and others mediation condescended to their desires passing an Act for thâ— Spensers banishment and the Barons indemnities which you may reade in ancient Part 2. â— 50. Magna Chartaes Upoâ— this the Barons departed neither merry nor secure despairing of the Kings Benevolence which made them goe alwayes armed and to retire to safe places The King soone after recalling the Spensers reversed the sentence against them as erronious gathers an Army encounters and defeats the Barons and puts many of them to deatâ— by these Spencers procurements who not content with their blood procured also the confiscation of their goods aâ—â—â—nheritances Whereupon getting into greater favour and power then before puffed up with their good successe and new honours they discontented not onely the Nobles but Queene too who going over into Franâ— with her sonne the Prince whose lives these favorites attempted She raysed an Army beyond the Seas and returning with it into England most of the Lords and Commons resorted to her and fell off from the Kingâ— who being destituâ—e of friends and meanes demanded assistance of the Cirie of London whose answer was That they would honour with all dutie the King the Queene and Prince but would shut their gates against Foreineâ— and Traytors to the Realme and with all their power withstand them And under the name of John of Eltham thâ— Kings second sonne whom they proclaymed Custos of the Citie and of the Land they got the Tower â—â— London into their possession placing and displacing the Garrison and Officers therein as they pleased Thâ— King hereupon after he had commanded all men to destroy and kill the Queenes partakers none excepted but her self â—â—er sonne and the Earle of Kent and that none upon paine of death and losse of all that they might lose should ayde â—â— assist them and that he should have a 1000. l. who did bring the Lord Mortimers head flies to Bristol in the Castle whereof the elder Spenser was taken by the Queenes Forces and without any formall tryall cruelly cut â—â— alive and quartered being first at the clamours of the people drawne and hanged in his proper armour upon the common Gallowes without the Citie After which the King forsaken of all his Subjects flies into Wales for shelter wherâ— he was taken prisoner and then by his Lords and Parliament forced to resigne his Crowne to his sonne confessing That for his many sins he was fallen into this calamitie and therefore had the lesse cause to take it grievously That â—â— much sorrowed for this that the people of the kingdome were so exasperated against him that they should utterly abhâ—â— his any longer rule and Soveraignty and therefore be besought all there present to forgive and spare him being so afflicteâ— Soone after he was murthered in Barkly Castle And so the sicknesse and wounds which the Commonwealth sustaineâ— by his ill raigne upon the châ—â—ge of her Physician recovered not onely health and strength
other and all attainders and Acts against him by Edward the fourth and King Richard s Grafton p. 856. this Parliament annibilated After him King Henâ—y the eighth to ratifie his divorce from Queâ—ne Katherine caused it to be confirmed and his t Sp. p. 1028. Marriage with her to be utterly dissolved by Act of Parâ—iament and by u 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 He. 8. c. 13. 28 H. 8 c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 5. See Hall sundry Acts ratified his subsequent Marriages and setled the descent of the Crowne to â—is posterity somewhat different from the course of the Common Law which Statutes were afterwards altered â—nd the descent of the Crowne setled by other speciall Bils in Parliament both in x 1 Mar. c. 1. Parliament 2. c. 1. 2. 1 Eli. c. 3. 13 Eliz. c. 1. Queene Maries and Queene Elizabeths Reignes Whose Titles to the Crowne were setled and in some sort created by the â—arliament By the notable Staâ— of 13. Eli. c. â— worthy reading for this purpose it is made no lesse then high Treason â—o affirme That the Queene WITH and BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE PARâ—IAMENT of England is not able to make Lawes and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to binde liâ—it restraine and governe all persons their Rights and Titles that in any wise may or might claime any interest or â—ossibility in or to the Crowne of England in possession reâ—ainder inheritance succession or otherwise howsoever â—nd all other persons whatsoever King Edward the sixt Queene Elizabeth and other our Princes holding â—heir Crownes by a Parliamentary Title rather then by the course of the * See Cooks Institut Littlei f. 15 16. Common Law which this â—tatute affirmes the Parliament hath power to alter even in case of descent of the Crowne It is observable that the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 22. 28 H 8. c. 7. and 35 H. 8. c. 1. doe not onely Nulâ—â—fie some of this Kings marriages and ratifie others of them declaring some of his issues legitimate and herediâ—ble to the Crowne others not and appoint the Queene if living to be Protector of the infant King or Queene â—at should inherit the Crowne or such of the Lords as the King by his last will should designe But likewise preâ—cribe strict Oathes for every Subject to take to maintaine the Succession of the Crowne as it is limited â—y those Acts which Oathes for any to refuse is made high Treason or to write or speake any thing aâ—ainst the Succession of the Crowne as it is therein limited And withall they derive a plenary authority â—â— the King who thereupon * 35 H. 8. c. 1. acknowledgeth the great trust and confidence his loving Subjects had in him â— putting in his hands wholly the Order and Declaâ—ation of the Succession of this Realme by his Letters Patents â—der his Seale or his last will in writing signed with his â—and for laâ—ke of issue lawfully begotten of his boâ—â— to * 28 H. 8. