Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
countrey in which grasse excepted which as in a perpetuall Aprill is alwayes there greene they would finde nothing not occasioned by barrennesse but providence and that there being neither Castle nor other place wherein to settle it was to be wonne by inchmeale upon the uncertainty of fortune and battle any one of the which being lost succour being far off subject to delayes tempests and winds the victory would no longer be the thing in question but the safety life and liberty of the King Princes and people that battels had little lesse then lost France the which was by Charles the wiâ—…e returned to its former lustre not by fighting but by temporizing moreover that there they had neither partakers nor intelligence without the which those who in preceding times did would not have attempted it that his true designe was to hinder Lancasters journey into Spaine so to secure that State to Iohn King of Castile a designe in consideration of so immense an expence more then unworthy the refined judgement of that Duke But whatsoever the matter was it is hard to reconcile Writers tedious to dispute the businesse therefore what really appeares agreed upon by all sides shall be the current of our discourse All these preparations were not of force enough to divert the Duke of Lancaster from his intended journey nor the apprehension thereof sufficient to make England detaine him which on the contrary side furnisht him with shipping men and pay for six moneths nor was Richard lesse liberall to him in favours the desire of having him gone was of more force with him then the feare of whatsoever forraigne forces He would have him honoured like a King he gave him a Crowne royall his wife Constance being by the Queen presented with the like both of them passing rich This mean while the French Fleet lay in the havens of Flanders that of Sluce not being able to containe 1267 bottomes for upon this number all Writers doe neere upon agree as many ships as sailed upon the sea from the Straits of Guibraltar to Prucia were detained for this service there were numbred of Knights and Gentlemen 20000. as many Crosse-bow-men of Genowa the which together with foot and adventurers made up the number of 100000. the Mariners servants and other people made up another number apart Whosoever had not hired some vessell of his owne proper cost be he of what condition he please hee was allowed no more attendance but one horse and one servant no unusefull mouthes were allowed of there was no Prince uninvited nor who invited did not contribute The King of Spaine ships the Duke of Saxonie and Bavaria's Souldiers The Count of Savoy went thither in person accompanied by many warriers the strife in expences between Princes and great Lords was very great To what was necessary they added superfluity the Masts and Yards gay with streamers glistered with gold azure incredible store of victuals there was nothing unprovided for the price of things were eighteen times doubled all things were growne to an excessive price the provisions of the Navie were not touched what was there daily consumed was inestimable warriers flocked thither not unlike a torrent spending prodigally the certainty which they had upon the hopes of uncertaine gaine The court of it selfe was sufficient to cause a dearth The King was accompanied by the Duke of Lorreigne and of Bar by the Counts of Savoy Genowa Saint Paul Armignae Longaville Eu by the Dolphin of Auvergne by the Lord Cussi and by all the Barons and Nobility of France Constable Clisson did on the other side in Bittanny rig forth a Navie of 72 ships and that nothing might bee wanting to the securitie and Majestie of so great a King the woods of that and the neighbouring Provinces were impoverished for the building of a Citie framed all of boords and rafters it was compassed about as it were with a wall Bulwarkes Loop-holes Casements and other things then in use in fortification which might bee joyned together or taken in peeces as occasion should serve The circumference thereof was 3000 paces the height twenty and at the distance of twenty paces was placed a turret of thirty paces high capable of ten defendants within this circuit in answerable distances were placed lodgings for the King Princes and Officers Piazzaes Market-places space for Pavillions nothing was wanting which was requisite in a strong commodious and long-since built City but all this Fabricke together with five hundred men being imbarqued for Sluce a chance winde arose which disperst the Fleet and three vessels loaden with this Fabricke were together with their Masters and Architectors driven upon the sands in the mouth of the Thames the Admirall with twenty other gaining Sluce with much adoe King Richard afterwards caused this fabricke be reared up in a spatious place At the same time came the Duke of Berry to Sluce much expected many weekes before Hee by divers pretences had of purpose prolonged his comming though he had beene daily solicited hee finding their mindes perplexed by reason of this losse which they tooke as an ill Omen made use thereof declaring himselfe averse to this expedition that in his opinion the King should not doe well to hazard his person liberty and estate to the danger of the Seas at such a season as this it was now November much lesse to the danger of war in a country where he could meet with nothing but manifest danger that the relation of the English forces to consist of but 60000. Archers and 8000. Pikemen was false since it was manifest that besides such as guarded the havens and those who Lancaster had carried along with him Richard had an army of 100000. Archers and 10000. horse This being exaggerated in full Councell were it or for that hee really was of that opinion or out of a desire to crosse the Duke of Burgondy the chiefe inciter to this enterprise or that they were both of one minde as some beleeved to save their reputations the voyage was put off to another time wherewith the Nobility were scandalized but much more the common people from whom so vast a summe of money had beene raised for nothing The present charge was cast up to have surpassed the ransome of King Iohn which was very great Disorders this meane while were not wanting in England subject to be in ill condition since the King and people did not agree This division had strewed strange feares in the mindes of many Richard not ceasing to governe himselfe according to the will of such as govern'd him All things were without order and done without acquainting his Uncles therewithall All things passed under the hand of the Earle of Suffolke by the direction of the Earle of Oxford A Parliament was called at Michaelmas Much people were raised out of every Shire and lodged twenty miles round about London to the end that they might bee ready upon all occasions So as so great a number being assembled together and
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
Kings of France of Iohn in England and Francis the first in Spaine The ransome of the two brothers sonnes to Charles of Blois were reserved for Richard the second and though it were afterwards by act of Parliament granted to Vere Duke of Ireland it was not done to prejudicate the right we speake of but to the end that by his being absent from the court the King might the better governe himselfe And for what concernes prisoners of lesser condition yet re-donable the example of the victory at Lepanto which happened in our fathers times may suffice in the which the confederates divided the Turkish prisoners and made them tug at one Oare in their fleet The King persisting in his resolution of having them they thought to make him desist therein by demanding of him things of greater consequence The Earle of Worster a wicked and turbulent man was hee who did forward this resolution an advice worst to the adviser and mortall to those who did embrace it The King was then at Windsor whither the Earle of Worster being come hee represented unto him the miserable imprisonment of Edmund Earle of Marsh their kinsman kept in fetters by Glendor and fallen into this misfortune for doing service unto his Majesty and the State He desired him to be the means of his freedome either by ransome or otherwise the King finding whither this request tended after having a-while bethought himselfe made answer that the Earle of Marsh was not taken prisoner in his service but by his owne consent as not willing to bee inforced to professe himselfe an enemy to Glendor and this answer he willed to be published to the terror of all such as had any inclination to him-ward Worster being returned and having acquainted his brother nephew with what had past the Nephew would not endure it who being a violent young man did wrongfully exaggerate the injustice saying That Henry not contented to bereave Edmund of the Kingdome did now deny him that succour which his service done unto him did chalenge That if he should have ransomed him it should not be done by his owne moneyes but by the inheritance which he usurped from Edmund and that in stead of praise through too much ingratitude he loaded him with undeserved calumnies wherein hee said truth for Edmunds wit was not proper for such inventions and if it had been true Glendor would not have treated him as he did But the King who had by evill meanes usurped the State from him could not by good meanes maintaine it not onely the losse of his liberty but the losse of his life would have re Lord Percy who came with intention to win the City failing in his intentions and the aids hee expected not appearing resolved to give battell of himselfe incouraged in that his souldiers were resolved to dye for their liberty and for the good of the Kingdome governed as he gave out by a Tyrant He sent the forenamed writing to the King by two Squires the which acquainted him with the reasons of his revolt and did likewise denounce the battell The King was there only named Duke of Lancaster it was written subcrib'd and seal'd by the names hands and seales of Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England Lord Warden of the West Marches of Henry Percy Warden of the East Marches and of Thomas Percy Earle of Woster The contents thereof was that having sworne at his returne from France that he did pretend to nothing but the inheritance due unto him by his father and wife and that he would suffer the King peacefully to enjoy his Crowne he had done otherwise for after having through famine thirst and could caused King Richards death hee had usurped the Kingdome which did of right belong to Edmond Mortimer the lawfull heire causing the Burgesses of Parliament to bee chosen contrary to the forme of Law and priviledge of the subject so to suborn votes for his own advantage that he had denied to ransome Mortimer who being by them set at liberty hee had proclaimed them traytors that therefore they did defie him as a perjured and false man as an usurper of the crowne which did properly appertaine to the true heire and together with him they defied all his complices and such as sided with him as traytors acd destroyers of the State If true faults objected but in jest doe sting much more did these doe so accompanied with such upbraidings and threats But the King not woonted to discompose himselfe when hee had read the letter said merrily to the messengers that his sword should answer that scandalous writing and that he was confident God would assist his just quarrell against such forsworne disloyall traytors as were the Percies But his moderation in these occurrances is worthy a particular observation for lacking neither generosity nor courage if his usurpation and injustice did not bereave him thernof which did not appeare hee received all these injuries not onely untransported but with a setled judgement weighed that as to hazard his estate life and honour upon the fortune of one day would be an act of rashnesse if he could avoid it so to preferre his safetie before their offences would bee a point of wisedome For that injuries were passions of the minde which might breathe away in a standing fortune but the ruinous effects of a lost battell were irrepairable in a falling fortune so as cashiering all punctualities not caring what others would say of him he resolved to see whether he could in some sort fairly accommodate this businesse rather then trust to the inconstancy of fortune which was not to be tried till the last push And that in such a case he would shew that manlihood which men hasty and void of judgement might now tax in him He appeared the next day and ordering his troopes as the others did he sent the Abbot of Shrewesbury unto them accompanied with one of the officers of his privie Seale with an offer of pardon if they would yeeld to reasonable conditions The Lord Percie though naturally violent examining the businesse in the same sort as the King had done accepted the proposition Hee sent unto him his Uncle the Earle of Worster to require of him an effectuall reformation of those things which had caused them take Armes But the Earle though fully satisfied by the King in all his demands and in a more submisse sort then did become his degree made a cleane contrary relation to his Nephew envie and confidence for he judged the Kings humility to be cowardize and feare leading him by meanes of this deadly lye to his fatall end The young Percie thinking himselfe under-valued caused the signe of battell immediately to be given by sound of Trumpet the two Armies were about fourty thousand fighting men the rebels Vantguard was led by the Scots who after a great showre of Darts which slew many of both sides advanced themselves against the Vantguard Royall which rigorously withstood the first
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthensis et honble Ord Balniae Eques DEO CARI NIHILO CARENT Guil Faithorne fe CAROLVS D.G. MAGNAE BRITANNIAE FRAN ET HIB REX MARIA D.G. MAG BRITANNIAE FRANCIAE ET HIBER REGINA AN HISTORY of the Ciuill Warres of ENGLAND betweene the two howses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall where of is set downe in the life of Richard the second theire proceedings in the lives of Henry the 4th Henry the 5th and 6th Edward the 4th and 5th Richard the 3d and Henry the 7th in whose dayes they had a happy period Englished by the Right honble Henry Earle of Monmouth in two Volumes Imprinted at London for Iohn Benson are to be sould at his shop in St Dūstans churchyard 1641 AN HISTORY OF THE Civill VVarres OF ENGLAND Betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the second their proceedings in the lives of Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth Edward the fourth and fifth Richard the third and Henry the seventh in whose dayes they had a happy period Written in Italian in three Volumes by Sir Francis Biondi Knight Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to his Majesty of Great Britaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of MOUNMOUTH in two Volumes THE FIRST VOLUME Imprinted at London by T. H. and I. D. for Iohn Benson and are to be sold at his shop in Saint Dustans Churchyard 1641. THE TRANSLATORS EPISTLE TO THE READERS HIS COUNTRIMEN THat Translations are at the best but like the wrong side of Hangings is granted Yet he who cannot get to see the right side may by the other guesse at the Story therein represented This of mine may yet seeme to be of a worse condition as onely the reducing back to our owne Language that which hath beene collected from our home Stories and published in a forreigne Tongue so as it may almost be termed the turning into English what was turned out of English But the Authour hath had his end the making the valour and honour of our Kingdome knowne to his owne Countreymen for which we owe him a Nationall thankes I have chosen this way to pay mine by affording you all a means how to acknowledge yours and thus I have part of my end likewise The remainder being my observance of his desires and the shunning of spending my time worse The Italian saith Chi non puo quel che voule quel che puo voglia If I could coine anie thing out of my owne Braine worthy of my Countreymen they should have it since not let them accept of this Piece of Gold changed into Silver and therein of the good will of their Compatriot MOUNMOUTH THE AVTHORS EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the High and mighty Monarch CHARLES King of great BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND I Was of opinion Sir that the eminent condition of Princes did require from such as serve them actions answerable to the greatnesse of their thoughts and that otherwise they would prove contrary to the dignity of the one and duty of the other But upon better advice I found that Princes make use of men as they do of mettals which though not all of a like worth yet are they all adapted to proper uses so as iron and lead though of meane esteeme are not to be slighted in things where gold and silver are of no use I Sir that am the meanest of all your Majesties metalls having undertaken to write the story of the Civill warres of England was in some dispute with my selfe touching the Dedication And though in all reason I was to dedicate it to your Majesty as I most humbly doe yet the thread of my discourse wanting the mentioned proportion I have laboured to perswade my selfe to offend rather against it then against my duty not that I ever imagined my lead could be any ways servicable unto your Matie but that I faine would hope your Majesty through Royal clemency wil be pleased to approve of my resolution occasioned by the leasure times your Majesties liberality causeth me to enjoy The reason Sir why I write it not from its beginning is my not being sure to finish it To make therefore an entire story I have chosen that part thereof which is to be handled under one title and object And I have written it in this language for that Italy though rich in science and history is but meanely furnished with this story having had no light at all thereof save by Polidore Virgill who by writing it in Latine hath made only for the learned and by making it so succinct hath afforded me field room to make it for all men and to adde many things to the much which perhaps for lacke of time was by him omitted I know not Sir whether the freedome I take in giving my opinion upon the passages herein be to please all men but a bare story seemed to me to be like a naked body which exposed to the injury of ayre groweth infirme and being seene by others is ashamed Some are of opinion that all things ought to be represented in their originall purity that so the liberty of giving judgement might be left unto the reader yet the best both of ancient and moderne writers have done otherwise But a whole peece of cloath being presented to the Readers view he cannot judge whether all the threads bee of equall goodnesse unlesse the weaver who knowes from whence he had them give him a true information not therby taking from him the liberty of giving his judgement but rather affording him a double freedome therein for to the examination of the story he adds the power of examining the historians opinion I prayse goodnesse and blame vice but in the second Volumne I doe not praise the soft unsinnowy goodnesse of Henry the sixth Xenophon decyfering a perfect Prince in the person of Cyrus amongst exercises prescribes him hunting not that by the custome of seeing blood shed hee should become cruell but that by not commiserating delinquents he might become just and not abhorring the sight of dead beasts warlike otherwise contaminated with a womanish pitty he would at the same time have made him incapable both of scepter and sword Goodnesse though feminine by name is of masculine effects and fixing its undazled eies upon God its primary end ought to become void of folly scruples and feares I am sorry Sir I was so late in undertaking this affaire since I am too late aware that contemplative sciences do in their universall objects produce particular ends bring delight and glory to the understanding no profit that truth may sow the seeds but opinion reape the harvest that we are not wise save when we know we know nothing which is that learned ignorance so ingeniously handled by the Cardinall of Cusa I place not here divine knowledge◅ she hath two reall foundations to be esteemed such prophesies miracles and histories take from this number
