souls they have freely adventured their lives and so carried themselves in all their actions towards you that all their adversaries are not able nor ever were to lay in law my crime to their charge for the redresse of all the foresaid grievances and yet the best recompence you your selves give unto them is to toffe and tumble them yeer after yeer from Gaol to Gaol without laying any crime unto their charge denying them the benefit of their Birth-right the Law of the Land keeping thousands of pounds of their own from them and endeavouring in their long imprisonments to starve and murder them their Wives and Children by being worse then the King was to your Members who allowed them three foure and five pounds a man weekly notwithstanding their own great estates to live upon in allowing them never a penny to live upon endeavouring to protect all those unrighteous men that contrary to Law have endeavouted to murder and destory them and take away their lives and beings from the earth And all this is my own case and sufferings from you your selves Therefore Hear O Heavens and give ear O Earth and the righteous God and all just men judge betwixt â—â— And therefore if there be any truth or resolutions in you to stand to any thing that you say and declare I challenge at your hands the benefis of all your Declarations and Remonstrances which are all of my side and particularly the notablest of Declarations of the 6 of May 1643 and 17 April 1646. which was made before my contest with the Lords in which you declare 2 par Book De. fo 95. 879 that although the necessity of war have given some disturbances to loyall proceedings stopped the usuall course of justice 〈◊〉 the Parliament for the preservation of this right to impose and require many great and unusual payments from the good Subjects of this Kingdom and to take extraordinary wayes for the procuring of monyes for their many pressing occasions It having pleased God to reduce our affaires into a more 〈◊〉 condition then heretofore We do declare that we will not nor any by colour of any authority derived from us shall interrupt the ordinary course of Justice in the severall Court of Judicatures of this Kingdom not intermeddle incases of private interest otherwhere determinable unlesse it be in case of male administration of Justice wherein we shall so provide that right be done and punishment inflicted as there shall be occasion according to the Law of the Kingdom and the trust reposed in us Therefore seeing that you that stile your selvs the fountain and conservaâ—â—ry of the Law first par Book Declar. pag. 272 have declared in answer to the Kings Complaint against scandalous pamphlets which was the originall pretence of the Lords quarrelling with me that you know the King hath wayes enough in his ordinary Courts of Justice to punish such seditious 〈◊〉 and Sermons as are any way prejudiciall to his rights honour and authority pag. 208. and if the King the Superior or Creator of the Lords must be tyed in this case to the ordinary Courts of Justice according to the Laws of the Kingdom then much more the Lords the creature or inferiour to the King And therefore I hope you will not be angry with me for refusing obedience to the illegall commands of the single Lords the inferious or hinder me from obtaining Justice according to Law upon those that most barbarously executed them upon me seeing you and the Lords themselves have taught me and all the people of England disobedience to the illegall commands of the King the greater as cleerly appears by your Declarations of July the 12 July 26 1642. 1 par Book Decl. p. 201. 458. 483. The words of which last are That the Lords and Commons in Parliament do Declare That it is against the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom that any of the Subjects thereof should be commanded or compelled by the King to attend him at his pleasure but such as are bound thereunto by speciall service And if any Messengers or Officers shall by colour of any command from his Majesty or Warrant under his Majesties hand arrest take or carry away any of his Majesties Subjects to any place whatsoever contrary to their wils that it is both against the Law of the Land the Liberty of the Subject and it is to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom and any of his Majestie 's subjects so arrested may lawfully refuse to obey such Arrests and Commands To the same purpose you also were and declare in pag. 93. 95. 112. Therefore seeing the Law of the Land is so often by you declared to be the undoubted Birth-right of me as well as the greatest Lord in England or Parliament man whatsoever I earnestly crave and challenge at your hands as much for my self as you did at and from the hands of the King for the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members Sir John Hothan and the Lord Maior Pennington Alderman Foulke Col. Vean and Col. Manwaring viz. the benefit of the Law of England in the ordinary Courts of Justice which is not to be taken or imprisoned pass'd upon nor condemned but by due Processe of Law before a Justice of Peace according to the Law of the Land and not to be imprisoned but for a particular crime in Law expressed in the Commitment by those that have power in Law to commit me nor to be tried or condemned but by presentment c. before a Jury of twelve men of my Peers or equals of the same Neighbourhood where the fact was committed which is as you declare by Sir Edward Cook in 4 part Institutes fol. 41. the ancient and undoubted Birth-right of all the Subjects of England and to have my remedy at Law against all those that shall deal with me contrary to Law And that you challenged all these things for them before-mentioned you may read in your own Declarations pag. 7. 38. 39. 41. 53. 67. 77. 101. 123. 140. 162. 201. 203. 208. 210. 245. 277. 278. 459. 660. 845. All which I cannot doubt but you will grant unto me because it cannot rationally enter into my brest to conceive that you your selves can judge it consonant to Justice to set me and thousands and ten thousands of the people of the Kingdom to fight at your command for the preservation of our birth-right the Law and then for you to deny it unto us and deprive us of it and to recompence us with slavery which we are in when we lose the benefit of the Law Surely this cannot in honour and justice become you that call your selves the Conservators of the Law But if you shall avowedly deny me the benefit of the Law you frustrate your end in making Judges to be in Westminster Hall to execute the Law and put a mock upon the people and dissolve the whole frame and constitution of the civill Policy of the Government of this
The Legall Fundamentall LIBERTIES OF THE PEOPLE of ENGLAND Revived Asserted and Vindicated OR An EPISTLE written the eighth day of June 1649 by Lieut. Colonel JOHN LILBVRN Arbitrary and Aristocratical prisoner in the Tower of London to Mr. William Lenthall Speaker to the remainder of those few Knights Citizens and Burgesses that Col. Thomas Pride at his late purge thought convenient to leave sitting at Westminster as most fit for his and his Masters designes to serve their ambitious and tyrannical ends to destroy the good old Laws Liberties and Customs of England the badges of our freedom as the Declaration against the King of the 7 of March 1648 pag. 23. calls them and by force of arms to rob the people of their lives estates and properties and subject them to perfect vassalage and slavery as he cleerly evinceth in his present Case c. they have done who and in truth no otherwise pretendedly stile themselves the Conservators of the peace of England or the Parliament of England intrusted and authorised by the consent of all the people thereof whose Representatives by election in their Declaration last mentioned pag. 27. they say they are although they are never able to produce one bit of a Law or any piece of a Commission to prove that all the people of England or one quarter tenth hundred or thousand part of them authorised Thomas Pride with his Regiment of Souldiers to chuse them a Parliament as indeed he hath de facto done by this pretended mock-Parliament And therefore it cannot properly be called the Nations or Peoples Parliament but Col. Pride's and his associates whose really it is who although they have beheaded the King for a Tyrant yet walk in his oppressingest steps if not worse and higher JOHN 7. 51. Doth our Law judge any men before it hear him and know what he doth ACTS 24. 23. And he commanded a Centurion to keep Paul and to let him have liberty and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him although in ver 5. he was accused for a most pestilent fellow and a mover of sedition throughout all the world ACTS 25. 27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable saith the heathen Judge to send a prisoner and not withall to signifie the crimes laid against him ACTS 28. 30. And Paul IN HIS IMPRISONMENT AT ROME UNDER THE HEATHEN PERSECUTORS dwelt two whole years in his own hired house and received all that came in unto him LONDON Printed in the grand yeer of hypocriticall and abominable dissimulation 1649. SIR FOr distinctionâ— sake I will 〈◊〉 stile you Mr. SPEAKER although it be but to Col. Pride's 〈…〉 Parliament sitting at Westminster not the Nation 's for they never gave him Authority to issue out Writs elect or constitute a Parliament for them and you being their mouth I could not think of any man to whom I could better direct my Lines at 〈…〉 in my grâ—â—t Oppressions by You and your Lord and Master CROMVVEL then your self And therefore cannot now chuse but put you in minde That the 4th April 1648. when I was like unjustly to be destroyed by Mr. Oliver Cromwell in my late unjust and tyrannicall Imprisonment in the Tower I writ you a large Epistle and stiled it in print The prisoners Plea for a Habeas corpus in the 9 10 11 12 13 pages of which I positively accuse Mr. Oliver Cromwell for a wilfull murderer and desire you there to acquaint your House therewith who then had some little face of a Parliament stamp upon it and That I would engage upon my life to prove him to be so by Law You your selves in your Declaration of the 4th March 1647. in answer to the Scotch-Commissioners Papers Declare p. 5. 16. that the subduing the enemies forces in the Nation which then were as you there say wholly subdued suppressed though the Parliament keep up an Army in a time of peace when all the ordinary Courts of Justice were open where only and alone all Law and Justice ought to be dispensed to all Englishmen in all cases whatsoever yea even to Soldiers as well as others as in the aforesaid pages and in Mr. Overtons and My printed Epistle to the Generall in Mr. Lockiers behalf of the 27 April 1649. is by Law undeniably proved which Epistle you may read at the last end of the second Edition of my Picturâ— of the 〈◊〉 to of State And yet about or upon the 15 Nov. 1647. your Wâ—re in Hertford-shire He 〈◊〉 wilfully and ofâ—et-malice murdered Rich. Arnell a freeborn Englishman and so shed the bloud of War in the time of Peace which was Joabs case in reference to Abner and Amasa 2 Sam. 3. 27. and 20. 10. of whom when David delivered his charge to his son Salomon he saith thus Moreover thou knewest also what Joab the son of Zervich did to me and what he did to the two Captains of the best of Israel 〈◊〉 Abner the son of Ner and unto Amasa the son of Jother whom he slew and shed the blood of war in peace and put the blood of war upon his girdle that was about his loins and in his shoâ—s that were on his feet Doe therefore saith he recording to thy wisdom and he not his boâ—ry head get down to the grave in peace 1 Kings 2. 5 6. which charge he accordingly performed and so delivered himself and his Fathers house from the guilt of innocent blood ver 29 30 31 32 33. And you may also remember that upon the 19 of Jan. 1647 at your Barr I openly delivered a formal charge or impeachment of high Treason according to your own Ordinances against the foresaid Mr. Oliver Cromwell and his subtil machevilian son-in-Law Mr. Henry Iveton for their notorious doing that in reference to the King for but the petty acting of which in comparison to theirs they impeached Mr. Denzill Hollis Sir Philip Stapleton c. of high Treason as appeareth in their own Book of Declarations pag. 81 82. Article 2 3. and forcibly expunged them your House as Traytors therefore And in the foresaid pages of my plea for a Habeas Corpâ—â—â— I truly acquaint you with the plot and design Master Cromwell laid to take away my life for but a little opposition to the King whose professed and avowed 〈◊〉 he and his The PLEA it self thus followeth May it please this Honourable Committee I Was commanded by you upon Tuesday the 13 day of this present June 1648 to bring in an Answer this day to the Petition and complaint of Henry Wollastone Kepeer of the prison of Newgate in which Petition he complains that I have brought an action at the common Law against him for detaining me in safe custody according to his duty by vertue of a Warrant from the House of Lords and therefore prayes indemnity for his acting therein in obedience to the Authority of Parliament and his trebble damages and that at common Law there may be no further