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c 1. give limit assigne appoint or dispose the imperiall Crowne of the Realme to what person or persons â—d for such estate in the same and under such conditions as it should please his Majesty The Parliament therein â—omising by oâ—e common assent to accept take love dread and obey as their legall Governours and Supreame â—ads such person or persons onely as the King by auâ—hority of those Acts shâ—uld give the Crowne unto and â—olly to stâ—cke to them as true faithfull Subjects Provided that if any of his Children or Heires afterward â—d usurâ—e one upon the oâ—her in the Crowne of this Realme or claime or challenge the said Imperiall Crowne â—â—erwise or in any other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed or liâ—ted unto them by the King by verâ—ue of those Acts. Or if any person or persons to whom it should please â—â— King by authoâ—ity of those Acts to dispose the said Crowne and Dignity of this Realme or the Heires of any â— them should at any time hereafter demand challenge or claime the Crowne of this Realme otherwise or in â—y other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed and limited unto them by â—â— King by verâ—ue and authority of these Acts That then all and singular offenders in any of the premises â—ntrary to these Acts and all their Abettouâ—s Maintainers Factours Counsellours and Aiders therein shall be â—emed and adjudged HIGH TRAYTORS TO THE REALME and that every such â—ence shall be accepted reputed and taken to be high Treason and the offenders therein their ayders c. â—â— every such offence shall suffer such judgement paiâ—es of death losses and forfeitures of Lands Goods and Priâ—ledges of sanctuary as in any cases of high Treason And over that as well the Kings said Heiâ—es and Children every such person and persons to whom the Crowne should be limited as aforesaid and eâ—ery of their Heires â—â— every such offence above specified by them or any of them to be committed shall lose and forfeit as well all such â—ight Title and interest that they may claime or challenge in or to the Crowne of this Realme as Heires by â—scent or by reason of any gift or Act done by the King for his or their advancement by authority of those Acts by any manner of meanes or pretence whatsoever And the Statute of 35. H. 8. c. 1. which entailed the Crowne upon Queene Mary after Edward the 6. his decease without issue hath this proviso That if the said Lady Mary doe not keepe and performe â—â— conditions as King Henry by his Letters Patents or last Will in writing should hereafter declare and limit â—â—â— said estate in the Imperiall Crowne That then and from thenceforth the said Imperiall Crowne shall beâ— come to the Lady Elizabeth and the heires of her body lawfully begotten in such like manner and forme aâ— thâ—â— the said Lady Mary were then dead without any â—eires of her body begotten any thing in this Act contained â— the contrary notwithstanding And the like proviso there is for Queene Elizabeth That if she performe not â—â— like conditions limited as aforesaid to her estate in the Crowne That then the said Imperiall Crowne shall â— and come to such person or persons as the King by his Letters patents or last will shall limit or appoint By â— which Acts worthy reading and consideration the Parliaments Supreame power of setling and disposing the descent and inheritance of the Crowne and giving Authority even to the King himselfe to â—â—pose of it upon condition on paine of forfeiture as aforesaid which the King alone had no right nor poâ—er at all to doe will easily appeare to the most malignant Spirits In the first y â— Jac. c. 1. Parliament of our late King James the first Bill then passed was an acknowledgemâ—â— and confirmation of his immediate lawfull and undoubted succession and right to
the Crowne of England â— the next and onely heire of the blood Royall to whom of right it descended which Dolman the Priest and soâ— Jesuites opposed in Printed seditious Bookes So the z â— Mariae Parl. 2. c. 2. Articles of Queene Maries marriage with Kâ— Philip were limited appointed and ratified by Parliament And the Imperiall Ecclesiasticall Juâ—diction usurped by the Pope and Prelates hath likewise by a 25 H. 8. c. 19. 21. 26 H. 8 c. 1. 3. 27 H. 8. c. 10. 28 H. 8. c. p. 16. 32 H. 8. c. 22. 24. 29. 31 H. 8. c. 10. 14. 3â— H. 8. c. 29. 34 35 H. 8. c. 17. 19. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 3. 1 Eli. c. 1. 1 E. 6. c. 2. 1 Mariae c. 1. Parl. 2. c. 1. 8 El. c. 1. sundâ—y Statutes beene restored and united to â—â— Crowne and the Title of Supreame head and Supreame Governour in all causes and over all persons Spiriâ— all Ecclesiasticall and Temporall seiled upon our Kings and Queenes Who during their minoriâ—ies have â—â— Guardians and Protectors appointed to them by b Walsingham Hist Angl. H. 5. p. 458. Speed p. 1 108. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 17. 