necessary for those who may happen not to be such as are the soule and sense to a living body nor ought they for this to thinke themselves ere a whit the lesse firmly rooted for as God is the more potent for the impotency he hath to sinne so their potency is more solide whilst incorporated into the Lawes it becomes impeccable otherwise if they stood onely upon their owne legges hatred and feare their naturall enemies were borne coetaneans with them to insnare them These my prayses of this Nation may perchance appeare not to be true to him who shall consider the beginning of our story since that passing over the relation of so many glorious Kings I take myrise from the unfortunate reigne of Richard the second who comming to the Crowne at eleven yeares of age doth prove the miserable condition of such States as are governed by an intant King But vertue and vice change together with the times a necessary vicissitude in governments not in a proper respect but in respect of the generall for if it were otherwise people endowed with equall generosity would either reciprocally destroy themselves or else they would all fall under the command of some one who were more eminent in vertue then all the rest Man hath his age prefixt so have Kingdomes to die of decrepite age is not usuall of disorders usuall Kingdomes perish more by disorders then by decrepit age so as the people members of the King their â—…ead cannot but languish when he languisheth I conclude that the end of these my slight endeavours are to represent as in a looking glasse to Princes moderation to subjects obedience for that violent changes draw after them slaughter misery and destruction Errata In the life of R. 2. of H. 4 and H. 5. Page 1. Line 10. Reade Cressy ibid. 25. This. 3. 4. Leon. ibid. 36. attestate 10. 38. Dukes ibid. Flanckers 18. 2. keyes Ibid. 28. seize 20. 2. to much wisedome 31 6. not the nearnesse 38. 9. Berkely 41. 14. incapable 44. 1. the. 50. 21. who 52. 26. Corâ—…eri 53. 27. unprovided 45. 22. lands 55. 32. fell'd 58. 2. King Richard had concluded for 30. yeares ibid. if it had beene ibid. 46. illegall 59. 6. a tree water'd ibid. 32. but under ibid. 48. heire to Richard Glendour using 69. 22. the oare 70. 43. who 74. 47. covering 76. 45. Corbeil 77. 6. might have been if of ibid. 18. Bourges 79. 29. Mowbâ—…ay ibid. 26. bolder resolves revenge being 82. 1. intending ibid. 39. and in another 89. 10. contumacy ibid. 35. Angoulesme 90. 24. Suburbs St. Maâ—…ceau 91. 12. was onely 101. 9 that the injury 105. 7. a Carthusian ibid. 13. Du Main ibid. 20. examine whether the late 106. 19 Meroveus were the son of Clodian 107. 1. Clotharius 110. 42. Malcolme 111. 12. more peace nor lesse trouble 113. 14. undertaken ibid. 41. rewarder 114. 3. Richard the third 115. 19 Seine ibid. 37. resolved 116. 44. Eu. 118. 22. puft up 119. 48 the arrowes 120. 31. Bornonville ibid. ead Hembert d'Agincourt ibid. 39. little lesse 126. 37. Valentiana 127. 48. Touque 130. 34. to 131 3 streets were to ibid. 5. Burgondy ibid. 13. others sex for 132. 9. Archery ibid. 35. many 143. 25. by the Duke 145. 44. Montague 146. 21. bloudy hands and Crocodiles teares 148. 11. Bride ibid. 15. Charenten 149. 19. Villa nova ibid. 27. rather to hinder the enemies ibid. 47. mine 152. 35. leaving ibid. 37. that ibid. 47. passion which in 154. 24. beset with jewels 155. 37. Swâ—…ton 157. 4. iâ—… is he that ibid. 8. any ibid. 14. price ibid. 17. Earle of Mortaigne ibid. 24. Thiam 158. 16 Marne invironing ibid. 41. besiegers 159. 35. Montague ibid. 42. went to her 160. 23. Senlis 162. 18. armes his Errata in the life of Henry 6. Page 7. Line 24. Reade Iohn the fift 10. 31. being arm'd and in march 11. 24. fortune 15. 4. Iaqueline 18. 8. Gough 24. 6. Touraine 29. 47. Amadeus 30. 21. not to loose ibid. 42. Ioyeuse 38. 23. Argentres Hall 39. 42. a Dukedome 42. 33. overburdened 43. 35. This is worthy 48. 21 yet are ibid. 32. once 56. 21. Hubbub 57. 33. to the second 67. 33. maugre those 68. 18. Huts 69. 29. Ioane 72. 11. mission 79. 13. river Soame confining 92. 29. Eugenius the 4. 104. 30. together all 105. 41. Bruges 106. 20. might serve 107. 29. not but. ibid. 36. Roxborough 112. 13. Iaquelina 113. 18. haven 114. 24. cultivated ibid. 39. Henry At the same time Longueville ibid. 42. Charles his obedience playing 115. 17. Tholouse ibid. 46. when 117. 34. unto him his 119. 18. Duchies ibid. 31. enmity 120. 21. Lewis 121. 11. not able 122. 1. Towne ibid. 26 whomsoever ibid 30. England These were 123. 33. environed with enemies ib. in marg 1443. 124. 26. a separation 125. 43. not acknowledge God 128. 12. humble devout ibid. 43. men and together with them the Queen perceiving 129. 20. a lover of his 130. 48. Fougeres 131. 9. did not approve ibid. 29. would not faile ibid. 35. Louviers 132. 14. emborsed by them ibid. 42. The Count of Dunois 133. 22. by Charles to the. â—…bid 36. of the same Castle ibid. 43. Argenion 134. 26. Fresnoy ibid. 42. towres ibid. 46. slaughter was greater of 136. 48. the 8 of December 137. 22. whence ibid. 25. Bresse Lord high Marshall of Normandy and. 138. 10. Guenne went handsomely forwards though ibid. 11. fast as ibid. 12. Guisâ—…in ibid. 17. 〈◊〉 138. 23. 60. ibid. 44. Fresnoy 139. 7. Sir Matthew Gough c. up ibid. 10. Formigni ibid. 16. among which were Tâ—…el Mowbray and Sir Thomas Drâ—…w Vere and Gough with the. ibid. 23. that they ibid. 41. Castres 140. 48. Cheriburg Bricquebec Valonges 141. 11. was very strong ibid. 13. conceale ibid. 42. that the. 142. 6. Falaise 145. 28. They. ibid. 42. the. 148. 2. kinsman ibid. 24. retire 149. 31. with ibid. 35. of some who shund 150. 14. Eeden 151. 35. 10000. 152. 15. found 153. 42. he 154. 19. sects the one doth not beleeve the other 155. 9. State ibid. 14 but. 156. 16. get 161. 12. forbare not ibid. 26. esteemed so much the lesse to be ibid. 48. Sudley 162. 33. not notwithstanding 166. 11. this ib. 22. bestead 169. 1. inhibit ib. 7. he 170 49. but to restore 172. 39. he should 176. 45. were upon 177. 4. cruelty The Reader may doe himselfe a pleasure and me a courtesie if with his pen he will correct these Errata before he reade the Book which if it take so well as may give encouragement for a second Impression I will take care the like shall not be committed THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND FRom foure Edwards did Richard the second descend of which the first three were succeeding Kings the fourth Prince of Wales furnamed the Blacke Prince who dying before his Father Edward the third did not attaine the Crowne England could not boast of braver Princes nor Europe of more
them and conferred them upon some others breaking the ice by the change of Chancellour The Archbishop of Yorke formerly Bishop of Ely for when Nevil was banished he removed to that See kneeling downe did readily deliver up unto him the great Seale Hee likewise changed the Lord Treasurer the Clarke of the Signet and the Judges hee removed the Earle of Arundel from being Admirall and conferred that place upon the Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to his Majesty He put the Duke of Gloster Earle of Warwicke and others from the Councell Table naming new Councellors in their places And not yet fully resolved whom to chuse for Chancellor hee carried the great Seale along with him to his Chamber where pitching upon a choice he returned backe and gave it to William Wickham Bishop of Winchester a favour which he unwillingly received All this passed quietly on no words proceeding from any one although the kingdome a body then ill affected passed but from one ague fit to another At the end of this yeare the Duke of Lancaster returned to England having spent three yeares abroad The mortality which fell amongst his people caused by the excessive heats in Spaine forced him to retire into Gascony where having begun a treaty with the Duke of Berry to give unto him for wife his daughter Catherine she upon whom the pretence to the Kingdome of Castile fell after her mothers death he thereby raised such jealousies in Iohn the first who then reigned as that the said Iohn demanded her for wife unto his eldest sonne Henry who was afterwards the third King of that name a youth of but ten yeares of age though Catherine were nineteen years old Upon these conditions that hee should pay unto him for the present 200000 Nobles and 10000 markes yearly during the life of the Duke and his wife Constance mother to Catherine That he should assigne over unto Constansâ—… Guadalajara Medina del Campo and Olmedo that shee might enjoy the fruits thereof during her life and that the espoused Princesse should be stiled by the name of Princesse of Austria the sonnes of those Kings though their eldest till then being only stiled Infanti The two on the other side renounced all their pretensions to those Kingdomes The Duke had before this married his daughter Phillep borne unto him by his former wife to Iohn the first King of Portugall having the good fortune to place them both in a like countrey and dignity His comming into England happened in an opportune time for the King having summoned the Nobility to Redding where he then was some strange alteration was doubted the ill will he bore to many being considered the Duke did so behave himselfe as sweetning the King they were all well received and contentedly dismissed But the Kings jealousies of him not ceasing being likewise displeased with his returne hee by the assistance of the first Parliament to the end that hee might againe bee gone gave him the Dutchy of Aquitany together with all the honours incomes and prerogatives which of old did belong unto that Dukedome and which for the present were enjoyed by that Crowne investing him with the accustomed badges of golden rod and Ducall Cap upon the meere tye of simple homage Richard was not strait handed of what he possessed but mainly addicted to his owne will with the which rather then to have parted he would well nigh have parted with his kingdome Insomuch as fearing lest if Lancaster should joyne with Gloster hee mought give him enough to doe To free himselfe from an imaginary obstacle hee weighed not the essentiall impoverishing of the Crowne of its richest Jewell And if the effects did not follow it was not for lacke of his good will but the good will of the people of that Dutchy who being obstinate would not contrary to their priviledges be dismembred from the Crowne of England neither did Glosters siding with him though extravagant any thing at all availe which did not proceed from brotherly affection as he would have it conceived but for that Lancaster being present his authority was the lesse who did pretend to be the onely director in the government of affaires Hee was not troubled at the eldership of his other brother the Duke of Yorke since that he chiefly intended his private pleasures But Richard was deceived in Lancasters intentions for it is not alwayes good to judge of things present by what is past For as in his departing from Spain he merited to be esteemed one of the most valiant and wisest Princes that did then live so at his returne to England he deserved to be held a peace-maker experience and the incommodities of warre having made him desirous of repose and changed or moderated his disposition the which was plainly seen in him the short time that he lived since that he did not onely tolerate the being denied by the Gascones but did patiently endure his sonnes distastes and exile not being moved at whatsoever accident save his brothers death the which hee notwithstanding suffered whilst if he had had like ambition as formerly hee mought not have been destitute of hopes the King being mightily hated he as much beloved And though the putting of his brother to death mought bee justifiable the manner thereof was such as could not be denied to be unjust cruell and tyrannicall The King was no sooner come to age but hee was informed that the Duke of Gloster had raised forces against him the which being found false he would not suffer him to justifie himselfe but injoyned him silence were it either that hee might keepe this plea on foote against him or to free his accusers from punishment the three next yeares past peaceably on the peace of France being on both sides earnestly endeavoured but the reciprocall pretentions and stoutnesse of both parties made it impossible to bee concluded Richard did desire it and the difficulties which the French met with for matter of warre made them likewise desire it as much if not more Charles his indisposition continued as likewise the Uncles discords each intent to their owne private designes and interest so as not able to conclude a peace they continued the league one yeare longer the which the state being in quiet afforded Richard leasure to live according to his owne inclination which was such as had he not erred in the extreme could not have beene better but the splendor of prodigality is like that of lightning which consumes and beares downe whatsoever it meets withall hee kept the greatest and noblest Court of any King in Europe His subjects led by his example dreamt not of frugality a verâ—…ue not much knowne in England but gave themselves over to luxuriousnesse great was his excesse of diet the pompe and bravery of his Court in apparell unimitated the number of his servants exceeding all beliefe 10000. men fed daily of his bread the Queene had 300. women which belonged to her service 300. was the
by the victory he had over the Duke of Ireland no vaine-glory was therein found in him his discourse thereof did not exceed the bounds of modesty and the relation hee made thereof unto his associats was void of amplification or boasting Aid from Genua being demanded and granted against the Pirates which roved up and downe the Mediterranean Sea and coasts of Italy hee was made Commander of them France joyning in this expedition with England Being come into Africa and by meanes of his Archers landed he returned home his modesty added to his reputation while the one and the other equally contending strove for precedence in his renowne Those who write that in stead of making this journey hee went against the infidels in Prusia did not perhaps equivocate but the different relation of Writers makes the undertaking indifferent since they all agree in his praise In the combat with the Duke of Norfolk he proved himself to be both wise and valiant for though strucken as if with lightning at his unexpected accusation he fell into no disorder his wisedome was inflamed but not by anger consumed to ashes as it is oft-times seen in such as are unexpectedly offended he patiently endured his exile and with dry eyes left his Countrey whilst those who saw him goe moistened theirs He would have gone into Holland if the Duke his father would have permitted him but the warre made by Albertus of Bavaria Lord of those Countries against the Frisons at the instigation of his son the Count of Ostervent being very dangerous and but little honour there to be won for that people did more by desperatenesse then skil in war defend their liberties he advised him to goe for France He was there graciously received by the King Princes and Court But the King of France would needs of his owne free will allow him five hundred Crownes a weeke for his petty occasions as it was termed he thought not to receive it would argue incivility and that the receiving of it would fasten upon him too great an obligation so as he resolved to leave France and go into Hungary to warre against the Turkes He wrote hereof unto his father who approving of the cause but not of his resolution propounded to him a voyage into Spaine where having two sisters the one Queene of Castile the other Queen of Portugall hee might with lesse danger and discommodity make the warre which he desired against the Infidels but being by his friends advertised that the Physitions had given his father over as not likely to live many monthes he went not The Duke of Berry who had a daughter of three and twenty yeares of age a widow to two husbands Henry being likewise a widower a rich heire and after his fathers decease the prime man in England next unto the King thought to give her to him for wife King Charles being therewithall well contented a match which would have been serviceable to the Queene his daughter and of publick good for thus united yea peace between the two Kingdomes might the easilier bee maintained But Richard thinking this match might prove disadvantagious to his designes and that Henry being offended was likely alwayes to be his enemy sent the Earle of Salisbury to breake it nor would Charles his wives father displease him therein seeing he tooke it so to heart When the Archbishop of Canterbury propounded his return to England offering the Crown unto him he could not at the first prevaile with him nor had he prevailed with him at all had not the King by depriving him of his inheritance