distruction Again how can Law be maintained when the free execution of Justice in the ordinary course thereof shall be hindered by you which you in your Declaration 23 of October 1642. 1 par Book Declar pag. 656 call the soule and life of all-Laws which ordinary course of Jestice you in your first Remonstrance page 7 call the common birth-right of the Subject of England And therefore 1 par Book Decl. pag. 660 you own it as your duty to use the best of your endeavours that the meanest of the Commonalty may enjoy their own birth-right freedom and liberty of the Lawes of the Land being equally intitled thereunto with the greatest subject and if so how can you in justice and honour or conscience deprive and ebereave me of my birth right the benefit of the Law of the Land in the ordinary course of Justice in the Judicatures thereof who have done no actrons either by Sea or Land but what doth become an honest true-bred Englishman and constantly in the midst of many deaths maintaining the Laws i and Liberties of my Native Country which actions are consonant to the Authority of Parliament and for the service and benefit thereof and therfore I ought not to be molested and troubled therefore especially by you who in your Declarations in the case of the Five Members declare 1 par Boo. Decl. pa. 39. you are very sensible that it equally imports you aswell to see Justice done against them that are criminous as to defend the just rights and Liberties of the Subjects and Parliament of England but if you shall stop my proceedings at Common Law against Master Wollaston the Jaylour of Newgate for keeping me there against Law by the Lords Order You are so far from punishing the criminous that you justifie the wicked and condemn the righteous break all your Oaths Protestations and Covenants that you have taken to maintain the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom and dissolve the whole frame and constitution of the Civill Policy and Government of this Kingdom into the originall Law of Nature which crime you taxe the King with 1 par Book Decl. pag. 690. yea and thereby become destructive to the being of the Common-wealth and the safety of the people the preservation of which is the chief end of the Law the institution of all Government as you declare in your Declarations of the 6 of May 1643 17 April 1647. 2 part Book Decla fol. 95. 879. For the Illustration of which I desire to observe this Method First I averre that the House of Lords have not the Least Jurisdiction in the world over me in the case in controversie betwixt us and I am ready upon my life to make this good by the Laws of the Kingdom against all the Judges and Lawyers in England but I conceive I have already so fully done it in my three pleas against the Lords that they are unanswerable viz. First in my Plea before the Committee of the House of Commons where Master Henry Martin had the Chaire 6 Novemb. 1646. And Secondly in my Plea the 20 of October 1647. before another Committee of the House of Commons where M. Iohn Maynard had the Chaire And Thirdly in my Plea before the Judges of the Kings Bench the 8 of May 1648. all three of which I desire to communicate unto your consideration And if the Lords by Law have no originall Jurisdiction over me then no power to summon me nor no power to try me nor commit me Wherefore M. Wollaston by Law ought to have refused to have received my body or detained it in prison by vertue of their illegall warrant which being both illegall in the power that made it in the forme of drawing it up he is liable to make me satisfaction in Law for executing it which at present I illustrate out of your own Declarations which are the most unanswerable arguments against you that I can use Acts 17 26. Titus 1. 12. And first in your Declaration of the 17 of January 1641. 1 par Book Decl. pag. 38. 39. where speaking of the Five Members you say his Majestic did issue forth severall warrants to divers Officers under his own hand for the apprehension of the persons of the said Members which by Law he cannot do there being not all this time any legall charge or accusation or due processe of Law issued against them or any pretence of charge made known to the House of Commons all which are against the Fundamentall Liberties of the Subjects and the Rights of Parliament Whereupon we are necessitited according to our duty to declare That if any person shall arrest M. Hoâ—â—â— Sir Arthur Haslerig Master Pym Master Hamden Master Strode or any of them or any Member of Parliament by pretence or colour of any warrant issuing out from the King onely is guilty of the breach of the Liberty of the Subject and of the Priviledges of Parliament and a publick enemy to the Common-wealth and that the arresting of the said Members or any of them or any Members of Parliament by any Warrant whatsoever without a legall proceeding against them and without consent of that House whereof such a person is a Member is against the Libertie of the Subject and a breach of Priviledge of Parliament and the person which shall arrest any of these persons or any other Member of the Parliament is declared a publick enemy of the Common-wealth Yea and upon the 15 of January 1641 you voted and ordered a Charge to be brought in against Mr. Atturney General Herbert to require of him satisfaction for his great injury and scandal that particularly be had done to the said Mr. Hollis c. and generally to the publick Justice of the Kingdom in so illegally accusing the foresaid five Gentlemen without due processe of Law as appears in your first part Book Declarat pag. 53. And therefore in your Petition of the 2 Feb. 1641. 1 part Book Decl. 67. you rel the King It is your duty to tell him of the injustice done unto the five Members for impeaching them without due processe of Law and to require reparations for them And therefore in your second Petition of the same month 1 par Book Decl. pag. 76. 77. you tell the King again notwithstanding all your importunity the said five Members and the Lord Kimbolton still lie under that heavie charge of Treason to the exceeding prejudice not onely of themselves but also of the whole Parliament And whereas by the expresse Laws and Statutes of this Realm that is to say by two Acts of Parliament the one made in the 37 and the other in the 38 year of the reign of your most noble Progenitor King Edward the 3 it s said If any person whatsoever make suggestion to the King himself of any souls committed by another the same person might to be sent with the suggestion before the Chancellor or Keeper of the great Seal Treasurer and the great Councel there to finde
In all your Declarations you declare that binding and permanent Laws according to the Constitution of this Kingdom are made by King Lords and Commons and so is the opinion of Sir Ed. Cook whose Books are published by your own Order and who in the 2 part of his Institutes fol. 48. 157 and 3 part fol. 22. and 4 part fol. 23. 25. 48. 292. saith that Act that is made by King and Lords in Law binds not nor by King and Commons binds not or by Lords and Commons binds not in Law if so then much more invalid is the single Order of the Lords made against Law and can indemnifie no man that acts by vertue of it and your Ordinances made this Parliament in time of extream necessitie during denounced Wars are by your selves in abundance of your own Declarations esteemed adjudged declared but temporary and invalid as durable Laws which is evidently cleer out of the 1 par Book Decl. p. 93. 102. 112. 142. 143. 150. 171. 173. 179. 207. 208. 267. 277. 303. 305. 382. 697. 705. 709. 727. your expressions in the last page are we did and doe say that the Soveraign power doth reside in the King and both Houses of Parliament and that his Majesties Negative voice doth not import a Liberty to deny things as he pleaseth though never so requisite and necessary for the Kingdom and yet we did not nor do say that such bills as his Majestie is so bound both in Conscience and Justice to passe shall notwithstanding be law without his consent so far are we from taking away his Negative voice And if such Ordinances and Bills as passe both Houses are not Lawes by your own Doctrine without the Kings Consent then muchlesse can the Order of the single House of Lords be Lawes or supersedeaes to the Lawes And besides when divers honest and well-affected Citizens it may be out of a sensible apprehension of the mischiefs that acrue to the Kingdom by having the Supream authority lodged in three distinct Estates which many times so falls out that when two Estates grant things essentially good for the wellfare of the Kingdom the third Estate opposeth it and will not passe it which many 〈…〉 occasions war and bloud-shed to the hazard of the being of the Kingdom for the preventing of which they framed a Petition to your House Entitling it To the Supream Authority of this Nation the Commons assembled in Parliament in which they intreat you to be careful of the mischief of Negative Voices in any whomsoever which said Petition your House upon the 20 of May 1647. Voted to be burnt at the Exchange and Westminster by the hands of the Common Hangman and lately as I am informed there was a Petition of Master John Mildmans presented to your House and it was rejected by them for no other cause but because it had the foresaid title and therfore you your selves having rejected to be stiled the Supream Authority of this Nation I can see no ground or reason how you can upon your own Principles grant a supersedeas to Master Wollaston to overule my action at law against him and so de facto exercise the Supream Authority which in words you would have the Kingdom beleeve you abhorre neither can I iâ— reason or Justice conceive that if now you should own your selves for the Supream Authority of the Nation and the single and absolute Law-Repealers and Law-Makers thereof how you can deprive me of the benefit of those just Laws viz. Magna Charta Petition of Right and the Act that abolished the Star-Chamber that you have not avowedly and particularly declared to be void null and vacated as never to be in use any more in England Again yet in your Protestation in your Vote and Covenant and in your League and Covenant swore to maintain the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom with your estates and lives and make the Kings Person and Authority but subservient thereunto or dependant thereupon And you have been so zealous to make Votes to disfranchise all those that will not take your Covenant as unfit to bear any Office in the Common-wealth or to give a Vote to chuse an Officer and can it stand with your Justice and Honour to deny me the benefit of that viz the Law which you have been so zealous in forcing the People of England to swear to maintain or can you in Justice and Honor be angry with me for standing for that viz. the Laws and Liberties of England which you have ingaged incited and forced thousands and ten thousands of the people of England to loose their Lives and Blouds for which I amongst others have upon zealous and true principles as hazardously ventured my life for as any man in England O let such an abominable thing be farre from men of honour conscience and honesty and let the fearfull judgments that befell the Hungarians as it were from God from heaven for breaking violating and falling from their faith and Covenant made with Amurah the Second the Sixt Emperor of the Turkes Recorded in the Fourth Edition of the Turkes History sol 267. 