1 E. 6. c. 11. Hals Chronicle 1 H. 6 Parliament to summen Parliaments assent to â—ils and exâ—cute all royall Jurisdiction in their names and steads And aâ— the Title and Right to the Crowne of Englanâ— and the Jurisdiction thereof hath thus from time to time beene decided and setled in and by our Parliâ—ments so hath the Title and Jurisdiction of the Crowne of Scotland beene c Hist Angl. p 16. to 26. 31. to 33 42. 46. to 56. See Holin Grafton Stow Speed in the life of Edward the first â—podigma Neust p. 72. to 96. frequently discussed aâ— setled in our Parliaments upon appeales made to them by the Kings of Scotland and their Corrivals to that Crowâ—â— Witnesse the famous case and competition for that Crown long agitated and resolved in Parliament betweene â—â— King of Norway Bailliol and Bruce to omit others in the Reigne of King Edward the first And â—â—â— King Edwards title to the Crowne of Scotland declared and resolved by our Parliament here All which â—â— Recorded at large by Thomas Walsingâ—am in the life of King Edward the first and in the Parliameâ—â— Rols and Pleas of his Raigne with d 1 Jac. 1. sundry other instances of this nature frequent in our Historian â— whâ—ch for brevity I pretermit It is a e 35 H. 8 c 1 cleare case without dispute that if the King should dye without any Heire the Crowne wouâ— ofcheate to the whole Kingdome and Parliament who might dispose of it in such a case to what persâ—â— they pleased or quite change that forme of government if they saw good cause no particular kinâ— of rule being so simply necessary by any divine right or Law to any state or Kingdome but that as it was â— first instituted so it may in such a case be changed by the whole Kingdomes generall consent upon suffâ—cient grounds This appeares by the case of * Elondus Decad 2. l. 2. Regin l. 2. An. 800 Biâ—â—op Bilson of Christ an Suâ—jection c. part 3. p. 423. Charles the grosse who being deposed from the Empire aâ—â— his Kingdomes for a mad man and dying without any Heire the Kingdomes which before were subject â—â— him Destitute of a right Heire began to fall in sunder on every side and to choose Kings of themselves of anâ—ther Family France elected Charles a childe sirnamed Simple for their King and after his simplicâ—ty displeased them they Crowned Otho Sonne of Robert Duke of Saxony in his place At the same timâ— the people of Italy meaning to have a King of their owne could not agree on the matter but some choâ— Beringarius others Guido and so had two Kings in Italy both calling and bearing themselves as Empâ—rours And the Germanes elected Arnolph Duke of Bavaria for their Emperour Thus * Zonas Annal. Tom. 3. f. 1 26. Grimstons Imperiall History p. 303. Zeno the Emperour dying without any Heire that might succeed him Anastasiuâ— a man of great reputation yet of no Noâ—â— Family was chosen his Successor by the Senate and Legions The like we read of divers other Emperouâ— deâ—easing without Heire of some of our Saxon and British Kings before the Conquest and of otheâ— in other Kingdomes where the Crowne hath beene translated from one family to another by the Kingdomes consent for want of Heires Yea Bishop Bilson 1 The true difference betweene Christian Subjectioâ— and unchristian Rebellion part 3. p. 418. to 422. himselfe though a great Royalist poâ—â—tively affirmes That if a King or right Hâ—ire to any Crowne be borne or becomes a naturall Foole or starâ—mad or run besides himselfe so that he is not able to governe himselfe much lesse his Realme in these â—â— cases ANY REALME BY PUBLICKE CONSENT and ADVICE MAâ— CHUSE ANOTHER KING for what should he doe with a royall Office or by what dâ—vine or humane right can he enjoy a Crowne who is utterly unable to manage it Upon this grounâ— 2 See the generall History of France in his life Sabellicus Ennead 8. l. 8. â— 245 Nâ—uclâ—rus vol. 3. gen 20. Blondus Decad. 1. l. â—â— Aventinus l. 3. p. 293. to 300. Gaguinus l. 3. in Carolo. Mâ—rt Herman Scheâ—â— Chron. Aetas 6 f. 185. King Childericke was deposed by his French and German Subjects generall consents because he was â— â—e a Sot a Beast unable to governe his Kingdome and Pepin of another race elected and crowned King in â—stead which act by Pope Zacharies resolution was adjudged both just and lawfull even in point of â—science before it was put in execution So 3 Goâ—fredus Viterbiensis Chro. pars â—â— col 468 Regino l. 3. An. 887. H. Mutius Germ. Chr. l. 12 Grimstons Imperial History p. 404. Charles the third the last Emperour of Pipins race â—â— deposed from the Empire by the Princes Dukes and Governours of the Provinces of Germany and â—â—ce for that he became foolish and unfit to governe being bereaved of his senses and by common consent â—â—olph was elected Emperour in his stead Thus 4 Euagrius Eccl. hist l. 5. c. 11. 13 Zonaras Annal. Tom. 3. f. 150 151. Eutropius l 16. p. 211. Justinus the second falling into a frensie and madnesse â—hat he had no sense nor understanding of any thing that was done was removed and Tiberius placed â—he Empire at his Coronation Justinus used this notable speech Let not the glory of these Imperiall â—â—es leade thee into errour neither be thou de ceived with the glorious shew of such things as are subject unto the â—â—s wherewith I my selfe now alâ—s being snared have brought my selfe foolishly into grievous torments â—refore in governing the Empire with great moderation and mildnesse of spirit redresse what is amisse and corâ— what I have leudly committed And pointing at his ill Counsellours with