caused him despaire a bad resolution but excusable and which cannot be blamed by the law of Nature save as it is interdicted by the law of Christianity so as innocent in the one and faulty in the other hee erred in both such resolutions being prejudiciall to a Kingdome which ought alwayes to detest all alterations Let businesses fall out well or ill to malecontents who are egged on by ambition and revenge two spurres slightly guilded over with the leafe-gold of publicke good the people cannot but bee alwayes losers by civill brawles nay if the two Registers of humane actions Profit and Uprightnesse in proceeding meet not together as they seldome doe and that profit have the precedencie it ought to be when the conservation of the Common-wealth is in question and not to satisfie the ambition and private interests of particular men If love unto his Countrey or the desolation of the State had moved Henry Richard being deposed there wanted not lawfull succeeders But howsoever the malady had been better for the Kingdome then the remedy for the one was not of long continuance the King being mortall and of such yeares as hee might have amended where as the other for the space of sixe Kings reignes produced nothing but one ill upon the necke of another and had it not been for the matrimoniall conjunction of the two Roses in the seventh the mischiefe had perhaps yet continued But as it is the losse of what they did possesse in France their losse of reputation abroad their desolation at home the death of hundreds of thousands and of fourescore or more of the bloud Royall approve the remedy to have been more pestilentiall then the disease and that to have continued Richard in his authority would have been reputed lesse harmfull then to have substituted another King how good soever who in a capacity of growing worse was cause of those wofull consequences which such substitutions use to draw after them Wise Phifitions apply only approved medicines to the â—…icke party where the case is not desperate and in case it be the more discreet sort doe rather suffer them to dye peaceably then tormented with the violence of medicines The malady here was not mortall save as made so by the remedies So we may conclude that the good conditions of such as do pretend are more harmfull then the bad of of such as doe possesse Vertue not being what she appeares to us to be in her abstract but what she is in the concrete of her corruptions Henry had though silent yet conspicuous competitours by law questionlesse before him as the sons of Roger Mortimer the eldest son to Philippa the only daughter heire to Lionell Duke of Clarence not onely by nature but in the eight yeare of King Richard by Parliament declared Heire to the Crowne she being dead her right remained in these so as by vertue of the Lawes he could not justly pretend to that which contrary to the lawes the prejudice of others he did violently usurp But because his succession was not truly justifiable it behoved to seek out some colour for it his friends propounded divers titles unto him all of them counterfeit and disguis'd whilst right rich and substantiall of it selfe needes no false props Henry did by his Mother descend from Edmond Crook-backe Earle of Lancaster they would have this Edmond to be eldest sonne to Henry the third
to bee sought into the reasons of his former life conclude not for him The King having by fines punished the City went towards Northumberland at Durham he caused the two Barons together with the two Knights of the confederacy to be executed The Earle understanding his associates misfortune withdrew himselfe to Barwicke where not thinking himselfe strong enough hee fled to Scotland together with the Lord Bardolf and was friendly received by the Lord Fleming The King finding Barwick resolute not to yeeld levelled a peece of Canon against the Castle thereof an instrument in those dayes new and not knowne with the which at the very first shot he battered it almost downe to the ground whereat the defendants being amazed without capitulation yeelded themselves to the Kings pleasure who hanging some and imprisoning the rest made himselfe master of all the Earle of Northumberlands seats where taking order for all things requisite he passed into Wales leaving the Prince his sonne and the Duke of Yorke with a great army in those parts but he found such deluges of water amongst those mountaines as he was forced toquit the enterprise he had carried along with him many carts and wagons loaded with the most pretious things he had which were all born away by the violence of the torrents no one peece of them remaining Some believe that this was done by the Divell Owen Glendor being held to be a great Negromancer but I am of opinion that if he had had any such power he would have made use thereof against the King himselfe for the losse of the Kings person did more availe him then the losse of his carriages The Scotch men on the other side should have come into England to aide the conspirators but hearing what had happened they budged not but endeavoured to defend themselves by land from the Prince and by sea from Sir Robert Vmfrevill Vice Admirall of the Navy but nothing happened of much importance The one had only time to spoile the Country and the other to sacke the coasts of Fife and Lugdiana all mischiefes ceasing in a truce agreed upon for one yeare which made them returne to their owne homes The plague did now grow hot in London and thereabouts so as the King not being safe in Kent the infection much spred in all places was glad to take shipping to goe to Plessis in Essex the Lord Camois was his guide they were already well advanced in the sea when certaine French Pirates who lay in the Thames mouth for pilladge understanding of this passage pursued them and intended to take the ship wherein the King was tooke 4 ships that were next unto him one of the which was loaded with furniture of his chamber and things belonging to his owne person The Baron who together with the other vessels were a good way from the King came not in time enough to assist his Majesty nor yet to recover what was lost so as if the Kings ship had not been a swift sayler and so made voide the Pirates hopes hee had run danger of going for France in stead of Essex Camois was strictly questioned and in danger of losing his life as thought to have held intelligence with these Pirates but better defending his own innocency then hee succoured the King he was by the Judges acquitted The plague being ceased the King returned to London He made the match between Philleppa the younger of his two daughters and Henry King of Denmarke and this was the third marriage that was celebrated in his family after his comming to the Crowne for before this hee had married Blanch to William Duke of Bavaria Prince Elector and hee himselfe had tane to wife Ione the daughter of Charles the second King of Navarre the widdow of Iohn Montfort Duke of Brittany which I have not mentioned as not belonging to the thred of my discourse But what befell Prince Iames the only sonne and heire of Scotland who did at this time fall into the power of England is not to be passed by as worthy of ample relation Robert the third who now reigned in Scotland and who in his baptisme was named Iohn changed the name of Iohn for Robert either for that the Roberts of Scotland had beene fortunate or for that the Iohns of England and of France had been unfortunate as if the name were of force enough to make those effects good which fortune God permitting had preordained bad T is true that amongst the Kings named Iohn few are found who either have not been very bad or very unfortunate Castile Portugall and Arragon afford us examples hereof of three hereditary Queene Ioanes the two of Naples were unfortunate and unchast the third of Castile was chast but most unfortunate This notwithstanding Iohn of Scotland did not by change of name change the maligne aspect of his destiny for those evills befell him having tane upon him the name of Robert which would have befalne him had he kept the name of Iohn the divine providence not being to bee changed by such alterations This King was by divers pensils painted forth in the same colours Hector Boëtius describes him affable mercifull an enemy to extortions charitable and pious Buchanan a severe writer doth in one place give him to us rather as voide of vice then famous for vertue and another speaking of his innocency inriches him with all the worth that is to bee desired in a private man but judges him rather to be an honest man then a good King T is very true he had nothing of King in him save the name the whole authority remaining in Robert Duke of Aubeney his younger brother in his fathers time created governour of the Kingdome a manifest proofe of his incapacity to governe it alone But this Duke did not content himselfe with the bare government he aspired to the Crowne which though he attained not yet left he no wickednesse unattempted to effect it and the life of the Prince David being a great rub in his way the death of the Queene his mother and of Earle Douglas his father in law afforded him meanes of bereaving him of it as hee desired This Prince was very lewdly inclined and so given to his unbridled lust as that he was not to be endured Whilst his mother lived who kept him in some awe he lived in some order but shee being dead letting the reines loose to his naturall inclination no maidenhood was undeflowred nor marriage bed unviolated When trickes and flatteries could not prevaile hee made use of force Daily complaints were made unto the King of injuries done by his sonne The father by reason of his weaknesse contemned not able to amend him determined to transferre the care thereof to his brother thinking that onely hee was able to tame him an error ordinary enough in persons of his condition For the good man suspects not what he doth not imagine and what he himselfe would not doe were he to gaine the world thereby
through all the City and first in Orleans house his friends and servants runne to the place where they found his body lying in a sea of bloud horribly massacred they carried the body into the next Church whither the King of Cicily and the chiefest of the Court came sorily lamenting the next morning his hand and brains being found lying in the street all durty they were put together with the body into a leaden coffin and buried in a Chappell which he himself had caused to be built At his funerall three corners of the cloth which covered the Bieare were held up by the Princes of Sicily Berry and Burbony Burgundy held up the fourth this fained charity not corresponding with his unfained cruelty for what ever inquisition could be made no newes could be heard of the assassinates The Provost being called to the Councell table said it was impossible for him to finde out any thing touching this affaire unlesse hee might be permitted to search the houses of the greatest Lords and especially the Pallaces of the Princes The King of Sicily Duke of Berry and Duke Burbon were content but not Burgundy who not knowing what to say tooke the three Princes aside and confessed that he had bin the author of that homicide whereupon filled with horror and amazement Berry exclaming that in one day he had lost two nephewes they left him keeping the secret to themselves not knowing without mature deliberation how to publish it The next day after Burgundy being come to goe to the Councell table Berry in whose house the meeting was met him at the chamber doore and told him this was no place for him wherewithall he shut the doore upon him leaving him much confused a usage he had not beene accustomed unto and what he beleeved would not now have beene used without resolutions of further consequence so as fearing to be clapt up in prison hee forthwith returned to his owne house and getting on horseback being waited on only by five men he rid to Bapomus upon the confines of Artois the place of his command and went 42. leagues not taking any rest but what was necessary either to bate or change his horses from thence having slept a while he went to Lillo in Flanders this his unexpected departure was no sooner divulged but the occasion thereof was knowne the dead Duke had 600. what Gentlemen what Knights defraied by him in Paris all which were of no use to him who trusted more in his quality then he ought to have done he imagined the Duke of Burgundy would have exercised his ill will in publicke against his power not by treachery against his person a hundred of these well horst and led by Clegnet of Brabant Admirall of France would have followed Burgundy but the King of Sicily fearing greater inconveniences hindred their designe not suffering them to goe He who formerly was thought the chiefe author of this murther was Albertus of Canni injured by the Duke who had taken from him his wife and had by her a sonne who proved afterwards one of the bravest Cavalliers in all France but the knowne truth freed him of suspition all men except the Parisians detested this fact but their rejoycing lasted but a while for the evills they received through the oppressions and misgovernment of Orleans were not the hundreth part so bad as those they suffered after by the oppression and misgovernment of the Duke of Burgundy The Assassinates having changed their apparrell left Paris likewise and went to Artois according to the order they had formerly received from their Master When Valentina Duches of Orleans heard this sad newes she hasted to Paris and kneeled downe before the King demanding justice which was likely to bee granted for he did tenderly love his brother but his weaknesse was such as suffered him to give her no other comfort save hopes and promises The Duke of Burgundy having represented the businesse to the common people after his manner he published a manifestation thereof wherein having made knowne the reasons which had inforced him to this resolution he pretended to merit thankes and praise rather then blame or punishment The two Uncles Sicily and Berry fearing lest he might joyne with the English invited him to give them a meeting at Amiens he came thither and caused two launces to be set a crosse upon his lodging doore in this manner X which fashioned forth the Burgundy crosse the one of them had a bur used in war the other such a one as is used at tilting as if he would by this Hyroglifique say it should be in their choice to chuse peace or war Their meeting was to no purpose for contrary to the Kings expresse inhibition he went with 4000. men to Paris where he was with great expressions of joy received by the Parisians where to justifie his horrid fault hee by the mouth of one Iohn Petit accused the Duke of Orleans for having aspired unto the Kingdome bewitched the King ploâ—…ed treachery against his children and for having made confederacy with the King of England to make himselfe master of the Crowne of France by the death of his brother as the other had got the Crowne of England by his Cosens death for having sowed discord betwixt the King and Queene â—…o the end that having lost her matrimoniall love her person might bee the more at his command that he had made himselfe Master of the most considerable places of the Kingdome putting out the former governours and placing others of his owne depending in their roomes that he might make use of them against his brother that he had procured Pope Benedict to declare the King incapable of the Crowne as Childericus formerly was that he himselfe might obtaine it his conclusion was that being for so many faults guilty of treason both divine and humane he was to be declared lawfully slaine and the King out of meere feare declared him as was urged justly put to death The Duke having obtained what he desired returned to Flanders from thence he went in assistance of the Bishop and Prince of Leidge against the Leigois who had rebelled against him he overcame them and gave them what Lawes he pleased whereby he wonne such renowne as France had reason to fear him now more then before for though in his absence the King had permitted the Dowager Duches to answer unto his accusations and revoked his pardon with an intention to punish him yet understanding of this victory and that his brothers and cosens had declared themselves for him he disabandoned the people who were gathered together to have forced him and those who had appeared his enemies repented themselves for having been so forward Together with this examining the continuancy of the Parisians strangely passionate for the Duke the King resolved to retire himselfe to Towres not so much to free himselfe from their danger as to revenge himselfe of them for the absence of the Court redounds much to their losse