269. 273. 277 deterr all Covenant Makers and Covenant takers from breach of their Oaths Covenants and Contracts the breaking of which is highly detested and abhorred of God as a thing that his soul loathe as he declares in Scripture as you may read Exo. 20. 7. Lev. 19. 11 12. Deut. 23. 21 22 23. Psal 15. 4. Eccels 5. 45. Ezek. 17. 13 14 15. 10. 17 18. 〈◊〉 5. 3 4 8. 16. 17. Yea I say let the fearfull judgements wrath and vengeance Recorded by Sir Walter Rawley in his excellent preface to his history of the World that befell Tyrants and Oppressors whoafter they had broke their Oaths Faith Promises and Lawes made with the People and then turned Tyrants deterr you from such practises but especially the fearfull judgments of God that befel the most execrable thirty Tyrants of Athens who after the people of that City had set them up for the Conservators of their Laws and Liberties and who did many things well til they had got power into their own hands which they had no sooner done but they turned it poin blank against the people and fell a murthering robbing spoyling and destroying the innocent people and raised a Guard of three or foure thousand men of their own Mercenary faction whose destruction was fatall by the steeled resolution and valour of seventy faithfull and brave Citizens as you may â—â—ad in Sir Walter Rawleys History Lib. 3. Ch. 9. sec 2 3. Yea the Tyranny of Duke d' Alva cost his Master the King of Spaine the revolt of the Hollanders to his unimaginable losse But to returne did not you and the Lords the other day pass Votes and Communicated them to the Common Councel of London to declare to them and the whole Kingdom you would continue the Government by King Lords and Commons and can it new stand with your Honour and
Justice to goe about to advance a single illegall Order of the Lords above all the Laws made joyntly by you the Lords and King and to make Ciphers of your selves and your House as well as of the King which undeniably you do if you indemnifie Master Wollaston by superseding my action at Common Law against him Again have you not in your Declaration of the 15 of June 1647. in which is contained your Votes to lay the King aside and make no more applications or addresses unto him declared to preserve unto the people their Laws and to governe them thereby sure I am these are your own words having received an absolute denyall from his Majesty The Lords and Commons do hold themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavous speedily to settle the present Government in such a way as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof And can it now stand with your honour and Justice to fall from this and all other your publique Declarations by denying me the benefit of the Law against Master Wollaston that unjustly imprisoned me and Tyrannically and closly imprisoned me to the hazard of my life and being and that by an illegall warrant of the Lords who have no power in Law to commit me or so much as to summon me before them in reference to a tryal much lesse when I do come at their Bar to deal with me like a Spanish Inquisition by examining me upon Interrogatories to insnare my self and refuse to let me see either accuser prosecutor indictment charge or impeachment but presse me againe and again to answer Interogatories against my self and so force me to deliver in a Plea according to my priviledg and the Laws of the Land against their illegall dealings with me and then to wave all pretence of any foregoing crime and commit me the 11 July 1646 to Master Wollaston to New-gate prison during their pleasure for delivering in that my very Plea which hath not a word in it but what is justifiable by Magna Charta and the Petition of Right and then when I am at Newgate by pretence of a Warrant of the 22 of June after for Master Wollaston to cause his servants to break into my Chamber and by force and violence to carry me before the Lords who had nor have no more Jurisdiction over me by the Laws of England to try me passe upon me or condemn me then so many Turks have and when I come there they only look upon me but lay nothing to my Charge neither by word of mouth nor writing but passe an Order in these very words Die Martis 23. Junij Ordered by the Lords assembled in Parliamen That Iohn Lilburn shall stand Committed close Prisoner in th Prison of Newgate And that he be not permitted to have pen ink or paper and none shall have accusse unto him in any kind but his Keeper untill this Court doth take further 〈◊〉 And that is when they 〈…〉 and just which I do confidently beleeve 〈◊〉 never be here is illegall 〈…〉 illegality and Tyranny upon the neck of that and yet Master Wollastone and that Barish fellow Briscoe executed it to the height without any scruple of conscience although they might have as well by vertue of the same Warrant have cut my throat as have used me as they did till the 11 of July 1646. at and upon which day they by force of armes with thirty or forty of the hangmans guard of Halberteers and against all Law and Justice carried me before the Lords upon pretence to hear my Charge read although the Lords had not nor have not in Law the least power in the world to try me or to summon me as hath been notably and undeniably proved in the Case of Sir Iohn Maynard and the four Aldermen in the releasing of whom as the Lords have done if ever they had any Jurisdiction over Commoners in any kind whatsoever they have now 〈◊〉 given it away for they were all impeached by the House of Commons and their impeâ—â—hments transmitted from them before ever they medled with them which I never was and yet flew as high in their Protestations and Declarations against the Lords Jurisdiction over them as ever I did whom notwithstanding for all this without stooping submitting or so much as petitioning the Lords released and of their own accord took all their proceedings against them off the file thereby declaring to the whole Kingdom that their own conscience told them they had no Authority in Law to go about to try them being 〈◊〉 of their Legall Judges though they were impeached by the House of Commons and that they had done nothing but their duty in protesting against them and their Jurisdiction over them Therefore my Lord Munson can it stand with the Justice and 〈◊〉 of your House in your first Remonstrance to the Kingdom pag. 6. to cry 〈◊〉 so bitterly as you do against the Kings Ministers who durst be so bold and presumptuous to break the Laws and suppresse the Liberties of the Kingdom after they had been so solemnly and evidently declared by the Petition of Right by committing divers free men of England to prison for refusing to stoop unto the Commission of Loan whereby many of them contracted such sicknesses as cost them their lives and detaining others close prisoners 〈◊〉 many months together without the liberty of using Books pen ink or pâ—per denying them al the comforts of life all means of preservation of 〈◊〉 nor permitting their Wives to come unto them And for the compleating of that cruelty after yeeres spent in such miserable durance to keep them still in their oppressed condition not admitting them to be bailed according to Law and oppressing and vexing them above measure and the ordinary course of Justice the common birth-right of the Subjects of England wholly obstructed unto them and divers others oppressed by grievous Fines Imprisonments Stigmatizings Mutilations Whippings Pillories Gaggs Confinements Banishments after so rigid a manner as hath not onely deprived men of the society of their friends exercise of their professions comfort of books use of paper or ink but even violated that neer union which God hath established betwixt men and their wivâ—â— by forced and constrained separation whereby they have been bereaved of the comfort and â—â—â—versation one of another Can all these doings be criminous and wicked in the King's Ministers and can your denying of justice for seven yeers together to me that suffered the grievousnesse of these very torments be just and righteous Let God and the world judge whether you by your actions do not justifie all the foregoing unjust proceedings nay and out-strip them in that you your selves do or suffer to be done when you have power enough in your hands to remedy but will not divers of the very self same things to some of the very self same men after in obedience to your commands in the sincerity of their
with in London who chose Colonel Tichburn Colonel Iohn White Master Daniel Taylor and Master Price the Scrivener And for our party there was by unanimous consent of the Agents from our friends in and about London at a every large meeting chosen Master William Walwyn Master Maximilian Peâ—â—y Master Iohn Wildman and my Self and for the honest men of the Parliament as they were called they had severall meetings at the Bell in Kings-street and at Summerset-house where as I was informed they chose Colonel Henâ—y Martyn Colonel Alexander Rigâ—y Master Thomas Challiâ—â— and Master Scâ—t with one or two more to supply the places of those of them that should be absent at any time about their occasioâ—s so when we camâ— to Winsor the Army men had chosen Commissary Generall Iretâ—â— Sir William Constable and as I remember Colonel Tomlinsoâ— Colonel Baxster Lieutenant Colonel Kelsey and Captain Parâ—â—◠〈◊〉 two of the which last 4 should alwayes make up the number so we had a â—â—ting in their Councel-Chamber at the Castle where we were all of all 〈◊〉 present but only the Parliament men for whom only Colonel Mâ—â—â—â—â— appâ—â—ed and after a large discourse about the foundations of our agreement we departed to our Lodging where Colonel Martyn and we four nicâ—-named Lovellers lockt our selves up and went in good earnest to the consideration of of our Agreement but much was not done in it there because of their haâ—â—â—â—â— London to force and breake up the Parliament which Journy at all was very much opposed by M. Waâ—wyn and many reasons he gave against their 〈◊〉 â—â— London at all the absolute desolution of which their friends in the 〈◊〉 would no ways admit of although Ireton Harison c. commonly stiled it 〈◊〉 a Parliament that had forfeited its trust a mock Parliament and that if they did not totally dissolve it but purge it it would be but a mock Parliament and â— mockpower however for where have we say they either law warrant or 〈…〉 purge it or câ—n any thing justifie us in the doing it but the height of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the Kingdom from a new war that they with the conjunction with the 〈◊〉 will presently vote and declare for and to procure a new and free representative 〈…〉 successive and frequent free Representatives which this present Parliament 〈◊〉 never suffer and without which the freedoms of the Nation are lâ—st 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 doing of which can only justifie before God and man ouâ— presâ—â—◠〈◊〉 formr extraordinary actings with and against legall Authority and so all our fighting fruitlesse and this was their open and common discourse 〈◊〉 more of the like nature and to those that objected against their totall â—â—â—â—â—ving or breaking the House and the illegalitie of their intended and 〈◊〉 trying of the King which also was opposed by us till a new and unquestiâ—â—â—ble Representative was sitting as I am able sufficiently by pluralitie of â—â—nesses to prove and justifie yea when they were come to London 〈◊〉 c. and some Members of the House in a Chamber neer the long Gallery iâ— VVhite-hall had a large conference where and to whom he stifly 〈◊〉 the same to their faces calling this Purg'd Parliament a mocks power and 〈◊〉 Parliament which Members I beleeve if there were a necessiry of it I could produce to justifie it for I am sure one of them told me the substance of all the discourse immediatly after it happened So that if it be treason to 〈…〉 a Pretended Parliament a mockpower a mock Parliament yea and to say in 〈◊〉 English that it is no Parliament at all then they themselves are the prâ—â—â— the 〈◊〉 and originall traytoâ—â— and if this be true as true it is then there 〈…〉 Legall Judges nor Justices of Peace in England and if so then all those 〈…〉 executed at Tiburne c. by their sentences of condemnations given against them â—â— meerly marthered and the Judges or Justices that condemned the◠〈◊〉 liable in 〈◊〉 〈…〉 and that justly therefore for acting without a just and â—â—gall â—â—â—mission either from true Regall or true Parliamentary power see for this purpose the notable arguments in the 13 14 but especially 15 page of the second Edition of my late picture of the Councell of State But to 〈◊〉 to our acting to compleat the Agreement all parties chosen of all sides â—â—â—stantly mett at White-hall after the Army came to town saving the Parliament men failed only Master Mortin was most commonly there and a long and â—â—dious â—ug we had with Commissary Generall 〈◊〉 only yea 〈◊〉 whole nights together Principally about Liberty of Câ—â—sciâ—â—â—â— and 〈◊〉 Parliaments punishing where no law provides and very angry and Lordly in his debates many times he was but to some kind of an expedient in the first for peace sake we condescended in to please him and so came amongst the major part of the 16 Commissioners according to our originall Agreement to an absolute and finall conclusion and thinking all had been done as to any more debate upon it and that it should without any more â—doe be promoted for subscriptions first at the Councell of Warre and so in the Regiments and so all over the Nation but alas poor fools we were meerly cheated and cozened it being the principall unhappinesse of some of us as to the flesh to have our eyes wide open to see things long before most honest men come to have their eyes open and this is that which turns to our smart and reproach and that which we Commissioners feared at the first viz. that no tye promises not ingagements were strong enough to the grand Juglers and Leaders of the Army was now made cleerly manifest for when it came to the Councel there came the Generall Crumwell and the whole gang of creature Colonels and other Officers and spent many dayes in taking it all in pieces and there Ireton himself shewed himself an absolute King if not an Emperor against whose will no man must dispute and then â—â—ittlecock 〈◊〉 their Scout Okey and Major Barton where Sir Hardresâ—e VVaâ—â—er sate President begun in their open Councell to quarrell with us by giving some of us base and unworthy language which procured them from me a sharpe retortment of their own basenesse and unworthinesse into their teeth and a CHALLENG from my selfe into the field besides seeing they were like to fight with us in the room in their own Garison which when Sir Hardresse in my eare reproved me for it I justified it and gave it him again for suffering us to be so affronted And within a little time after I took my leave of them for a pack of dissembling juggling Knaves amongst whom in consultation ever thereafter I should scorn to come as I told some of them for there was neither saith truth nor common honesty amongst â—hem and so away I went to those that chose and trusted me and gave publikely and effectually at a set meeting appointed on purpose to
causes of it both in King and Parliament There being not one word in the Act that authoriseth the two Houses to be a constant and perpetuall Parliament which was never so much as intended nor pretended and which if in the Act it had been absolutely declared it had been a void and a null Act in it self as being both against the nature of the Kings trust and Yours which as in your Book of Decl. part 1. pag. 150. you declare is to provide for the peoples weal but not for their woe for their better being but not for their worse being For your Interest and the Kings both being Interests of Trust as your Declarations do plentifully and plainly declare 1 part Book Decl. pag. 206. 266. 267. 382. but especially your present Junto's late Declaration against the late beheaded King and Kingly Government of the 17 of March 1648. pag. 2. 11 13. 15. 16. compared with 24. 25. 27. And all Interests of trust whatsoever are for the use of others and cannot nor ought not to be imployed to their own particular nor to any other use saving that onely for which they are intended according to the condition and true intent thereof 1 part Book Dec. pag. 266. 267. 700. And your trust is onely for the good of the Nation which is the principall or onely end of all Government in the Nation as you confesse in your foresaid Declaration of March 17 pag. 6. and in 2 part Book Decl. pag. 95. 879. And therefore if you had put the King upon such an Act as the establishing of a perpetuall Parliament you had thereby destroyed frequent successive and annually chosen Parliaments for which you had been Tâ—aytors in the highest nature to your trust in destroying the very PILLARS LIFE MARROW and SOUL OF ALL THE PEOPLES LIBERTIES for the presentation of which they chose you and which would shortly bring in as is too evident â—â— this day greater disorders confusions and tyrannies then ever were in all the Kings Reign before and so wholly and fully make your selves guilty of that which he was but in part viz. the establishing of a perfect Tyranny by Law an everlasting Parliament being ten thousand times worse then no Parliament at all for no such slavery under the cope of heaven as that which is brought upon the people by pretence of Law and their own volâ—â—tary 〈◊〉 and no greater Treason can there be in the world committed then for â—â— iâ—teressed Power to keep their Commission longer then by the letter equitie or intention of their Commissions their Masters really intended they should especially when it is kept by force of Arms to the Masters hurt and the danger of his total destruction for the meer advancement of their servants and their Associates all which is the case of your pretended Parliament whereof you are now Speaker and that you were never intended to sit so long as you have done nor to be everlasting I shall here recite the Act it self â—â—â—batim the onely and alone pretence of a Commission you have and then take it in pieces by paraphrasing upon it The Act it self thus followeth Anno XVII CAROLI Regis An ACT to prevent inconveniences which may happen by the untimely Adjourning Proroguing or Dissolving of this present PARLIAMENT WHereas great Summs of money must of necessity be speedily advanced and provided for the relief of his Majestie 's Army and people in the Northern parts of this Realm and for the preventing the imminent danger this Kingdom is in and for supply of other his Majesties present and urgent occasions which cannot be so timely effected as is requisite without credit for raising the said moneys which credit cannot be obtained until such obstacles be first removed as are occasioned by fears jealousies and apprehensions of divers of his Majesties loyall Subjects that this present Parliament may be adjourned prorogued or dissolved BEFORE JUSTICE SHALL BE DULY EXECUTED UPON DELINQUENTS publick Grievances redressed a firm Peace betwixt the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before sufficient provision be made for the repayment of the said moneys so to be raised All which the Coâ—â—â—â—â— in this present Parliament assembled having duly considered do therefore humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty that it may be declared and enacted And be it declared and enacted by the King our Soveraigâ— Lord with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by the Authority of the same That this present Parliament now assembled shall not be dissolved unlesse it be by Act of Parliament to be passed for that purpose nor shall be at any time or times during the continuance thereof prâ—rogued or adjourned unlesse it be by Act of Parliament to be likewise passed for that purpose And that the House of Peers shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament be adjourned unlesse it be by themselves or by their own Order And in like manner That the House of Commons shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament be adjourned unlesse it be by themselves or by their own Order and that all and every thing or things whatsoever done or to be done for the adjournment proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this present Act shall be utterly void and of none effect The true intent and meaning of this Act in the Framers Makers and Contrivers of it was meerly to secure their sitting for some reasonable time that so they might be able to apply fit plasters to the great sores of the Nation and not be broken up suddenly before they had applyed them to the soâ—es and laid them on and their fear was the King would as he used to do dissolve them suddenly security from which was their onely end in procuring this Act and not in the least to make this a perpeâ—uall Parliament which I demonstrate thus First A perpetual Parliament is repugnâ—nt to the Act made this Parliament for a Triennial Parliament which in your Declarations is so highly extolled after the making of both the Acts for how can every three yeers a Parliament be begun if this be perpetuall which by the Act may be so if the two Houses please But in all the Act there is not one word of the anâ—iâ—ilating or repealing of the Act for a Tâ—iennâ—all Parliament which if it had been intended it would have mentioned and not left such a businesse of consequence in any doubtfulnesse whatsoever and the not mentioning of it is a cleer declaration to all the Readers of it That their designe solely in the last Act was onely to secure themselves from the Kings sudden and quick dissolving them at his wil and pleasure And therefore Secondly In Law according to the constitution of ouâ— Parliaments an Adjournment of the Parliament makes no Session howbeit before the Adjournment the King gives his affent to some Biâ—s as is plain out of Cookâ— 4 Instit chap. High Court