That though it were an easie matter to convince them since they could never prove what he never dreampt of yet he was not come for that purpose That he did present himselfe as guilty since he was declared to be such not by his owne conscience but by his Majesties deluded opinion that therefore since it was impossible for him to live without insufferable anguish of mind being subject to such suspitions hee beseeched his Majesty to free him from further vexation with this weapon Then presenting unto him a dagger by the point hee added That he would willingly suffer death if it might cause such quiet unto his Majesty as his Majesty did beleeve That hee should not hold his hand out of any consideration of his soule for he had begged mercy of God and taken his Christian viaticum much lesse out of fear that this might be imputed as a sinne unto his Majesty for being already satisfied of the humane justice in punishing a guilty person worthy of whatsoever chastisement for what concerned divine justice he did promise him in the presence of those Lords who were by to be his advocate before the Tribunall of the supreame Judge in that fearefull and terrible day when the secrets of all hearts being knowne his Majesty and himselfe in the chariot of his innocency should triumph over the calumnies of other men The speech being ended the King threw away the dagger and with teares of joy imbraced and kissed him and confessed he had done amisse in beleeving otherwise of him then he ought to have done Hee assured him that for the time to come hee would be deafe to all such as should dare to speake against him But the Prince not herewithall contented humbly beseeched his Majesty to bring his accusers to the test that either they or he might receive condigne punishment The King satisfied in the innocency of his sonne and unwilling that those who were zealously his should be punished appeased his sonne saying that since this businesse was to be judged by the Peers of the Land nothing could be done therein till the next Parliament and that then he should receive such satisfaction as he justly did demand Then sweetning him with intreaties and faire speeches he made him quit his request and kept him in his good opinion as long as hee lived These and the like actions generally held dissolute afforded reason of bad presages as hath beene formerly said But assoone as he put on the Crowne he turned another leafe and became excellent in all such vertues as make a Prince famous in peace and redoubted in warre A change by how much the more rare the more admired since thereby the worst of men doe prove the best and types of vertue He first of all like a good husband purged his house of all uncleannesse and not content to have swept from thence all his deboisht companions he did not onely forbid them his sight and further company but banished them from comming within tenne miles of the Court He put in their places persons of exemplary lives Hee placed in his seates of Justice and in his Councell men worthy of such trust and joyning piety to his policy he founded Monasteries and brought the body of Richard the second from an obscure sepulchre in Langley to Westminster where he caused him with regall pompe to bee put in a tombe built at his owne charge and Lady Anne of Bohemia his first wife by him He sent Embassadours and Bishops to Constantia to endeavour in that Councell an end of the Schisme which had then a long time lasted and where not long after in stead of three Popes who reigned altogether Martin the fifth was chosen Pope to the great joy of all Christendome He referred the Lord Cobham who was accused of herefie to the Ecclesiasticall Courts having given him friendly admonitions for he had formerly loved him by reason of his valour from whence being committed over to secular Jurisdiction he was to have received his last punishment had hee not by some of his friends beene secretly conveyed out of the Tower But that which for the present befell not him happened to divers others for many of his opinion having seditiously assembled themselves and accused of conspiracy so many of them were taken as the prisons were not able to containe them and nine and twenty of the chiefest of them where one was a Priest were put to death the like befalling himselfe foure yeares after who was taken about the borders of Wales and hang'd and burnt He restored Henry Percy sonne to Henry hot spurre to his Lands Honour having sent for him back from Scotland whither he was for safety sent in the downfall of his family hee thought it not fit that so noble bloud should suffer punishment in the person of a child who being of so innocent yeares ought not to partake of his fore-fathers faults It was easie for him to restore unto him his lands which the King his father had given to Iohn his third sonne whom hee recompenced with an equivalent revenue Thus he ended the first yeare of his reigne in the beginning whereof the Duke of Clarence who was then in Aquitany hearing of his fathers death returned home to England and brought along with him Iohn Count of Angolesme together with the other hostages assigned over for the Duke of Orleans debt and was by the King received with a brotherly affection The Clergy had been practised upon in King Henry the fourths time by reason of their great revenues as being superfluously larger then was requisite for them In the eleventh year of his reigne mention was made in Parliament that they would have been cause of much scandall if the civill warres had not been The warres being at this present at an end and mens mindes more eager of this then formerly it was thought good not to lose the opportunity of time For since the King was addicted to war it behoved him to raise unto himselfe a permanent revenue to the satisfaction of the whole Kingdome A calculation was made that leaving to the Clergy what was sufficient for them the over-plus of their revenues was sufficient to maintaine fifteene Earles fifteene hundred Knights six thousand two hundred Gentlemen and an hundred Hospitalls besides twenty thousand pound a yeare reserved for the Kings Exchequer which twenty thousand pound was more then then an hundred thousand pound would now be A calculation which whether true or false proved a true danger to the Clergy The remedy was easie the combination being generall the advantage common to all for the King Nobility and Commonalty were to share in what was to bee taken from them A Parliament was called at Leicester wherein they were threatned They thought to eschew the blow by making some great offer but if it should not be accepted of for bee it what they pleased it must bee much inferior to what was expected from them they ran a hazard of defamation as corrupters
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
Towrs under the custody of three of his confidents And that this her banishment might be irrevocable he interessed the Dolphin therein making him under pretence of the necessity of the warre seize upon such treasure as she had gathered and placed in certaine Churches and Monasteries as in so many Sanctuaries An action which caused in her such hatred against her sonne as hoping for revenge she by his ruine who was her onely sonne wrought the ruine of France which things though their successe were uncertaine yet nothing of good could be conjectured thereby So as they being by King Henry well examined he hasted to call a Parliament propounding the continuation of the warre which was embraced with much applause and monies to that purpose readily paid downe nothing but good successe being to be hoped for whilst matters went thus The King to make himselfe Master of the Sea dispatcht away Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his Admirall sonne to that Duke of Exceter who was beheaded the first yeare of Henry the fourth a yong man whom he much favoured not so much for that hee was cousin german borne of Isabell his fathers sister as that his conditions did deserve it He on the other side desirous by some honorable atchievement to augment the Kings favour departed resolute to doe some action worthy of the opinion which was conceived of him The bastard of Burbon was Captaine of the French fleet of equall force with the Earle in one onely thing surpassing him that being guarded about by nine Genway Carracts as by so many fortresses he thought them alone sufficient to secure him from all the enemies forces so as seeking him out and finding him who did not hide himselfe they came to blowes Their equall courage and valour held the balance a long time equall till such time as the English prevailing Burbon was taken prisoner and of the nine Carracts three were sunke and three were taken and amongst the prey the mony which was allowed for halfe a yeares payment of the fleet The which being taken by the King as a good omen he tooke shipping at Portsmouth waited upon by many of the nobility and followed by his two brothers Clarence and Gloster leaving his third brother Bedford Regent He landed at Tongues a Castle in Normandy which in foure daies surrendred it selfe as with the like speed did Harcourt Beaumont Ereux Falese Baiensa Lisâ—…aux Corances Aurenches and other places Caen a Towne well peopled strong and one of the Bulwarkes of that Province stood out resolutely and not listning to any termes of surrendring it was soone after taken by assault and sackt The Castle as Monstrelet saith held out three weekes longer and seven weekes according to Duplex whilst the English say that all manner of rigour being denounced against the defendants if they would not yeeld after the first day Monsieur de la Faietta and Monsieur de Montene despairing of succour came forth within the limited time All the riches and ornaments of the neighbouring Townes were found there as placed in a safe place No man durst lay hands upon them for whosoever did was unavoidable to be put to death They were by the Kings directions restored to the Monasteries and Churches to which they did belong The which purchased him the good will of the Country and helped him in his succeeding enterprises Religious actions unfainedly done have power to molifie even those breasts which hardned with hatred would for all other meanes prove obstinate and irreconciliable Chereburg and Ponte del Arco were next Caen the most considerable Forts for the conquest of Normandy A particular account must be given of Roan by it selfe The King sent the Duke of Glocester to Chereburg who finding it provided with men munition and victualls spent tenne months there in vaine in which time when he could not get the gates open by battery force nor industry the avarice of Iohn d'Engenes the governour thereof threw them open unto him which proved afterwards a gaine which caused his death for having by this infamously purchased money received a safe conduct for a certaine limited time during the which he might trade where ever the King of England did command for he could not in reason trust himselfe in France he was in Roan after the City was yeelded up unto the English and tarring there relying upon some when his set time was expired his head was cut off the presence of a traitor smells so ranke in the nose of a noble Prince and lover of vertue After this many other places yeelded incited thereunto by the King having made it to bee proclaimed that all men should enjoy their goods and priviledges and that he would treate with all such as with his naturall subjects who uninforced would put themselves under his government so as in little more then a yeare his ensignes were seene flourishing in every place nothing almost remaining to the entire conquest of Normandy but the Metroplitan Roan proceedings sprung from the Prince his worth and souldiers valour but facilitated by the enemies disunion it being in them made true that desolation must needes ensue where a Kingdome is divided within it selfe And that as amongst the passions of the minde there is none so great as that of hatred so all hatreds must give place to the violence of civill or home hatred The City of Roan in the losse of all those Towns which as to the head of the Province were under her had her eye more fixt upon France then upon her owne eminent danger for being a principall member thereof she thought she should be cut off and made no member if she did not partake of her infections and her inhabitants imitating the Parisians in wealth riches would have thought their honour had bin concerned if they should not likewise emulate themin their seditions Being then resolved equally with them to favour the Duke of Burgony they made an insurrection under the conduct of Allen Blancard a partaker with the Duke and having slaine the governour and some of the officers and chiefe Citizens they would make themselves masters of the Castle a place requisite for their safeties after so sottish a rebellion and were repulsed by Iames of Burbon Signieur de Preaux who had the command of it so as their ill successe causing repentance they were forced to flye for protection to the same Burbon whom they had but just then so unjustly offended So rash and haire braine bold are the people in stumbling upon offences and so affrontedly presumptuous in the choice of their remedies But the Dolphin who was come thither with an intention to give them exemplary punishment meeting with unexpected difficulties did cloake his ill will and pardoned the fault the which without much danger he could not punish But since I am to speak much of this Prince I crave permission to describe him to you in foure lines that you may the better know him He was borne under a
governe alone they measure their owne interests by the concernments of their servants who if they were worthy would either sacrifice themselves for their Masters wellfare or would save themselves by flight to shun the being reputed their Prince his undoing These alterations made sport for King Henry the vitall spirits which ought to have concurred to the strengthening of so important a member as was Normandy retired themselves unto the heart oppressed by dangerous symptomes the which not easing the one did aggravate the other to the danger of them both nor could it be otherwise for the businesse requiring union and obedience the Duke could not obey the Dolphin whilst he pretended to governe him and union was impossible to the Dolphins servants being they were to lose their authority which together with the Dukes authority was incompatible The one side and the other did alike feare that the severall factions being once reduced into the right way would not goe astray againe for there is nothing whereof seditious men are more jealous then to make those taste the sweete of good who were formerly their associates and coadjutors in evill So as France running ruine through the excesse of disorder it was no wonder if England did establish herselfe through the excellency of counsell The English before they could besiege Roan were constrained to endeavour the taking in of Pont d'Arcke a fortresse seated upon the River Sâ—…ne that so they might the better keepe Roan from being succoured The King being not farre from thence in the Priory of Boneport sent the Lord of Cornwell to sound the defendants minds and to see whether the example of so many other places which had received his ensignes would move them to doe the like Iohn Graville was governour thereof who being resolute to stand out the Baron said unto him that he did ill to oppose himselfe against the King of Englands forces for he would undertake himselfe alone with very few more to passe over that River in despite of him and all his people offering to wage with him hereon his helmet with 500. Nobles in it against the best horse in his Stable Graville accepted of the wager and placed great troopes upon the passages Iames Harcourt being come to him from Estempes with 800. fighting men and 12000. of the Country people The Baron failed not to make good his word the next day he brought along with him 600. almost all archers amongst whom was a yong sonne of his owne of fifteene yeares of age one horse and some little field peeces all which hee conveied over in eight barkes to a little Iland situated in the midst of the River from whence shooting at the enemy who were upon the further banke hee so disordered them with his small peeees and his artillery as that they were faine to save themselves Harcourt retiring himselfe to Estempes Graville to Ponte d'Arcke and the rest to the woods so as being past over without resistance and having Knighted his sonne he put himselfe in battell aray and sent backe the boats to the end that they with some others that he had provided might convey over about a thousand souldiers with which hee did not onely maintaine skirmish against the garrison of the Fort but lodging himselfe in Mortamer Abbey he ransackt the Country putting them all in feare and disorder Graville being afterward jibed at for having so poorely mainteined the passage against so few men replied That if he had beene so seated as was he he would have hindred the passage not onely against him but against England and France put together But the seate was not the right reason of this it was rather the bowmens cunning and the terror which without any evident cause doth surprise even the stoutest hearts by the ancients called fate but by us divine providence the which is then more particularly seene when greater things are done then were the meanes whereby they were done The next day the Duke of Clarence passed over with 4000. fighting men and the King causing a bridge to be made on Roans side made himselfe Master of the field so as the Country people having no place to repaire unto the greatest part fled elsewhere and Graville having withstood a siege of three weekes despairing of succour yeelded the Fort their lives and goods saved Roan yet remained not that there were not many other Townes yet not taken in but because if she were once taken the rest would come in of themselves without one blow strucken The King of France and Duke of Burgony had sent thither made Captaines and souldiers to boot with the great number of inhabitants who were all resolved rather to die then to suffer the English subjection This siege was laid when the corne was not yet gathered in to the end that hunger might assist the other forces The King tooke up his quarter amongst the Cheartosine Monkes his brothers and Lords quartered themselves in seven other places to wit upon Saint Kathernes hill and over against the gates of Saint Hillary Caux Martinville Beauvais the Castle and the bridge The defendants made many fallies to impeach the besiegers workes slew some of them and lost some of their owne retiring themselves sometimes with their swords bloudy sometimes with bloudy heads But for all this they could not hinder them from securing their quarters with great ditches and workes and from accommodating themselves as that though they found all the adjacent houses Churches and Monasteries beaten downe and razed particularly Saint Severe Richburg Saint Gervais Mâ—…rtenville the Arsenalle and the Galleyes that were in it yet they used such diligence as that they wanted nothing requisite for a long siege as they thought this would prove the Cities strength being considered and the Citizens resolution who on the contrary side chased out of the City all such as had not wherewithall to victuall themselves easing themselves out of the number of 210000. mouths which were numbred in the City of 12000. of the most unusefull ones as old men women children and religious people who did afterwards all of them almost dye for hunger in ditches for they were not suffered to passe any further that the City might bee inforced to take them in againe the which she did not one of the evill effects of warre amongst those who doe defend themselves being to lay aside all manner of charity even though it concerne their owne blood so as the King was constrained the moanes and outcryes of the miserable people flying up to heaven afterwards to succour them to keepe them from utter perishing He sent the Earle of Warwicke and the Baron Talbot to Caudebec a place upon the Sene betweene Roan and Harfleur wherewith they agreed for the passage of the English Vessells over the River and that that Town of Caudebec should surrender it selfe as soone as Roan should either be taken or surrendred They gave ostages hereupon and suffered an hundred Vessells to passe over which came from the
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