and the â— part Cooks Reports in Dr. Boâ—hams case See the Army Book Declarat pag. 35. â—9 61. 63. 143. First therefore let us begin with Common Right and we shall easily see this perpetuall Act is against that For it is against common Right that indebted men as most if not all Parliament men arâ— should not pay their debts Or that if any Member of â—â—â—liament do any of the People of England wâ—ong as daily they do by unjust and 〈◊〉 râ—â—â—ble 〈◊〉 of him oâ— them of hiâ— laâ—d or dispâ—ssessing him of his goods 〈…〉 of his fame or doing violence to his person by beating wounding or imprisoning c. that 〈◊〉 sons during their lives by a priviledge of Parliament that was intentionally 〈◊〉 and just in its institution when Parliaments were often and short should be 〈◊〉 and sâ—â—â—red from all manner of question at the Law by any parties so wronged by them is absolutely against common Right Nay and more That this should extend 〈◊〉 â—â—ltitudes of persons besides that are their servants or attendants and also that any oâ— all of these shall have the benefit of the Law in any Court of Justice in England at their pleasure against any man whom they shall pretend wrongs them are such transâ—â—deâ—â— and grievous enormities that common Right abhors and yet this with a thousand 〈◊〉 as much more as bad as these are the fruits of a perpetuall Parliament if they please which tends to the utter destruction of all mens Actions reall personall or mixt who have â—o do with Parliament men as appears expresly by the Statute of Limitations of the aâ— of James chap. 16. which strictly confines all manner of Suits to be commenced within 〈…〉 after the occasion given Secondly For common Reason Parliaments were ordained and instituted as is before truly and legally declared for remedies to redresse publick and capitall grievâ—â—ces thâ—◠〈◊〉 where else could be redressed but it is against reason and the very end of the Institution of Parliament that Parliaments should make and create multitudes of publike and insufferable grievances The law of the Land allowes no protection for any maâ— iâ—ployed in the service of the Kingdom but for a yeer at most as to be free from Suiâ—s and in many Suits none at all howbeit he be in such services But a perpetuall 〈◊〉 may prove a protection in all manner of wickednesse and misdeaâ—â—eanours 〈◊〉 against other men not of the Parliament amongst any of whom they may piâ—k and chuse whom they please to ruinate and destroy and that noâ— for a yeer but for ever which is against all manner of Reason or the shadow or likenesse of it And therefore a◠〈◊〉 Sir Henry Vane said against Episcopal Government in the beginning of his larg◠〈◊〉 of the 11 of June 1641 now in print at a Committee for passing the Bill against â—â—â—â—pall Government so say I of an everlasting or of any Parliament that shall do 〈◊〉 you have done in largely sitting beyond the time of your Commission c. That 〈…〉 thing is destructive to the very end for which it should be and was constituted to be 〈…〉 onely so but does the quite contrary as your House in every particular doth cerâ—aiâ—ly we have cause sufficient enough to lay it aside and not onely as uselesse in that it 〈…〉 its end But is dangerous in that it destroyes and contradicts its end Thirdly For Impâ—ssibilitie The death of thâ— King in law undisputably dissolves the Parliament spoken of in the foresaid act which is pretended to be perpetuâ—ll for 〈◊〉 Writ of Summons that is directed to the Sheriffs by vertue of which Parliâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 are chosen runs in these words King Charles being to have conference and 〈…〉 c upon such a day about or concerning as the words of the Tâ—ieâ—â—â—ial Act hath it the high and urgent affairs concerning his Majestie and he writes US the State and the 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom and Church of England But I would fain know how it's possiblâ— for a Parliament to confer or treat with King CHARLES now he is dead it 's impossible Seâ— 2 H. 5. Cook in Parl. 3. part And therefore the whole current of the Law of England yea Reason it self from the beginning to the end is expresly That the Kings death doth ipso facto dissolve this Parliament though it had been all the time before 〈◊〉 so intire and unquestionable to that very hour and it must needs be so he being in Law yea and by the authority of this very Parliament stâ—led the head the begiâ—â—ing and end of Parliâ—ments See Coâ—ks 4 part Institutes fol. 1. 3. Mr. Pyâ—â—'s for 〈…〉 Straâ—â—ord pag. 8. S. John's forementioned argument against Strafford pag. 42. And therefore as a Parliament in lâ—w 〈◊〉 begin without the 〈…〉 in it 〈◊〉 person 〈◊〉 representatives Cook ibid. so 6. so it is posâ—â—ively 〈◊〉 by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereby not only the true declared but intended end of their assembling which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and confer with King CHARLES is ceased and thereby a final â—nd is put 〈◊〉 the means that are appointed to attain unto that end And therefore it is as 〈◊〉 for this Parliament or any Parliament to continue as long as they please aâ— for a Parliament to make King Charles alive again Fourthly For Repugnancy That which is but for a time cannot be affirmed to have continuance for ever it is repugnant but this Parliament in the intention of the makers of the Act was to be but for a time not above a yeer at most after the dâ—â—e of the Act as is before proved and declared from their own words And therefore it cannot be reputed perpetual for there is a repugnancy betwixt them Again The King's Writ that summoned this Parliament is the Basis in law anâ— Foundation of this Parliament If the Foundation be destroyed the Parliament falls But the Foundation of it in every circumstance thereof is destroyed And therefore the thing built upon that Foundation must needs fall It is both a Maximâ— in Law and Reason But if it be objected The Law of Necessity requires the continuance of the Parliament against the letter of the Law I answer First It s necessrry to consider whether the men that would have it continue as long as they please be not those that have created the necessities on purpose that by the colour thereof they may make themselves great and potent and if so then that Objection hath no weight nor by any rules of Justice can they be allowed to gain this advantage by their own fault as to make that a ground of their justification which is a great part of their offence And that it is true in it self is so obviouâ— to every unbiased knowing eye it needs no illustration but if it shall be denyed by any of their pens if God please to give further opportunity I shall prove it to the full Secondly I answer There can no necessity be pretended that can be
shall mâ—ch rather wish That the Authority of this Kingdom in Parliament rightly constituted that is freely equally and successively chosen according to its orteinall intention may ever stâ—nd and â—ave its â—ourse And therâ—fore we shall apply our selves chiefly to such things â—â— by having Parliaments setled in such a right constitution nay give most hopeâ— of Justice and Rightâ—ousnesse to flow down equally to all in that its Ancient châ—â—nell without any overtures tending either to OVERTHROW that â—â—undation of Order and Government in this Kingdom or TO INGROSS THAT POWER FOR PERPETUITY INTO THE HANDS OF ANY PARTICULAR PERSONS OR PARTY WHATSOEVER And for that purpose though as we have found it doubted by many men minding sincerely the publique good but not weighing so fully the consequences of things it may and is not unlike to prove that the ending of this Parliament and the election of a New the constitution of succeeding Parliaments as to the persons Elected may prove for the worse many weyes yeâ— since neither in the present purging of this Parliament nor in the Election of a New we can promise to our selves or the Kingdom and asurance of Justice or other positive good from the bands of men but those who for present appear most righteous and most for common good having an unlimited power fixed in them duâ—ing life or pleasure in time may become corrupt or settle into parties or factions or on the otherside in case â—f new Elections those that should succeed may prove as bad or worse then the former We therefore humbly coâ—ceive that of two inconveniences the lesse being to be chosen the main thing to be intended in this case and beyond whiâ—h humane providence cannot reach as to any assurance of positive good seem to be this viz to provide that however unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament men in present or future may prove or whatever ill they may doe to particular parties or to the whole in particular â—â—ngs during their respective termes or periods yet they shall not have the temptation of an â—â—â—imited power fixt in them during theâ—r owne pleasures whereby to perpetuate injustice or oppression upon any without end or remedy or to advance and uphold any one particular party faction or interest whatsoever to the oppression or prejudice of the Community and the enslaving of the Kingdom unto all posterity but that tâ—e people may have an equall hope or possibility if they have made an â—ll choice at one time to mend it in another and the Members of the House themselves may be in a capacity to taste subjection as well as rule and may be so inclined to consider of other mens cases as what may come to be their own Thus we speake in relation to the House of Commons as being intrusted on the Peoples behalfe for their interest in that great and supreme power of the Common wealth viz. the Legislative power with the power of finall Judgement which being in its own nature so arbitrary and in a manner unlimited unlesse in point of 〈◊〉 is most unâ—it and dangerous as â—o the peoples interest to be 〈◊〉 in the 〈…〉 the saâ—e men during life or their own pleasures Neither by the originall 〈◊〉 of this State was it of ought to continue so nor does it wherever it is 〈◊〉 continues soe render that staâ—e any better then a meeâ— tyranny or the people subjected to it any better then vassals But in all States where there is any fâ—â—â— of common freedom and particâ—larly in this State of England as it is most evidâ—â—◠〈…〉 many positive laws and ancient constant custome the people have a right to 〈…〉 successive Elections unto that great and supream trust at certain 〈…〉 time which is so essentiall and fundamentall to their freedom as it is â—â—not or not to be denied them or witheld from them and without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England Yet in this we could not be understood in the least to blame 〈◊〉 worthies of both Houses whose zeale to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation did 〈◊〉 that Act for the continuance of this Parliament wherby it was secured from 〈◊〉 dissolved at the Kings pleasure as former Parliaments had been or reduced to 〈◊〉 a certainâ—y as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the Liberties of this Nation immediately before so highly invaded and then also so 〈◊〉 â—â—dangered and those we take to be the principâ—ll ends and grounds for which 〈…〉 exigency of time and affairs it was procured and to which we acknowledge it hath happily been made use of but we cannot thinke it was by those Worthies intended or ought to be made use of to the perpetuating of thâ—â—â—â—pream trust and power into the persons of any during their owne 〈◊〉 or deb arring of the people from their right of elections