horse and those wearied resolved to set upon him before his bowmen should come up vnto him And to make the Earle the more confident hee sent forth 50. horse as if there had beene no more in the Castle The Earle sent Sir Ralph Standish with 100. horse to encounter them who had hardly begun the skirmish when the rest that were within the Castle sallyed forth slew him and his companions and without any interposition of time set upon the Earle who as hee was manfully fighting was defeated by a Culverin which being shot among the thickest of his men swept away a great many of them and at the second shot broke the Earles legge above his ankle who in a swound fell from his horse and was taken prisoner with Woodville and a hundred other horse Two hundred were slaine the rest saved themselves by flight The Earle was carried to Beauvois where within a few dayes hee died His losse was as much bewayled as his valour had hee lived was full of expectation and hope Hee was the fift Earle of Arundell of the noble house of Fitsallen Six others of the same succeeded him the last of which was Henry who dying without heires male the Earledome and the title fell upon Philip Howard eldest sonne to Thomas Duke of Northfolke and Mary his wife daughter to the said Henry This Thomas was father to the now present Earle of Arundell Earle Marshall of England who married the Lady Alithea daughter to Gilbert Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewesbury lineally descended from Iohnâ—…ord â—…ord Talbot of whom wee have spoken in this our story I was willing to â—…ist upon this particular here which I desire may not bee imputed to me as a superfluous digression but rather to the gratitude which from mee and all Italy is due unto them both Tenne yeares were past since the battaile of Aiencourt where and since when the Duke of Bourbon was prisoner in England when having payed his ransome of 18000. pounds sterlin the very day destinied for his returne hee was seized upon by his last infirmitie which brought him to his grave dying a free man after having lived so long a captive The confederacy friendship and affinitie of the two Couzins Bedford and Burgony were come to the period of their dissolution not so much for the death of the ones wife the others sister as for that the distasts caused by divers passages betweene them had afforded field-roome to such as desired a breach betweene them to whisper such tales in both their eares as being supposed to be spoken in the prejudice of each other could by neither of them be taken in good part but with a great resentment of their honours an Idoll which amongst imaginary deities especially betweene Princes is the most supreame though as too suspitiously false sometimes with much losse too much idolatrised friends enterposed themselves but 't was not sufficient the gangren'd sores of their soules were not to be cured by Lenities A meeting betweene them was treated of out of hopes that by an enterview and speech together they might come to understand one anothers minde better then by reports 't was obtained Saint Omers was named and agreed upon for the place A place which belonging to Philip redounded to his honour since Bedford went to him not he to Bedford Bedford came thither first whilst Philip being in his owne dominion and his owne house should have beene there to have met and welcomed him But hee was so farre from doing this that though he came last he pretended to be the first visited Perhaps a just pretension in a neutrall place hee being the last commer thither For as for other respects which give precedency to Princes there goes not much difficultie to the deciding of the question Bedford had two which argue for his precedency the one casuall and but for a time the other borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft His regency of France was that which was casuall and therefore I build not upon it as well for that Philip might have beene regent if hee had so pleased though what might have beene gives place to what is as likewise for that France held it an unjust usurped dignity though hee ought not to esteeme it so who held Henry for King of France for that that was borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft Bedford was the Sonne Brother and Uncle of a King And tooke these prerogatives from him superiour without question to any thing that Philip could alledge they were in their genealogies equall For if Iohn King of France were great Grandfather to Philip Edward the third King of England was the like to Bedford and if any difference bee made betweene the Princes of the bloud in France and the Princes of the bloud in England where there is no such title by Law the former being priviledged by the pretended Salique Law the latter not since women doe succeede t is a reason whereof Philip ought make no use since that Law was by him broken and so much the lesse against Bedford as that if Henry should dye without heyres hee was the next presumed heyre to the Crowne In titles they were alike in soveraignty and peculiar power Philip was before him But if soveraignty were ever to precede there are little soveraigne Lords and no Princes who should take place of great Princes who are no soveraigne Lords and power which contributes advantage doth nor contribute degrees of dignity But let all bee granted civility will not permit the affecting of the best place in a mans owne house but rather wils that it bee given alwayes to our equals yea sometimes to our inferiours To end this difference Philip propounded that the businesse might bee discust by third persons which Bedford would not condescend unto so as parting without the sight of one another their friendship was broken and all memorials of their former affinity were cancelled wherein if the English lost all hee got not much for one would thinke that in the fall of this great tree hee should have seized upon one of the greatest boughes for himselfe the which if hee had not formerly done the fault was his since he by their assistance which did divert those who might have troubled him obtained territories else-where to the unjust and violent possession whereof I meane Hannault Holland Zeland and Frisland he had never come their naturall Princes being alive if France had beene at liberty Hee had sundry times given fast signes of this his bad inclination especially when notwithstanding the heate of warre hee was contented that his brother in law the Count de Richmont should receive the sword of Constableship and that Charles de Bourbon the now Duke a great sider with King Charles and an implacable enemy of the English should marry his sister Agnis powerfull meanes for the accommodation which his delayes did not cut off but deferre Hee had thus two strings to his bow Moreover when the councell
and her Children remaine any longer in so eminent danger Caen was by King Henry given to the Duke of Yorke so as though the Duke of Somerset as Lieutenant generall had all plenary authority in all other places yet had hee not so in this without Sir David Halls consent Commander of the Towne under the Duke of Yorke But Somerset summoning together the chiefest Citizens told them that it was impossible to defend the Towne and that in endeavouring it they would endanger being taken by force His proposition was gladly entertained by them all Hall opposed him shewing him that though his authority was generall yet had hee nothing to doe in that place which did belong to the Duke of Yorke and whereof the charge was committed to him that the Towne was not in such danger as hee pretended for it neither wanted men munition nor mony that therefore it behooved them to spin out the time till the Duke himselfe might come to the succour thereof or els give order for the surrender thereof That in the meane while hee would defend it against whatsoever power since the Castle was impregnable and though subject to the thunder of a cannon yet onely Women and Children were there at to bee affraid not men of warre Long were the disputes hereupon but the Inhabitants siding with the Duke all of them naturally enclined to the French and fearing to bee sackt they mutined against the Captaine vowing that if hee did not yeeld up the Towne within three dayes they in despight of him would throw open the Gates to the King their threats were not to bee despised since the common sort of Souldiers and the Duke sided with them so as hee was constrained to yeeld but would not have his name used in the articles which were signed in this manner the next day of the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist that in the Towne Castle should be yeelded up on the first of Iuly in case they were not before that succoured that the Duke Dutchesse their Children all others that had a minde to depart might do so the Souldiers with their horses harnesse the Inhabitants with their Wives Children and moveables but at their owne charges that they should pay what they ought unto the Citizens and should leave behinde them all sort of Artillery Sir David Hall tooke shipping for Ireland to advertise the Duke of Yorke his master hereof who was so much offended thereat that if his former injuries received from the Duke of Somerset did touch him to the quick this vext his very heart Of a 100. Townes enjoyed by the English they now enjoyed but foure Lisieux commanded by Gough yeelded their lives and livelyhood saved but the Garrison was to march forth with a white truncheon onely in their hand Falce whereof the Earle of Shrewesbery was Master by gift from Henry held out a while the souldiers sailed forth to surprize the cannon which they saw appeare but being repulsed and Charles himselfe comming thither in person they demanded parly which was granted them they agreed upon two articles one for each side for them that they should surrender the place if they were not succoured within twelve dayes For Charles that hee should set the Earle of Shrewesbery at liberty who was prisoner in Dreux Dumfronte yeelded the second of August the lives and goods of the Inhabitants saved Chereburg held last out it was valiantly defended as long as their munition lasted from thence the Governour thereof Captaine Thomas Gonvall and the Garrison went to Callais where he found the Duke of Somerset and the rest who after so many adverse fortunes had retired themselves thither Normandy returned back againe to the possession of the French 30. yeares after it had beene conquered by Henry the fifth and 3. were the causes of her losse the first that a small number of Souldiers were not sufficient to retaine it in obedience for though it did patrimonially belong to the Crowne of England yet did it not any longer retaine those former good affections to England which had beene cancelled by the interposition of the government of two ages from the time that King Iohn of England was deprived thereof by Philip the first so as being French in scituation tongue and customes it was impossible to preserve her with the weake forces of bare garrisons devided conquests and which are aloofe of are not kept without great Collonies or without the totall rooting out of the people especially when they neighbour upon great Princes that may helpe them the common wealth of Rome doth antiently teach us this and in moderne time the Turke and the Spaniards the Turke in the Easterne Countries and parts adjacent the Spaniards in Cuba Muxico Pera and the rest of America wherein destroying as many as could hurt them they reserved none alive save some few that they thought might doe them service the second was the Duke of Somersets avarice for that hee did not keepe such garrisons there as hee should have done but pocketted up the money in his owne purse as appeares by his conniving during the truce at the robberies which with suppository beards were done upon the high wayes by his Souldiers whereby hee gave just occasion of complaint unto the French and by not paying of his Souldiers lost all power either of suppressing their out rages or punishing their selves the third home divisions of these three the first is not to bee questioned the second though some what obscure yet cleare enough by the effects the third may suffer a dispute for though ill humours were conceived they were not ripe enough to cause the ruine of the state â—…or would they have beene at all conceived or bred under a princely spirited King 〈◊〉 proceed from ill government ill government from the want of judgement insufficiency and easinesse and cruelty in the Prince now to come to these ruines I say the chiefest of them had their beginnings from the Duke of Suffolke of whom there are divers opinions Polliâ—…ore Holinshead and Hall judge evilly of him following the vâ—…lgar opinion which never adheres to favorites Caniden and Speed evilly but not with ingratitude grounding themselves upon many truthes I in like manner beleeve both well and ill of him the good in him was that he was very vertuous and of heightned conditions for what concerned himselfe he waged warre in France 44. yeares without intermission in seventeene of which he never saw his owne country when he was taken prisoner his ransome cost him 20000. pound sterling though then he had no greater title then bare knighthood he was of 30. yeares standing of the order of the Garter his father was slaine at the siege of Harflore his elder brother in the battle of Ajencourt and two younger brothers in the same warres so as it cannot be denyed but that his Prince and country ought much unto him since he spent his life and livelihood in the service of the one his reputation in the service
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
wrought beliefe in one who had really doubted He at the last appeared having two Bishops by his sides in a bay-window which lookes out upon the Hall The Duke of Buckingham making a low reverence begg'd two things of him the one that he would suffer them to make an humble supplication to him the other that he would pardon them in case it should not prove acceptable to him for though it aimed at nothing but his Honour and the good of the Kingdome yet hee was afraid his Modesty hee being a Prince endued with so much worth might take it in a contrary sence to their intention The Protectour answered He was so confident of their integrity as Hee hoped they would say nothing that might displease Him Hee therefore granted the Leave and pardon they demanded Buckingham after having made a long digression of the Kingdomes grievances which were not to be cured but by a Prince of his vertue and endowments said That they were expressely come humbly to desire him that the unlawfull birth of his brother King Edwards children considered not daring to touch upon the birth of Edwards selfe he would vouchsafe for his owne innate Goodnesse for the Zeale he had ever borne to the Weale of the People and for the Compassion which upon this present occasion more then upon any other whatsoever was to shine forth in him together with the Government of the Kingdome to accept of the Crowne to the glory of God and Countries safety being he might rest assured that never did any Prince reigne whose people did thinke themselves so happy as would His people thinke themselves most happy under Him The Protectour as if offended at this request with angry looke answered That though much of what hee had said was true yet the love hee bare to his brother King Edward his affection to his Children and his regard unto his owne Honour would not permit him to accept of such a burden for it was to be believed that should hee depose his Nephewes and make himselfe King the ignorant and malignant would accuse him to all the Princes of the World as if hee had done it not out of the right pretence hee had thereunto or being enforced to it by the Peoples importunacy and necessity of the Kingdome which to say truth could not be in worse condition then it was but through his owne Ambition Yet knowing their good intentions hee did not onely pardon them but returned them thankes since hee conceived it proceeded from the love they bare him the which hee desired might be turned to the King under whose government they now lived whom he with his person and best advice would serve hoping to put the affaires of the Kingdome into so good order as they should not have any thing to wish for as he praised God he had given some testimony since his being Protectour notwithstanding the malignity of some which had rather been supprest by Divine Providence then by Humane Wisdome This answer being given the Duke of Buckingham stept aside as if to consult with the Noble-men the Lord Major and the Recorder of the City the which being done he desired pardon againe and having obtained it he said with a Loud voice as if he were somewhat moved or heated That the Kingdome was absolutely resolved not to permit Edwards Children to reigne not so much for that they had proceeded so farre in their requests they were not to hope for Pardon as for that the Publique good required it That therefore hee beseeched him to accept of the Crowne which if he would not doe they should be enforced to offer it to one that would not refuse it The Protectour seemed to be affraid of these threats hee seemed sorrowfull that they should have so ill a conceipt of his brothers issue Hee confest hee could not governe or reigne without their good wills therefore their resolution being such and there being none to whom the Crowne did of right belong but to Him being legitimately descended from the Duke of Yorke and that to his Naturall and Lawfull Titles there was added his now Election the chiefest of all the rest Hee yeilded to their intreaties and requests by accepting the Crown and taking upon him from this time forward the State and Regall preheminence of the two Kingdomes of England and France the former whereof should be Commanded Governed and Defended by Him and his Heires the other by Gods assistance and theirs Regained that so it might be in perpetuity established under the obedience of England whose greatnesse and reputation he so much coveted as he desired God he might live no longer then his life might be serviceable to this end The which being said they cried aloud King Richard King Richard the Artillery playing their part The Lords went up to him where he was to kisse his hand whilst the People departing spake as leudly of him as they might being displeased at nothing more then at the counterfeit carriage of the businesse which being plotted and resolved upon long before there had notwithstanding been so many stage-like actions used therein as if it had never been thought of till then and as if choice had been made of the Spectatours as of so many of the most senselesse and stupid people of the Land The End of the Seventh Booke THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Richard the Third KIngdomes which belong to others are not usurped without violent meanes of all which Warre is the least blameable though the most harmfull A valiant usurper is like your High-way robber who bids the traveller stand and if he take away his purse does it with his Sword in hand Richard tooke not this way in his usurping the Crown not that he wanted courage for of the good qualities he was endued withall Valour was the onely one which was not counterfeit but because hee found none that did withstand him Deceipt fraud cruelty and treachery were the meanes he used one or two of which being sufficient to other men they did not all serve his turne for he invented one beyond imitation or example the defaming of his mother Had he who wrote the booke De Principe met with this subject he would have quit Duke Ualentine and taken this man for the patterne of his tyrant Not that the difference between them was great but for that that was was in the most essentiall points Valentines vices if they were not more execrable yet were they more dishonest Richards were more execrable but more secure And though both were bad beyond belief yet Richard by the death of a few infused terrour into the rest and made himselfe a King where Valentine by the death of very many could keepe his owne Principality And if it be said that Richard weakned the Kingdome and its forces by taking off the heads of such as might have made themselves heads of the people and so have withstood him that being of the Blood-royall he had many
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
He was so innocent as it never entered into his imagination and that when he heard of it he was so heartily grieved as it was impossible for him any more to looke upon the King abhorring his sight and being resolved never to returne to Court till he had wrought Publique Revenge but that finding it hard to get from him for Tyrants have no more faithfull nor vigilant guardians then their owne Suspitions he at last so farre prevailed as dissembling the True cause and finding excuses to make his journey seeme necessary hee had got leave Richard believing that hee went away very well satisfied whilst in truth he was much discontented That wherewith he entertained his thoughts in this voyage was to finde out a meanes how to depose Richard but a Successour being to be found out he could not light upon any one more lawfull then Himselfe for having made a mentall scrutiny and finding that his Grandfather Edmund Duke of Sommerset was Twice removed from Iohn Duke of Lancaster the Founder of that house and Henry the sixth Thrice it followed that His mother daughter to Edmund being removed as Henry the sixth He her heire should after Henry the sixth be the undoubted Successour the line of Sommerset descending from the said Iohn Duke of Lancaster in like sort the other having onely precedency by Birth-right in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth so as feeding himselfe with this imagination assisted by Vanity and Ambition he though he might have grounded Richards ruin upon the foundation of his Owne pretence not finding any opposition therein But meeting with the Countesse of Richmond wife to the now Lord Stanley betweene Worcester and Bridgnorth his ill-grounded Fabrick was soon overthrowne For calling to mind that shee was the onely daughter and Heire to Iohn Duke of Sommerset elder brother to his Grandfather Edmund it followed that Her sonne the Earle of Richmond was the true heire and pretender which he had formerly thought Himselfe to be And that believing himselfe to be so he had proceeded even to the point of weighing the Dangers and amusing himselfe about what meanes he were best to make use of whether of his naturall Right or of Election and though the Lawes both of the Kingdome and of Nature appeared sufficient to him for what concerned his Naturall Right yet the Succession having been Interrupted and the house of Yorke in possession he had thought it requisite for him to have the Votes of the Lords and Commons for that the generall lawfull Election would corroborate his particular Right and exclude the Tyrant Touching Dangers he found they would be great in a litigious Kingdome in which let the title be never so apparent some will not be wanting who will oppose it particularly upon the present occasion the house of Yorke reigning Edwards daughters being well Beloved and by reason of their Unkles evill intreatment Pittied by all men so as though they might have a great desire to free themselves of a perverse King yet was it not such as to make them favour Another to their prejudice who were held the true Heires But the seeing of the Countesse having made him aware of the Injustice of his pretences and that if he should continue Obstinate therein dangers were likely to increase if Edwards daughters joyning with the Earle of Richmond He were by their partakers to be set upon on both sides hee had changed his mind Not that the Countesse had spoken to him of it who had no such Thought but that he had observed Here a Neerer Propinquity The discourse she held with him was To conjure him by the Neerenesse of his Blood and by the memory of Humphrey Duke of Buckingham his Grandfather and sworne brother to Iohn Duke of Sommerset her father that he would entreat the King to reassume her sonne the Earle of Richmond into his favour and suffer him to returne to England and that for her part shee would oblige her selfe to make him marry which of Edwards daughters the King would please without Portion or any other thing save onely his re-patriation The which hee promised to doe whereupon they parted she with New Hopes and he with New Thoughts For calling to mind the Earles claime with the same apprehensions which were by Him the Bishop propounded the night before he fell upon a resolution to assist him with all Might and Meanes as true Heire of the house of Lancaster in the defence whereof his Father and Grandfather had beene slaine upon this condition notwithstanding that hee should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward for that this marriage joyning together the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke in the two persons who could onely pretend unto the Crowne the Kingdome would be established and all occasion of Warre or Civill Dissension would be taken away for the time to come The which marriage if the Mother and the Sonne of the House of Lancaster would accept of on the one side and the Mother and Daughter of the House of Yorke on the other none would be to be feared but the Boare that wounded all men with his Tuskes and who would doubtlesly be soone destroyed since all men were to joyne in a worke from whence were to issue both Publique and Private ease and quiet It cannot be conceived how overjoy'd the Bishop was to heare this his Conclusion being the same he desired so as praising the Dukes Goodnesse and Wisdome and now longing to see the businesse on foot he asked him with which of the two he intended to treat first who answered with the Countesse of Richmond for that it was necessary first to know the Earle her Sonnes mind Which the Bishop approving of he offered to bring unto him Reynold Bray a Houshold-servant to the Countesse a wise discreet man and who being verst in the negotiation of great businesses would be fittest to be imployed in this The which the Duke approving of hee wrote unto him and sent the Letter by an Expresse wherein he desired him to come to Brecknock for a businesse which concerned the Countesse his Mistresse He forthwith obeyed who 't was sent for him The instructions he received were that considering the Kingdome could not be brought to quiet but by advancing the Earle of Richmond to the Crown by meanes of uniting the two houses of Lancaster and York by marriage that the Countesse of Richmond should treat thereof with Queen Elizabeth and having obtained Her good will and Her eldest Daughters shee should send into Brittany to treat thereof with her Sonne who if He woud promise to marry Her after He should have obtained the Crowne they engaged themselves by joyning the Forces of the Factions to make him King Bray being dispatched away with this Embassie the Bishop took leave likewise of the Duke the Duke was loth to part with him needing his Advice but he resolved howsoever to be gone and whilst the Duke fed him with hopes under pretence of raising men who might secure
tell of his Departure he dispatched so speedily after Him as those who had the Commission to stay Him got to the uttermost bounds of Britanny not above an Houre after He was gone out of them The Duke being this time returned to His perfect sence was displeased hereat thinking this might redound to his Dishonour He chid Landais and commanded that all the English that were left in Vennes should be suffered to depart making them to be defrayed not onely whilst they were in His State but till they came to their Master to whom He likewise sent the Money He had promised by Edward Woodvile and Edward Poinings two English Gentlemen for the which the Earle returned Him many Thankes saying He should not be at quiet till Fortune had befriended Him with some meanes whereby in some sort to requite His infinite Obligation to the Duke by whose favour only He lived King Charles was then at Langres whither the Earle went to Him and acquainted Him with the reason of His flight from Britanny and how the Nobility and People of England had sent for Him to free them from Richards tyranny Hee intreated his assistance which was not hard to obtaine from so generous a Prince as Hee was against one who for his notorious wickednesse was abhorred by all men The King bad him be of good comfort promised to assist him and brought him on his way to Montargis treating the Lords that were with him with hospitality becomming a King whilst thus he was ordering his affaires Fortune the better to encourage him sent unto him a man not onely forgotten but who was little better then thought dead Iohn Vere Earle of Oxford who after the Battell at Barnet had gotten into Scotland from thence to France and from thence had made himselfe Master of Saint Michales Mount in Coâ—…wall where being besieged and yeilding up the place King Edward had sent him prisoner This Noble-man had so farre prevailed with Sir Iames Blunt Captaine of that Fort and Sir Iohn Fortescue Porrer of Callis that he did not onely obtaine his liberty but got them to forsake their commands and go along with him to put themselves under the conduct of the Earle of Richmond But Blunt having left his Wife and all his goods in Hammes he fortified it compleately and added to the usuall garison an extraordinary number of Souldiers to the end that if they should be besieged they might defend themselves till Fortune had turned her back upon Richard The Earle tooke this unexpected Liberty of the Earle of Oxford as a good augury for being of Noble Blood of esteemed valour of praise-worthy constancy having beene alwayes a sider with the House of Lancaster one in whom vertues disputed for precedency in whom wisdome and valour were rivalls he thought God had given him his Liberty at this so necessary time that hee might assist him The King being returned to Paris the Earles retinue increased all that were fled from England as well as all the English that were in those parts either as Schollers in the Universities or returning from their Travells flockt unto him amongst which one Richard Fox a Secular Priest a man of very good parts who was shortly after advanced to great places and dignities Richard this meane while was not wanting to Himselfe his spirits were bent upon his Owne Preservation and the preservation of the Crowne which hee unworthily wore and though he saw both Heaven and Earth conspired against him yet hee thought by his own Wil nesse to make his party good in despight of them both But when he understood the Earle was fled out of Britanny he was much amazed his safety consisted in his hopes of having Him in his power vvhich now fayling him he began to feare his enemies forces consisted novv of both the factions for by the Match vvith the Princesse Elizabeth he had united the faction of Yorke to his owne of Lancaster so as the claime of Yorke falling upon him by his Marrying the right Heire he vvas sure to meet vvith great Opposition His onely remedy vvas to breake the Match but barely to breake it vvas not enough he must do more and by fore-casting the vvorst do vvhat vvas best for Him He thought how to strengthen himselfe by the same pretences notwithstanding his being therein opposed by the Laws Blood and Enmity he vvould marry his Neece Incest vvould serve but as a Laurell to crowne all other his abominations He could easily vvithout any scruple rid himselfe of his present Wife His conscience vvas so stecled over as it could not suffer compunction As for the opinion of the World vvho regards not Honour values not shame His subjects hatred vvas not to be respected so long as with a Rod of Iron he could keepe them in obedience That vvhich he pitcht upon vvas Deceit Slaughter and Incest for Deceit vvith Allurements and faire Promises to sweeten the Queene Mothers distastes and thereby to make vvay for the other two his Wives Death and his Marriage vvith his Neece He chose people fit for this office They excused what was past they made her believe the King was much troubled for his much beloved Neeces that he was sorry they should make themselves voluntary prisoners that they mistrusted the naturrall inclination and love of an Unkle who as if he were their Father thought of nothing but their Good That his chiefest desire was to treate them according to their Birth and his Affection to have them in Court to finde out good Husbands for them and see them well bestowed and that if it should be his fortune to lose his Wife whose indispositions were such as there was no great hope of her Life his resolution was to make the Princesse Elizabeth his Queene that the Neerenesse of Bloud would prove no impediment Lawes were not without some Exceptions and were to be dispenced withall when the Necessity of the State the Quiet of the Kingdome and the Peoples safety did require it They forgate not the Marquis Dorset promising him Mountaines of Gold if he would returne to England they shewed how the way he was in was dangerous that he should rather hope upon a fortune already made then to be made that old wayes were plaine and sure New ones slippery and Precipitious These men with these and the like conceptions knew so advantageously to behave themselves that the Queene at the very first Onset gave them Hearing and began to Melt and at the second gave consent to All that the King desired forgeting her sonnes deaths her Husbands Infamy who was divulged to be a Bastard her own shame her marriage being in the Pulpit said to be Adulterous she a Concubine and her Daughters illegitimate and which most imported the Promise she had made to the Countesse of Richmond concerning the Marriage of her eldest daughter sealed with an Oath All these things were to her as if they never had beene Ambition so farre prevailed with her as to make her faulty
to her owne Honour to the safety of her Daughters to the Generosity of her past actions and to her conscience not regarding Oathes when put in balance with the Perswasions of him vvho had alwayes done her mischiefe Being thus abused shee dispatcht away a Messenger to her Son Dorset vvho vvas in France commanding him that he should leave the Earle and come for England telling him that all past injuries vvere forgotten and forgiven and were to be repairâ—…d with Honours and Preferments for that the King desired nothing more then how to give him satisfaction Richard having obtained the First of his three designes having reconciled his Sister in Law and his Neeces being come to the Court where they were by him with great Solemnity received the other Two remained the Second would bee imperfect without the Third and the Third vvas impossible without the Second Hee could not marry his Neece except his VVife were dead upon this therefore hee wholly bent his thoughts Hee considered that by putting her to a Violent death hee might alienate his peoples hearts which hee somewhat gained upon by his hypocriticall proceedings which made them believe he was changed in life and disposition so as a Relapse would prove dangerous to him and make him not to be believed in what for the future he was to counterfeit He lighed upon a meanes never dreamt of any Divell in Hell that Griefe Melancholy and Feare might joyntly worke that effect in her without Scandall which Sword nor Poyson could not doe but with Scandall He forbare her bed nor would he Speake with her not onely denying her his Company but his Sight He began to bewaile his misfortune in that he had a wife that was Barren who would beare him no Children a curse which did so wound his Soule as it would in short time cost him his Life he made knowne this his great sorrow to the Archbishop of Yorke whom he had newly set at liberty being sure he would acquaint his wife with it and hoping it might worke the Effect he desired The Archbishop who was a wise man and very well knew Richards disposition spake hereof with some of his most intimate friends judging the unfortunate Ladies life to be of no long durance The King shortly after made it to be noised abroad that she was Dead to the end her death when it should happen might be the lesse strange mens eares being accustomed thereunto and he made the bruite of her death arrive at her owne eares all this was done in hope that the violence of Griefe would kill her or if not that he might with the lesse Noise make her away who had been so Often thought Dead The Queen who was a Tender Lady and not able to resist so many machinations was hereat much dismayde knowing that Tempests use to follow Thunder especially in so perverse a Climate as that of her Husbands she ran much afflicted to him to know wherein she had so Highly offended him as that he thought her not onely worthy of his Hatred which was apparently seene but of the Punishment which being to befall her the world thought her dead Already His answer was pleasant in words but of sad Sense mingled with Smiles which gave her more cause of Suspition then of Comfort She went backe to her owne lodgings where not many daies after she departed this life whether of Griefe or Poyson it is not certaine those who judge by likelihood thinke the last This Princesse was borne under an unhappy Constellation as well in respect of