totally new But it here it should be objected although the King be dead yet the Parliament 〈◊〉 altered the Government into a Common-wealth and so may if they please chaâ—â—e the Constitution of Parliaments To which I answer Fiâ—st that those company of men at Westminster that gâ—â—e Commission to the High Court of Justice to try and behead the King c. were â—o more a Parliament by Law nor a Representative of the people by the rules of Justice and Reason then such a company of men are a Parliament or Representative of the People that a company of armed Theeves chuse and set apart to try judge 〈◊〉 hang oâ— behead any man that they please or can prevail over by the power of their swords to bring before them by force of arms to have their lives taken away by preâ—â—â—ce of Justice grounded upon rules meerly flowing from their wils and swords for I would fain know any Law in England that authoriseth a company of Servants to punish oâ— correct their Masters or to give a Law unto them or to throw them at their pleasure out of their power and set themselves down in it which is the Armies case wiâ—â—â—â—e Parliament especially at THO. PRIDES late Purge which I call and will 〈◊〉 to be an absâ—lute dissolution of the very essence and being of the House of 〈◊〉 and I would fain see any Law or Reason in Writing or Print to justifie thâ—â— a 〈◊〉 upon my other aâ—â—â—unt then in hindering them from raising a new Warr and froâ— destroying he peoples Liberties by their eternall sitting seeing they keep their power â—â—â—ger by faâ— then their Masters or impowers the people intended they should and also employ it to their mischief by hindering them I mean those that had not acted agaiâ—â—â— the Liberties of the Parliament entering into a mutuall engagement to appoint 〈◊〉 whereby to chuse seeing they cannot all meet in one place themselves and iâ—power new Trustees Commissioners or Representoâ—s to make equall and just Lawes to biâ—â— all and provide for their future well-being there being
three quarters of four of the House of Commons and so committed the affairs of Parliament to a few which was never intended by the iâ—powerers but hath always been holden to be against the honor and dignity of a Parliment and that no such Commission can or ought to be granted no not by a â—egall Aâ—â—hâ—rity if self see 4 part Cooks Institutes fol 42. chap. High court of Parliament and send whom of them he pleaseth to prison without charge or declared crime and to stand at the House door in a warlike posture with Swords and Muskets to keep ouâ— whomsoever he pleased against the Law and constitutions of Parliaments which â—ught 〈◊〉 Sit free from the force of Armed men 4 part Institut and let none goe into the House bâ—â— only those that he knew or did beleeve would vote AS HE AND HIS Masters WOULD HAVE THEM For shame let no man be so audaciously and sottishly void of reason as to call Tho. Prides pittifull Junâ—o a Parliament especially those that called avowed protested and declared again and again those to be none thâ—t sate at Westminster the 26 and 27 c. of July 647. when a few of their Members were seared away to the Army by a few houres Tumult of a â—ompany of a few disordred Apprentices And being no Representative of the people no nor so much as a thadow of it much lesse a PARLIAMENT with pretence in Law reason Justice or Naâ—â—â—e can there be for them to alter the constitution of successive and frequent Parliaments and force upon the people the shew of their own wils lusts and pleasures for Laws and rules of Government made by a pretended everlasting nulled Parliament a Councel of State or Star-chamber and a Councel of War or rather by Fairfâ—â— Cromwell and Ireton And so much for my unsati â—â—ednesse in the present Authoritie But secondly In case the Justices either in Law or by reason of the power that now rules England had to my understanding been a thousand times lesse unquestionable then it is and had neither against the rules of reason ejected two parts of three to set up themselves nor outstrip'd its Commission in sitting longer then they should nor never had been forced onâ—e by the Apprentices which the Army called and declared Treason â—nd thâ—se that remained a mock and pretended Parliament and if so theâ— it was dissolved â—â—ing sine die and could legally meet no more at all nor once forced by the Army and then the second time not onely forced but pick'd and culled and one of four left behinde by means of which it was totalâ—y dâ—stroyed and annâ—h lated and none left in a manner but such as â—ould dâ— what those that left them would have them I say if none of all this had been I could not with freenesse of my own spirit live upon the sweat of poor peoples brows by a large Salary for my place who are â—â—in now their Trades are gone their estates spent for the intâ—â—â—ed recovering of their freedoms of which notwithstanding they are cheated and that by their pretended friends and a famine come upon some parts of the Land and thousands ready to starve to pay taxations and Excise for the small beer they drink and the poor clothes they wear thousands of Families having never a penny in the world to buy bread for them their wives and children but what they earn with the sweat of their brows and notwithstanding are almost as much without work as without it and yet out of the bowels and pining bellies of these poor people in this sad and deplorable condition must my salary have come in case I had taken a publick place upon me Therefore when I seriously consider how many men in the Parliamenâ— and else-where of their associates that judge themselves the onely Saints and godly men upon earth that have considerable and some of them vast estates of their own inheritance and yet take five hundred one two three four five six thousand pounds per annum salaries and other comings in by their places and that out of the too much exhausted publick Treasury of the Nation when thousands not onely of the people of the world as they call them but also of the precious and redeemed Lambs of Christ are ready to sterve for want of bread I cannot but wonder with my self whether they have any conscience at all within them or no and what they think of that saying of the Spirit of God That whoso hath this worlds good and seeth his brother hath need and shutteth up his bowles of compassion from him which he absolutely doth that any way takes a little of his little from him how dwelleth the love of God in him 1 John 3. 17. These actions and practiceâ— are so far from being like the true and reall children of the most high that they are the highest oppression theft and murder in the world thus to rob the poor people in the day of their great distresse by Excise Taxations c. to maintain their pomp superâ—â—uities and debauchery and many of those from whom they take it do perish and sterve with want and hunger in the mean time and be deaf and adamant hearted to all their TEARS CRYâ—S LAMENTATIONS and MOURNFUL HOWLING GROANS without all doubt these pretended godly religious men have got a degree beyond those Atheists or fools that say in their hearts There is no God Psal 14. 1. and 53. 1. And these are my reasons with my resolvednesse of walking by a known rule amongst men the declared Law of England for not taking a publick place upon me though I have often been profâ—ered considerable ones yea that very fore-noon the Votes of Treason passed in the House against that honest Book or Addresse for which I am imprisoned called THE SECOND PART OF ENGLAND's NEW CHADâ— DISCOVERED In the third place I considered with my self that seeing I could do neither of those then I must do one of these two first â—ither â—ollow a Trade or else Go and bâ—y 〈◊〉 farme some Land in the Country and when I considered the grand oppressions there as by Tythes which is not onely annually the tenth part of the Husband mans profâ—t to the lazy antichristian time observing Priests but annually the fourth part of his increase labour hâ—zards yea and stock too which Tythes I should sooner 〈…〉 then pay and not onely so but also the Taxations and Excise with that un 〈◊〉 gulf of free-quarter by means of which a great Officer that bore me a spleen amongst whom I have enemies enough with a Pegiment or more or fewer in two or three nights with free-quarter might eat me by force of arms out of house and home and so not only waste the increase but also destroy the principall And so for these â—â—sons I was blocâ—t ost from going to live in the Country Then secondly for a Trade I must either follow it in London or in some other Corporation and in another
Corporation although the King the root and 〈◊〉 of them be destroyed and although I am not onely a Native and free Denizen of England and served many yeers to learn a Trade in London yet in any considerable Corporation in England can I not with indrustry be suffered to follow a Trade or Merchandizing to get me bread unlesse I be a Free man thereof yea Newcastle the chiefest place in my eye being nigh the aboad of my Father and kindred is so grand iâ—haunsing a Monopolâ—zer that it monopoliseth the River of Time yea and the 〈◊〉 for seven miles distance although it can produce neither Law nor Reason therefore 〈◊〉 onely a large bribing purse of the whole Corporation which they in that Town say is so heavie it will break any private particular mans back which yet I should 〈◊〉 have feared had there been any equall Law to have been had from the Administration thereof in any of the Courts of Justice in England being as well able at least in my own thoughts to plead my own case in Law at any Bar against an inhaunsing Corporation or a Patentee Monopolizer both of which are against the fundamentall Lawâ— and Liberties of England as is notably proved by Cook in his exposition of the 〈◊〉 of Monopolies 3 part Instit fol. 181. 182. c. as any Lawer in England it being 〈◊〉 undoubted right both by Law See 28. Ed. 1. chap. 11. and the Statute that abolished the Star-chamber and Reason to plead mine own cause or any of my friends that will 〈◊〉 and trust me 〈◊〉 any Barristers in the Nation which I will publickly dispute with 〈…〉 any day in the week and for the unjustnesse of Corporations and Monopolies 〈◊〉 are both sons of one father read my forementioned Book called Innocency and Truth jâ—stified from the 46 page to the 63. and my book called Londons Liberties in 〈…〉 covered but especially pag. 21. 22. 36. 38. 41. 43. 44 45. to 58. And my second part of it called Londons Charters pag. 36. 