her Selfe as of those who did any waies appertaine unto her She was daughter to Richard Nevill Earle of Warwicke and Salisbury a Peere of greatest Power and Repute that ever England had her Grand-father was beheaded her Father and her Unkle were slaine in the battell at Barnet her Nephevv Son to her Sister the Dutchesse of Clarence vvas beheaded by Henry the Seventh and her Neece his Sister by Henry the Eighth both her Husbands came to violent ends the First Sonne to Henrys the sixt slaine by this her second Husband and He by others as wee shall shortly see She was in her Life time bereft of the onely sonne she had by him Lastly as for her owne death what ever it was it could not but be happy for Her she being thereby freed from the hands of so cruell a Monster Two of Richards designes being obtained the Third yet remained his marriage with his Neece He began to make love unto her but it was not love that troubled him though he would have it so believed hee was troubled with thoughts of another nature To see so many of the prime Nobility fled into France to the Earle of Richmond to see himselfe so nauseous to his People as they were ready to vomit him out and that the Conspiracy Discovered but not Extinct had made the Conspirators the more wary these were the businesses which excluded his feyned love love being fed by Idlenesse Delights and want of other affaires whereon to imploy ones thoughts He was jealous of none more then the Lord Stanley father in law to the Earle his brother Sir William Stanley Gilbert Talbot and hundreds of others did not so much trouble him as did He alone insomuch as this Lord Stanley being desirous to returne to his Countrey-house under pretence of some domesticall affaires but in effect that hee might be ready at the arrivall of his sonne in Law whom he daily expected he would not suffer himto goe unlesse hee would leave his Eldest sonne George Stanley in Court reputing him a sufficient hostage for his Fathers loyalty When he understood of Blunts rebellion how that the Earle of Oxford had escaped out of prison and how that Both of them having betaken themselves to the Earle of Richmond they had delivered up unto him the Castle of Hammes hee gave order to have it besieged by the garrison of Calais and Richmond sent the Earle of Oxford with a great many Souldiers to raise the siege who having encamped himselfe not farre from the Besiegers passed Thomas Brandon with Thirty commanded men into the Town which so encouraged the Besieged as that the Enemy being shot at at the same time from the Town from the Castle and from Oxfords campe offered a Blanke paper into which they might enter what Conditions they pleased so as they would surrender up the place The Earle of Oxford who considered that the possession of Hammes was not of any consequence to the getting of the Kingdome which they were in pursuit of and that it was succoured onely out of a desire to save the Garrison and Iames Blunts wife together with their Goods willingly surrendred up the place taking from thence the Men Munition Victuals Cannon and all that was there of any value which he brought all safe to Baâ—…is Richard was so puft up with this appearance of victory as he believed that to be true which was falsely informed him That he Earle of Richmond
marched not like a New King but like one who had been so Long welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy His taking up the Olive-branch and laying aside the Palm did enhearten the People who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits being subject to so many Alterations as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore six yeers In like manner made he his entrance into London for though he was met by the Maior Magistrates and Citizens besides the Nobility and Gentlemen which accompanied them notwithstanding dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first entrance of Kings into that City he made his entry in a Coach undisplayed to the end it might not be thought that having reinvested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes and gotten the Crown by the Kings death he had any intention to Triumph over the People His entry was upon a Saturday the day of his Victory which day he solemnized all his life-time as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church where he made Te Deum be sung and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy to be there hung up He pretended to no other Trophies neither did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour or from Fortune but as from God the onely Fortune whereunto Sacrifices ought to be made He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church as not being far from the Tower from whence he was to come to his Coronation And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke was believed to be true he in an Assembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom which was called for that purpose did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him yet did he defer the Consummating of it without any manner of scandal till being Crowned and in Possession by his Own Title he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Bannerets He created his Uncle Iasper Earl of Pembroke Duke of Bedford he who having brought him up of a Childe saved him from Edward the Fourth by carrying him into Britanny He created his Father-in-law the Lord Stanley Earl of Darby and Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People Cardinal Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury executed that Office He held a Parliament Seven days after wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him and made the like Decree against the chiefest of the Other side and to take away all suspition from the rest he granted out a General Pardon which freed such of fear who had cause to fear for his having condemned those whom he would not pardon did secure These and was a sure signe he would pardon the rest so as quitting the Sanctuaries and places where they had hid themselves they swore Fealty to him and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration and reentred into their Possessions Afterwards as concerning his Title which was the chiefest Concernment he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse as that the Princesse Elizabeth not being named therein he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten not declaring whether it were his by Nature or by Conquest it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it it must make for his advantage He would not prescribe any Succession in case he and those that should lawfully descend from him should fail because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York he therefore left the decision thereof to the Laws He in the same Parliament conferr'd more Honours he created Monsieur de Chandos a Gentleman of Britanny who during his being there had been his familiar friend and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England Earl of Bath he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby Barons he restored Edward Stafford eldest son to the Duke of Buckingham to his Blood Dignity and Goods and though his Confiscation were great yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse and having thereupon lost his Life he restored all unto his Son which won him the reputation of being Grateful And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments without demanding some Aids by Moneys and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time as not having any Grace to confer fitting to the time for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace yet would not he pretend it to be such but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him in receiving him to be King by his Own Title Besides he not having War with any one and having many great Confiscations faln unto him the which he so moderated as might become a favourable Confiscator and be expected in a good Government he was willing to spare his Subjects purses And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him nor He to fear Them yet knowing he had Enemies he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain which was a New thing in England where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections So as to take away all Jealousie he declared the Institution to be Perpetual moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do and for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King and is requisite to be had if not for Necessity for Decency The Parliament being dissolved he forgot not that he had left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens he commanded the Lord Treasurer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks and after sundry consultations the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling the which though it came short of the sum that was desired he took in good part supplying
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
not paid they must of necessity live by force and rapine a disorder which if at other times it bee of great consequence was certainly of no small importance now For the key of military discipline which is ready pay if it be not well handled is soone broken and if men be defrauded and payments be not made there is none who doe obey none who doe command For remedy to this inconvenience order was given that the Souldiers should retire themselves to their owne homes with directions to be ready to returne when commanded whilst the enemy who lay at Sluce with hourely expectation to transport themselves needed with a faire winde but one nights sayle to effect their desires But it befell the French as it doth gamesters they lost for lacke of knowing when to set their rest One of the first things the Parliament did was the making the Earle of Oxford Duke of Ireland which caused whispering and dislike in all men Not many monthes before in the late Parliament of this same yeare hee was created Marquesse of Dublin and Michael Poole Earle of Suffolke the Kings Uncles Dukes the Earle of Cambridge of Yorke the Earle of Buckingham of Gloster and Roger Mortimer Earle of March in case the King should die without issue was declared heyre to the Crowne An observation which I chose to place here as requisite to the pretences of the house of Yorke the which in their due time will bee tryed by the sword none having at any time to the best of my knowledge taken possession of a controverted Crowne by the authority of Lawes or decree of Judges Moneyes being afterwards required for the present occasions they were denyed with an Hanâ—…bal ad portas they pretended no necessity thereof that the Earle of Suffolkes purse was alone sufficient to supply all wants they accused him of many misdemeanours they required that his accounts might be seene the upper house sided with this request chiefly the Duke of Gloster The King who imagined to finde none who would prescribe Lawes to him now that Lancaster was gone found he had judged amisse but being resolved not to suffer his servants bee rent from betweene his armes he determined if it be true which is said to put his Uncle to death that by freeing himselfe from so great an obstacle he might infuse reverence and respect into others Richard would be feared beleeving it to be the onely way to obedience but he was not aware that though Princes ought to cloath themselves with the habit of reverence and respect the same habiliament is woven with the thread of affection the other of feare being made of threads of hatred and composed of brittle and direfull materialls A supper was given order for in London to which Gloster together with those who had openly declared themselves enemies to Suffolke were invited that by the service of napery and wine they might bee slaine Nicholas Bambre was chiefly imployed in this affaire who the preceding yeare was Lord Maior of London but Richard Stone then Lord Maior infinitely abhorring so great a wickednesse hindred the effecting of it So as the Duke being acquainted with it and by him the rest they contented themselves with their owne private suppers finding them more savoury then the riotous other The discovery of this plot was the Colliquintida which distasted the palats of the Uncle and Nephew and which increased in the common people the hatred of the King and love of the Duke affections which though they hurt the former as concurring causes of not permitting him to live they did not helpe the other as not being able to fence him from a miserable death The King retired himselfe to Eltham that he might not bee present at the aversenesse of the Parliaments proceedings where being advertised that the members of Parliament were resolved not to treat of any other businesse unlesse the great Seale were taken from the Earle of Suffolke he commanded them to send unto him fortie of the ablest members of their house that he might treat with them and resolve upon what was most convenient But to send so great a number being not thought fit they resolved to send unto him the Duke of Gloster Thomas Arundel Bishop of Ely with the which he seemed to be content The Articles of their commission were in chiefe two the first that the King having disbursed great sums of money they humbly beseeched him to suffer them to take the accounts The second that the presence of his Majesty being requisite for the treating and conclusion of businesse hee would be pleased to remember that by an ancient law it was permitted to the Parliament men to returne home to their owne houses at any time when the King not hindred by sicknesse should absent himselfe for forty dayes together from the place of Parliament The Kings answer shewed how much he was displeased at such propositions for without further advice he replied that he apparantly saw the ends of the people and commons to tend to rebellion that he thought not to doe amisse if he should call in the King of France to his aide since it would redound lesse to his dishonour to submit himselfe to a King then to his owne subjects The two Commissioners indeavoured as much as in them lay to shew unto his Majesty that the house of Parliament had no such intention and that if by mis-information hee would needs beleeve the contrary that which he had said would neither prove honorable nor advantagious for him wishing him to consider that such a resolution was not likely to work such effects as his passion promised unto him the people of England being strong enough to defend themselves and a people which did so much abhorre the French as that they would never endure to be governed by them whilst on the contrary side he the King of England ought to pretend to rule the French that the evils which from them were to ensue were likely to fall onely upon himselfe to his present ruine and perpetuall infamy in after ages Richard had now the use of his naturall judgement free from wicked counsellers so as weighing their reasons he was perswaded to returne to London Suffolkes misdemeanors was the first thing which was handled they deputed the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Arundell his Committees the judgement which ensued as some will have it was degrading confiscation and death moderated with this caution If it should so please the King And according to some others the losse of his office a fine of 20000 markes and the losse of his pension of three thousand a yeare which was paid him out of the Exchequer Upon this judgement Richard againe absented himselfe not able patiently to endure that he abhorred he condoled with Suffolke that his faults had brought such infamy upon him as tooke from him all meanes of defending him The sentence notwithstanding was not executed a reservation being therein had to the Kings pleasure leaving him
of warre with that Nation and likely that not ensuing to raise a warre at home To which the Count with a sad brow replied That the birth and bloud of such subjects allowing them more authority then stood with the Kings safety was dangerous that to temporize in cures made the malady greater But that as one poyson was antidote to another so dangers could not but by dangers be salved yet with this advantage that the former being certaine 't was a question whether the others would prove so or no That clemencie when 't was the off-spring of weaknesse and feare was alwayes subject to ingratitude and neglect never to thankfulnesse and acknowledgement So as Princes who wanted the Ballance to weigh offences and the power to counterpoise them by condigne punishments might account themselves as already lost These or the like words gave the definitive sentence against Glosters life for they were fast rooted into Richards minde as proceeding from one that was wise a Friend and an Ally and who was void of interest He now wavered no longer neither in respects nor delayes hee firmly resolved to put him to death but had not pitched upon the manner As soone as the Count was gone from England he acquainted the Earle of Huntington and of Nottingham with his designe and having with them agreed upon what was to be done he went out of London one night about Supper time and rid all night accompanied by a great many armed men who lying in ambush not farre from Plashey the Dukes house the King sent Huntington to acquaint him with his comming The message was no sooner delivered but by the sound of trumpets notice was given of the Kings arrivall The Duke who was then in bed threw his night gowne about him and came downe to meet his Majesty taxing Huntington of unkindnesse for not having given him earlier notice But these complementall quarrels were soone appeased by the Kings smiling aspect who desired him to goe make himselfe ready for that he must presently upon some urgent occasion goe along with him to London The Dutchesse in her night cloathes entertained the King whilst her husband did on his apparrell who not having leasure to take his usualll traine along with him got on horse-backe followed by some few and giving order for the rest to follow him As soone as they were come to the place of ambush Richard spur'd on and the Marshall comming from where hee was conceald tooke the Duke prisoner 't was bootlesse for him to call upon the King who seeming as if he heard him not pursued on his way The unfortunate man was brought to the Thames there imbarked and carried to Callis a fort under the command of the said Marshall where hee was shortly after strangled or as many will have it stifled between pillowes A businesse which clearly demonstrates unto us that their number is but small who falling into extravagancies upon confidence in the people have