37. to 64. So being for the foregoing reasons block'd off from following a Trade any where else but in or about London where I had the choiâ—â— of three things First Either to set up a Shop in the City which I was staved off from for these Reasons First Because the Court of Aldermen are so oppressive in their Government of the City setting up their own wills humours and irrational ridiculous Customs above both the Law Reason and their own Charters which I knowing so well as I do and which is pretty well anatomized in my foresaid Books I should never bear and so â—e continually in broils which was my earnest desire to avoid Secondly A man cannot well keep any considerable Trade iâ— a Shop but he mâ—st trust much which I man many times hazard the losse of especially in these impoâ—â—ishing times or else to Lâ—w for it which I never loved never having had two Sâ—its in my life that I can remember not onely for the jâ—ngling part of it but also for the tedious chargeable intricate hazardous uncertainty of the proceedings therein as the Judges on purpose have made it to get money for being often in company with an able and a very honest man for a Lawyer with other understanding friends where we 〈◊〉 â—ouble discourses of the abuses of the Law which were particularly instanced to be many I took special notice of two things he often averred to his praise I speâ—â— it besides the proceeding for the most part in an unknown tongue and an unlegible hand as write c. which two things were these that he would make good First According to the practice in Westminster Hall If a man lent another man 100 l. 500 l. or 1000 l. c. and had as good security as any in England can give yet when the day of payment comes if the party be a crafty bâ—ffling man and have a good purse he shall keep a man in the Courts in Westminster Hall three or four yeers in suit let him do the worst he could before he could get his money nay nor never shall get it neither unlesse he have a purse also able in some reasonable measure to bold pace with him but in case in any of that time by sicknesse losse or other câ—suaâ—ties he happen to fall poor and so not able in money to pay fees c. it s lost for ever besides all this the hâ—zards he runs are sufficient by being betrayed bought and sold by his Solicitor or Atturney c. Besides the danger of common Knights of the post to swear the money 's paid c. Secondly He did averre that he would make it good before the Speaker at the Bar of the House of Commons upon his life that for the Chancery which trades men upon book accounts c. are subject often to use and there is not a decree of 100l from one yeares end to the other made in that Court but jumbling all the decrees together one with another some suits holding 10 15 20 30 yeares nay some above but first and last it costs the Pâ—â—intief 500l for eveey hundred pound decreed one with another O brave honest and reforming Parliament who in three dayes might mend all this easily and plainly by a County record by which a Suit never need to be of a months continuance and for which thâ—y have often been Petitioned but yet will not but suffer it to continue worse then they found it for all their great promises in their first Remonstances c. to the contrary yea and give their Judges their places freely and 1000l per annum out of the Coâ—mon-wealths mony besides all their illegall and unfâ—domable fees whereas in the Kings time they had but 200 l. per annum sallery and their fees and most commonly paid 5 6 7 8 9000 l for their places an yet were every whit as just as these are for any thing that over I could hear of to to the contrary and I think I have enquired as diligently into both as any one private man in England hath done so for these reasons I durst not meddle with a shop in London And then in the next place having multitudes of acquaintance both in City and Country I had thoughts out of the Cities Freedom to turn Soap-boyler being a good trade and most vendible for ready mony and in it I met with these discouragements viz. First That there are new Monopolies upon some of the principall materials that makes them double prised to what they used to be which most commonly are all imported from beyond seas as oyl tallow and pot-ashes for which is paid both custome and Excise yea and for the very coles that boyles them 4 or 5s in a Chaldron and scarce any thing free from Excise that belongs to it or to the backs or bellies of the men that work it but the very water and yet notwithstanding when it is boyled and all hazard run as
fourth generation God gave the Crown of Israel for JEHU doing well in executing that which was right in his eyes in uttâ—â—â—y â—â—ing of the house of AHAB for their â—loâ—dtâ—irâ—â—y wiâ—kedness according to the heart and miâ—â— of God vers 13. brought such plagues upon him and his people that they became a spoil to all their neighbours which made their afflâ—ction very bitter insomuch that there was not any shut up 〈◊〉 any left nor any helper for Israel chap. 14. 26. And as JEHU to the eyes of men conspired against his Master and killed him being but a Captain in Israâ—l so Shalum the son of JABESH conspiâ—ed against the last of his race and smote him before the people and slâ—w him and raigned in his stead Chap. 15. 10. but because those that followed after took no waâ—ning by the righteons and grievous punishment of their predecessors for their wickeâ—nesse to wâ—lk righteously and justly before the Lord Therefore he made theiâ— Râ—ignes very mort and full of blood and bitter affliction and brought their heads to their graves most commonly by Conspiracy and that many times of their SERVANTS CAPTAINS as the sequel of the Story shews And in my Observations and private discourses at Westminster I apparently found it to be as I feaâ—ed their main endevours being closely carryed on to perpetuate this Parliament for ever and by it a new and then endevoured to be erected Councell of State and the Councell of Warr for the future by the rules of their wills to govern this declared Free Nation arbitrarily and to make some Grâ—nd examples of â—error as that none for time to come should dare to stir Which I there cleaâ—ly saw to my vexation and trouble but was inwardly forced to bite my lip and be silent but that which perplexed me most was that I found promotion and promised hopes of honour and gain had very much changed the principles and cool'd the zeal of three or four of my familiar acquaintance and bosome friends â—â—at not long before had been visibly and frequently the valia west stoutest ablest Champions for Englands Libeâ—â—ies and Freedomes that I know in the Nation some of whom very fairly and smoothly dealt often with my self to be as prudent and wise in acceptation of the favours and familiar respects of great men as they had done and at my coming to town Duke Hamilton and the stout Lord Capel c. had newly entred upon the stage for the tryal of their lives and I confess I was exceeding curious in satisfiing my self about the manner of dealing with them and so up into the court I got and heard the begining of their defence â—nd afterwards went and spoke with them looking upon them as part of the people of England unto whom if any injustice was done it became a pâ—esident to destroy me or the most righteous man in England if the swaying faction pleased and sâ—eâ—ng thesâ—mâ—nâ—a knowledg themselves subject â—â— the penal part of the Law as well as the directive part which the King never did but to his dying hour maintained those two most ABOMINABLE AND ALL HUMAINE SOCIETY-destâ—oâ—ing 〈◊〉 viz. that he was accoâ—â—table to no power on earth but God a one as to punishment for any of his actions though never so wicked And secondly that the â—eople have no share â—n Government I thought my self and the liberties of my native Country concerned in the manner of their trial though I neither theâ— nor now liked the cause in whiâ—h they iâ—gaâ—ed as knowing and seeing very well when the hedges and freedoms of our liberties and freedoms have but a gape broken downe in them it is likely in time not only to become a path but â— high 〈…〉 to let in such an inundation of illegalities and arbitrarits as shall overâ—â—ow all and 〈◊〉 downe all underfoot which is plainly to be read in Sit Walter Kâ—â—leys 〈◊〉 Hâ—story of the Thirty grand Tyrants of Athens in his History of the World lib. chap. 9. 〈◊〉 2. â—ol And which in time might become a meanes to pervert all the whole 〈◊〉 of the whole English Government of which my mind being full I argued thâ—â— with my sâ—lâ—e 〈…〉 be these mens lives they would have right or wrong then they should have killed them in the heat of bloud and not have given them quarter or after quarter given 〈◊〉 notwithstanding broke and so have dispatched them by shooting or otherwise killing them in their Chambers or the like but to reserve them many months together alive and bâ—ing them out in the face of the Sunne pretenâ—â—ing to take away their lives by the rules of Justice and Law Well then what is done unto them in this case must be 〈◊〉 in the meanes and method of Justice as well as in the end and the Law of England 〈◊〉 their bâ—â—thâ—ight and inhâ—ritanâ—e in every punctiâ—â—io of it as well as mine or any mans in the Nation and indeed the end of the making of the Law is for transgressors by the 〈◊〉 of which their actions ought to be measared the priviledges and benefit of which all their 〈◊〉 ought not to be denied nay if they be ignorant of their legall priviledges the Judge ought to instruct and inform them thereof nay or any stander by else that is present at the tryal and the law renders this reason lest the prisoner at the Bar should unjustly 〈◊〉 his life by the errors of the proceedings of the Court 3. pâ—â— insti fol. 29. 137. 〈◊〉 for a righteous man the Law was never made for him neither hath he any need to claime the benefit of the severall priviledges of it because he doth not transgresse it but because so much malice and wickednesse is in the hearts of the sons of men that many times the wicked and guilty accuseth the righteous and innocent therefore the wisdom of our fore â—â—thers and the righteousnesse of the Laws they made for us and have left unto â—s is such that no man though never so notorious in publick fame is to be esteemed or 〈◊〉 i guilty man or transgressor in the eye of the law till he be legally and duly convided of the crime laid unto his charge by the rules and methods of the Law the law of England is as much to be magnified as Sir Edward Cock often stiles it being a Law of 〈◊〉 2 par insti fol. 315. favours much the life of man because of all things in the world it is most precious fol. ibid 30 see his exposition of magna charta in 2 par inst but especially fol. 42. 43. 46 47. 51. 56. but above all read that most excellentest of all his discourses upon the righteousnesse equity safety and justnesse of the tryall by Juries of 12 â—iber 〈◊〉 legaâ—is home free and legall men NEXT of the neighbourhood in his 1 paâ— Insti ib. â— chap. 12 Sect. 234. which Parliaments cannot destroy nor change because it is impossible for them to find out a
juster or better way of tryall and they 〈◊〉 to provide for our weale but not for oâ—r woe â— par book Doc. p. 150. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doe what they list but what they ought 1 par â—ook dee p. 172. 205. 214. 266. 267. 〈◊〉 494. 497 499. 656. 660. 666. 696. 706. 707. 〈◊〉 2 par fol. 95. Declarat 17 March 164â— p. 6. 21 28 27. For all the idle pratings of any new upstart ' SONS OF BELIAL amongst us such as the Author of the late abominable Book called the DISCOVERER which is commonly reported to be partly Master Frosts Secretary to the 〈◊〉 callâ—d the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and pâ—incipalâ—y that Apostate IOHN CAN law if 〈◊〉 and now of the Parish of Bâ—w whose conscience by that appeares so bread 〈◊〉 it will without doubt lead him to worship with the Turks Alkeron if it were in 〈◊〉 and fat livings to be got by so doing But let all men in Authority and great place◠〈◊〉 value thei own heads and lives Remember Dudly and Epsons punishments Privy Coâ—cellors to Hâ—nâ—y theâ— eveâ—â—â— for proceeding by the rules of their discretion i◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laying aside the tryals by Juries of twelve men the ancient and undoubted birthright of the Subject 4 part inst fol. 41. for which they lost their heads as Traytors for subvertâ—ng the fundamentall Liberties of the people although they had an Act of Parliament viz. 11 Hen. 7. châ— 3. recorded 4 par inst â—ol 40 made by as unquestionable power in Law as ever was in being in England in a free and full Parliament câ—â—sisting of King Lords Spiâ—ituall and Temporâ—ll and Commens to authorise and beat them out in what they did of whom you may read most excellently in Cooks inst viz. 2 par fol. 51 4 par fol. 41. 197 198. 199. And in my musing with my self of their conditionn my thoughts were something to this purpose the actions done and acted by them were either crimes or no crimes crimes as to men they could not be unlesse they were transgressions of a knowne and declared law in being in the Nation before their acts were done for saith the Spirit of Truth Where there is no Law there can be â—â— transgâ—ession Rom. 4. 15. and if so then to punish them for their acts or facts any other wayes or by any other rules manner or methods then is by those Laws against which they had transgressed is expressed and presâ—ibed is very grand injustree and the most righteous and justest men in the world under such practises can never be safe or secure but are alwayes liable in liberty estate and life to be levellâ—d and destroyed by the will mallice and pleasure of the present sâ—aying grand faction in which condition a man differs nothing from a brute beast but in shape But the High Court of Justice erected to try them was a pretended Court of Justice not knowne to the visible and declared law of England being in its constitution altogether against all the English Rules of justice No nor in being when their facts were committed And therefore had no pretence at all being but a new constitution to meddle with Judging of their facts committed before it had a being or was brought forth into the world Besides the erection of it I mean a High Court of Justice to try men for siding with the King in the late warrs against the Parliament is a meer and cleer giving away and surrendring up the legallity of their cause in o the Kings hands telling the people in effect hereby its true we have waged warre against the King but if his sword had been as long as ours he might easily if he had pleased have hanged us all by the rules of Justice for transgressing â— lâ—w in being But we having by the chancâ— of war prevailed against him alass we have no law of our sides by the rules of which we can hang any of his party but must be forced to take away their lives by the rules of our own wills and power by rules of pretended Law mâ—de after their facts committed and for the demonstrating of this unto all that have adhered unto us we Erect a New High Court of Justicely new rules never known in England to try them that so our friends that have adhered to us may see where they are and betimes provide for their own safety and never trust or beleeve OUR DECLARATIONS AND REMONSTRANCES ANY MORE for though we formerly told you we had the Law of our sides yet by our setting up this High Court of Justice to be both parties Jury and Judges we plainly tel you there was no such thing but that then what we told you was lyes and falshoodâ— and that you should beleeve us no more for though then we told you we would maintaine the Law especially of Liberty and Propriety and that it was â— transcendenâ— wickednesse in us to destroy it and by our votes at our wills and pleasures to disposeor levell all the peoples estates liberties and properties yet now we iell you we never in our hearts intended any such thing but that our designe was totally if we did overcome never to keep any of our promises but absolutely to destroy all Law and by our absolute will by all manner of new erected engins to debase and breake the peoples Spirits and to dispose of their liberties estates and lives by the absolute rule of their own wills and as a cleâ—â— demonstration to your understanding that we never intended otherwise we erect this HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE composed of suck 〈◊〉 we know will obey and execute the absolute dictats of our wills â—e they 〈…〉 without ever examining whether our commands be consonant to law reason eqâ—ity justice or conscience being of as absolute implicite faith in belclâ—ering of us because we have promised they shall â—aign with us or under us as ever any papish in the world were believing the Popâ— Thirdly Admit this had been an unquestionable representative of the people Parliament who by veâ—â—â—â— thâ—â—â—â—f hath had a power to levy what mony they had judged convenâ—â—nt upon the peoplâ— bâ—â—â—neral tax for the common safety of the Nation which act both by law and reason â—hâ—y may do yet they cannot in law equity or reason lay all thaâ— tax upon thâ—ee oâ— four men alone and make them bear all the charges of the publick evâ—n so although the Parliament may erect Courts of Justice for the good of the people to administer Law in â—esinitely to all the people of England alike without exeâ—pâ—ion of perâ—ons yet they can neither by Law nor Reason erect a Court of Justice on purpose to try three or four individual persons and no more because it is against common equiâ—y â—â— Englishmen oâ— people being all born free alike and the liberties thereof equally intasted to all alike and therefore in common equity and justice three or four individual persons ought not to be burthened with an iron yoake when
severall Aâ—pliâ—â—tions to some of their Judges and some Parliament men for them and particularly with Colonel Temple Governour of the Fort near Graves End and delâ— with him upon their own Principals as the most probablest to doe the Prisoners good and to save their lives which I confestâ— I much laboured for and my Discourse with him 〈◊〉 to this â—ffect at the House doore Sir I beseech you let me aâ—k you one question What 's that saith he It is whether you think youâ— House intend in good earnest to â—ake away the lives of the Lord Capel c or whether they have only caused them to be condemned in terrorum without all controversie said he they intend to take away their lives and it is but just they should and doe not you believe so No indeed Sir doe I not and â—â— you please I will give you some part of my Reasons therefore I pray let me have them Well then Sir said I to say nothing of the Jurisdiction of the Court by which they were tryed which is very questionable to me noâ— of the power of a Parliament to erect such a one nor yet of the questionablenesse of the legality of your single House nor of the clearnesse of the letter of thâ— Law oâ— their sides which now the King being gâ—ne might put you oâ—â— of feare of the future power of these men and make you now 〈◊〉 at your mercy and you out of fear of present hurt by them seriouslâ— to weâ—gâ— the Quaâ—â—ell betwixâ— you and theâ— in an equall and just balance which if you do I am sure you will 〈◊〉 it very dispâ—â—eable in Law and something in Reason too considering many of youâ— late actions especially if you consider youâ— ever avowedly nor throughly stated your Cause but begun it upon Commissions for King and Parliament force â—â— people to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy Protestation and two Covenants â—â— all which you force the people to swear to maintain the Kings Person Crown and Greatnesse and this 〈◊〉 the Wars begun letting all Writs and Processe of Law 〈◊〉 in his Name and thereby your selves mâ—ke him as it were Alpha and Omega to the pâ—ople yea and in severall of your Declarations fince the quarrell you call him the fountain of Honour and averr he can do no wrong See 1 part Book Decl. pag. 199. 304. All which doings of yours are enough to make men siâ—â— with the King especially those that have great Estates if it be for nothing but safetie's sâ—ke alone But I will laâ— all these aside and argue with you more closely upon principles that you cannot dispute against 1. And therefore in the first place The Law of England pâ—â—lished by your selves saith expreslâ— No man of England in things concerning lifâ— shall be judged twâ—â—â— for one fact but if once judiciallâ— tryed and acquitted he never more by Law can be questioned again for that crime though indeed and in truth he be never so guilty of it and though it be never so criminous in it self otherwise there would never be end nor safety And for the proof thereof I then â—ired â— YERS Case at the Sessions of the Peace holden at Norwich in the 32 yeer of Qâ—een Elizabeth and the Judgeâ— opinions thereupon which is notably recorded in Cooks 3 put Institutes chap. 104. of falsifying of Attainders fol. 230. And my own Case at Oxford which was to this effect Being at the Fight at Brainford which was upon the 12 of Novemb. 1642 taken prisoner in Arms against the King and his party I was carried captive to Oxford Castle where not long after my arrivall the Lord Dunsmore the Lord Matrevers the Lord Newark and the Lord Aâ—dâ—ver came to the Castle to me from the King as they said and proffered me from himself great matters so I would crave his â—â—don for the treason I had committed against him in being in arms against him and foâ—sake the traiterous Parliament and return to my obedience as they called it to the King but being then as able in my own thoughts as any private man in England to argue the equiâ—â— and Justice of the Parliaments Cause I was then knowingly ingaged in by the hopes of the performance of their many gallant promises to make people of England free and happy their then only declared aâ—m and end â—nd in whose quarrell I would then have laid down a thousand lives if I had had them and for the greatest part of an hour together by dinâ— of Argument grounded upon Law and Reason scâ—â—ning and 〈◊〉 all 〈…〉 of Honour Riches and Greatnesse I â—eld them in play so hoâ—ly that they â—â—ll 〈…〉 with me and gave up their disputing buâ—â—lers tâ—â—eatning to hang me 〈◊〉 for a grand Traitor without any more adoe At which I laughed and desired their 〈◊〉 to tell me which way they would go to work to take away my life now they had given me quarter Well say they We have two strings to our bow And in the first place we will arraigne you for a Traytor for being the chief or Generall of the Preutiâ—â—t that câ—â—e dâ—â—â— to Westminster and White Hall and forced the House of Pâ—ers and drove away the King from his Parliament and so begun the Warrs Unto which I replyed Alâ—sse my Lords you will be far mistaken there And I cannot but wonder that your Lordships should so undervalue your own Honours and Reputations as so much as once now to mention this Why Sirrah said one of them Why my Lord Because your Lordships may remember that the 3 of May 1641. the King caused Warrants to issue out to apprehend me as a Traytor for this very thing and others depending upon it and as a traytor I was apprehended by his Messengers one of which that night kept me prisoner as a Traitor and the next morning I being 4 of May 1641 as a Traytor I was brought by him to White Hall where aâ— I remember old Sir Henry Vane and Mr. Nicholas were appointed by the King himself to carry my Impeachment to the House of Peers at whose Bâ—r I that day appeared not then understanding their Jurisdiction and was there that day in your way arraigned for my life and one Littleton the Lord Keepers Kinsman swore most biâ—terly against me but upon further examination of witnesses and hearing with patieâ—â—â— my own Defence for my self I was by your whoâ—e House who lookâ—d upon themâ—elves as the highest Judicatory in England honourably and nobly 〈◊〉 a◠〈◊〉 â—â—nocent and fâ—â—e of the Kings accusation of which my Lords said I then let me plainly tell yâ—u if I were guilty you were a company of â—â—righteous and unjust Judges for freeing me from that Accusation but my Lords being judicially tryed therefore and acquitted by your selves who if my memory fail me not I â—aw all at that Tryall and by your whole House then extraordinary 〈◊〉 as ever I saw iâ— who judge your selves the highest Judicature in England