not come to miserable ends And though errors were committed on both sides it cannot notwithstanding be denied but that Princes are provoked unto tyranny more by the insolencies of particular men then of their owne disposition For it being dangerous to proceed by the ordinary course of Law with a priviledged man as was Gloster it behoved Richard to doe that by force which he was not sure to effect by justice since that his danger was more to be feared in the tolerating of such presumptions then in the violating of the Lawes And so it had certainly fallen out had he not done worse But evils fruitfull in themselves produce multitudes of their like And honesty in any one affaire once forsaken quite banisheth all shame in all succeeding actions After the Count Saint Pauls departure the King had received many distasts which wounding his reputation had confirmed him in his resolution of putting the Duke to death Brest a Fort of great consequence in Brettany was by the Duke thereofpawned for a great summe of money to Edward the third upon condition of being rendred when the moneyes should bee paid It was a place which had formerly fitted England for accommodations of warre in these parts And if Richard had had the same designes his predecessors had as he had not it may bee hee would not so punctually have observed conditions but as matters now went having received the monies he restored it to the owner without further dispute The Duke of Gloster who no whit abated his blaming of the Kings actions did in bitter manner twit him in the teeth with his restitution as done to the prejudice and dishonour of the State the King who thought he had not well understood him so outragious was his language willed him to speak it over againe and he not changing the sense but saying the very self same words over again did so much incense his Majesty as after having shewed him that he had done nothing which without infamy he could have forborne to have done he seemed to his other Uncles to be much greeved thereat who though they confessed him to be over violent did yet excuse him affirming him to be as void of malice as jealous of the honour of the kingdome the which he was in so high a degree as that he could not suffer the least diminution thereof how just soever Afterwards when any discourse concerning the King was offered hee spoke of him as of one degenerate and without courage that being unfit for government the greatest favours that could be done him were to allot livelihood unto him in some commodious prison Whereupon his brethren despairing of his amendment and fearing lest their presence might adde to his boldnesse retired themselves to their Countrey-houses beleeving that being left alone he would be more reasonable But so far was he from this as that he fell upon a resolution which if it were not the cause was the last pretence of his death he had as well plotted the Kings ruine as the King his Hereupon a randesvous was made in Arundell Castle where a resolution was taken of ceasing upon the Kings person of imprisoning the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to the end that they might not disturbe the businesse and of hanging the greatest part of all the Privie Councell The chiefe conspirators were the Earle of Darby Arundell the Marshall and Warwicke and of Prelates the Archbishop of Canterbury the Abbot of Saint Albons and the Prior of Westminster This conspiracie is thus reported by a certaine Historian but I cannot beleeve it to be true for reasons which shall hereafter bee alledged The Earle Marshall discovered the plot unto the King and the King unto the Councell which perswaded him to retaine the Duke the which being done Arundell and Warwicke were forthwith imprisoned And to shun the danger of a popular insurrection publicke proclamation was made that the fore named persons were imprisoned not for any former fault but for fresh treasonable offences to be made knowne the next Parliament where
appointed and had already begun their carreere with lance in rest when they were commanded to hold their hands The King having a long while disputed the businesse upon the Scaffold which was sumptuously built for his Majesty to see the Duell caused proclamation be made that for good respects his Majesty would not have the combat further proceeded in and that his pleasure was that the Duke of Hereford should bee banished the kingdome for ten yeares upon perill of his life and the Duke of Norfolke for ever upon the like penalty It was observed that this sentence was given the same day twelve-month that Norfolke had caused Gloster to bee strangled at Callais He forthwith left England and in little more then one yeare after died for griefe at Venice 'T was thought that the Kngs rigour towards him proceeded from a desire he had to be rid of him for hee having been formerly of the Barons faction and having of late wrought himself into the Kings favour by the ruine of others he thought that upon occasion he might serve him as he had done his friend the Duke of Gloster and the Earle of Arundell his sonne-in-law Princes though they doe not punish themselves for the evill they commit punish the instruments of evill to the end that they may not be thought altogether unjust The Duke of Hereford who when he took his leave in token of the Kings good will was remitted foure yeares of his banishment parted from England being generally bewailed and was well received in France where the Duke of Berry would have given him his daughter for wife had he not been hindred by Richard fearing least the favour of that Duke in France and the peoples love in England might prove dangerous Richard by reason of superfluous expences was in continuall want and money past through his hands as water through a sieve Continuall necessity was the continuall feaver which caused this thirst in him the which not able to bee quenched by the ordinary revenues of the Crowne nor yet by the extraordinary helpes of Parliament hee was inforced to digge new Welles Hee borrowed money of all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall by way of privy Seale obliging himselfe to pay them but never did The which though it bee somewhat hard yet not sufficient to make subjects take their last resolutions For particular men doe sometimes borrow and never pay But the violating of justice under the pretence of doing justice was that which turned patience to despaire Seventeene whole Shires had almost sided with the Duke of Gloster at least they were so said to have done They were all held notwithstanding the last generall pardon guilty of high treason wherewithall being threatned they were compelled to compound for a great summe of money to take againe the oath of allegeance and the richest amongst them to signe and seale unto a blanke into which the officers appointed for this businesse might insert what summe they pleased a thing able to undoe whole families and Shires The like was done in London to the great distate of the Citizens Iohn Duke of Lancaster this meane while died and the King tooke possession of his goods without any pretence of title hee bereft his exiled sonne of his inheritance The which when the Duke of York observed hee thought it was no longer safe for him to stay in Court whereupon he retired to his owne home But the King being resolved to goe himselfe in person into Ireland to revenge the death of Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh slaine there by the rebels he who in case succession should want was the presumed heire to the Crowne sent for the Duke backe assigning over unto him the government of the Kingdome in his absence This was the last expedition he made for having left his subjects ill affected and augmented their distates by his taking along with him great store of provisions without paying for them hee departed with thirty thousand men and had such good successe as had hee not been compelled to returne he would have brought that Island to totall obedience This meane while the Towne of London the Prelates Nobles and People those especially of the abovesaid seventeen shires who thought themselves worst dealt withall resolved to call in the new Duke of Lancaster not onely to the recovery of his owne inheritance but of the Crowne and Kingdome They sent expresse messengers to Cullen to the end that Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury who in his banishment made his abode there might goe into France and perswade the young Duke thereunto who though he found it a businesse of difficulty the dangers considered as likewise the peoples changeablenesse yet being brought to live by borrowing deprived of his estate and out of hope of ever recovering it by any other meanes hee entertained the motion hee pretended to King Charles who otherwise would not have suffered him to depart that he went to see his cousin the Duke of Brittanny and so with his approbation imbarked himselfe with some few followers amongst which number Thomas sonne to the late Earle of Arundel beheaded who not many daies before was fled from England was one When hee was come upon the English coast hee would not land but coasting along the Country to discover the peoples inclinations hee cast anchor at Revenspur in Yorkshire where he needed no invitation for the Lords and Prelates flockt all thither as soone as they heard of his arrivall So as having assembled an Army of sixty thousand fighting men and all places by which he passed yeelding unto him hee was with great acclamation and expressions of joy received into London The Duke of Yorke governour of the Kingdome who at his Nephewes first appearance had called the Councell together was thereby advised to leave London and goe to S. Albans where they might gather forces to give him battell An advice assuredly dangerous for the head ought first and chiefly to be defended The forces on the Councels side were no sooner gathered together but that they made a protestation they would not fight against the Duke of Lancaster for having from the beginning declared that he pretended to nothing but to what in right did descend unto him from his Father and Mother every man was of opinion that since his inheritance was unjustly taken from him he did justly in taking up of Armes to repossesse himselfe thereof Hereupon those of the Kings more intimate Councell as William Earle of Wilshire Lord Treasurer Sir Iohn Bushy and Sir Henry Greene leaving the Duke of Yorke the Bishop of Exceter Lord Chancellour and the rest fled to Bristoll in the castle whereof they thought they might be safe Sir William Bagot one of the same fraternity went more advisedly over to Ireland The Duke of Yorke seeing that it was dangerous for him and to no purpose to tarry where hee was went towards Wales where he thought he should meet the King at his returne from Ireland Hee stayed at
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
King Charles nor the Crowne of France with so ignominious an act The truce betweene these two Kingdomes ended the second of August whereupon such English as were in the garrison of Calleis and other frontiers of Picardy were the first who began the warre sallying forth the very next day sacking the frontiers of Bolonia and places next adjacent Five thousand souldiers under the command of Monsieur de Rambures generall of the crossebow-men were sent to defend the Country But King Henry did not weigh anchor till some daies after and came to Normandy the Eve of the Annunciation His fleet consisted of 1500. ships his army of 6000. men of armes and 24000. Bowmen furnished with all such artillery and provisions as humane diligence and the power of so great a King could assemble for such a designe He cast anchor at Cape Caux and landed without resistance having by publique proclamation commanded that neither Church Monastery women children nor any other person whosoever that had no armes should be molested upon paine of life The next day hee went to sit downe before Harfleur a Towne situated upon the mouth of the River Sens. The chiefe Lords of his army were the Dukes of Clarence Gloster Exceter and Yorke the Earle Marshall Arundell Oxford Suffolke Warwicke and others The Town was commanded by Monsieur de Etouteville afsisted by Messieurs de Blanville Bacheville Ermanville Gallart Bos Clere Bestu Adsanches Briote Gocurt Illeadam and many other Knights and Gentlemen to boote with which were 400. men of armes besides the inhabitants who all made what resistance possibly might be The King of France dispatcht away the Constable Albret the Marshall Boniquot Henaut Ligni and others to fortifie the sea Townes with men and artillery The garrison of Harfleur assoone as they understood of the enemy comming dug up the way which leades from Monteviller to the Town so to make the enemies march more difficult and sallying forth to skirmish with them they had much adoe to get backe into the City so many were their opposers and in such number the arrowes which shoured downe upon them But notwithstanding all impediments the English pitched their campe and planted their artillery upon the most advantagious places The place was well fortified with walls and turrets together with a broad and deep diâ—…ch the defendants resolve to maintaine it whilst there was any the least hope Those who were sent to secure the maritime places did what in them lay to hinder the booties which notwithstanding all their diligence the besiegers did every where take All the good they did was to preserve the neighbouring Townes from being taken The victualls in the English army being almost wholly corrupted by the sea they must have suffered much scarcity had they not made great booties of men and cattell The King of France was come to Vernone between Paris and Roen levying men from all parts to succour Harfleur The which being furiously assailed the gates walls and turrets almost all beaten down their mines ready to play and the powder which the King had sent unto the town surprised by the enemy they of the town brought to such a passe as they were not able to withstand a generall assault a great many of them being slaine or sicke they agreed to yeeld themselves their lives saved leaving all other things to the discretion of the besiegers if they were not succoured within five daies Bacheville brought these newes to Charles who finding himselfe weake permitted them to doe what they were by necessity inforced unto so as the five daies being past they threw open the gates after a siege of 37. daies wherein they suffered very much Harfleur was the chiefest Port Towne of all Normandy The Towne was sackt quarter was given to the souldiers and Citizens who demeaned themselves well The women children and religious persons were all put out of the Town the poorest sort of them having six pence a peece given them The great and rich spoile was sent into England as a witnesse of good successe Whereupon people of all conditions flockt from England thither who besides other priviledges had a house of inheritance allotted to every family so as the City was in an instant peopled by the English The King made his entry without any solemnity walking a foote to Saint Martins Church to thanke God for that victory He made the Duke of Exeter governour thereof who chose for his Lievtenant Iohn Falstofe and for his Councellors the Lord Carew and Sir Hughe Luterell and put therein a garrison of 1500. souldiers besides horsemen A great many sicke people were sent backe to England amongst which the Duke of Clarence the Earle Marshall and Earle Arundell the Earle of Stafford the Bishop of Norwich Lord Molins and Lord Brunell died of a fluxe in the siege That which imported more then all the rest remained yet to be resolved on The King undertooke this businesse about the end of summer who came not to Normandy till the 14. of August so as to continue the warre as was requisite was impossible and so much the more for that winter came early and more egerly in then it had done some yeares before To passe the sea againe if it were not a kinde of running away would at least be proclaimed such by the enemy To keepe in Normandy within the small precincts of Harfleur was impossible the incommodity of victualls being considered That which was resolved upon was to march to Calleis through the heart of the Country and through the enemies forces a resolution no waies necessary as for lacke of other meanes but most necessary for what concerned the honour and reputation of armes of 30000. fighting men who had past the seas from England there remained but 15000. 2000. men at armes and 13000. bowmen The rest were either dead of fevers or fluxe or sent backe into England or left in garrison at Harfleur so soone then as the ruines of the Towne were repaired that things necessary were provided for and that such prisoners as had not paid their ransomes had sworne to come unto the King to Calleis on Saint Martins day he commanded that those who were to follow him should carry along victualls for eight daies And crossing the Country of Caux and En he marched apace that he might get to the bridges of Soane which he necessarily was to passe before they should be broken A bold resolution and which not seconded by good fortune might have beene esteemed a rash one for the Dolphin tooke from the Country all manner of provisions and placed great troopes of armed men in all parts to annoy him and caused the bridges to be broken hoping that wanting wherwithall to live he would be forced either to yeeld himselfe or fight whereas according to the common maxime in case they had beene wanting hee should have built him bridges of silver to passe over King Henry finding the bridges broken turned towards Beauquene to the same Foord betweene
the third growing hereat mad thinking to redresse evill by evills assaulted Dumbartaine a populous Citty where letting loose the raines unto his fury he put Men Women and Children unto the Sword none being excepted from this Cruelty save such as fled being by the King pursued he fled into Ireland leaving his Father and his Brethren in the Hangmens hands who were shortly after beheaded He carried himselfe towards England as did his predecessors notwithstanding his Allyment Oaths and benefits received wherof the English Writers accusing him and the Scottish recriminating mov'd by passion they leave the story and fall to invective speeches whereas the accusers should consider that as our understanding works diversly in us according to the diversity of our temperatures so Princes who are the states understanding worke only according to the interest of state which is their temperature Obligations and curtesies things apart and externe give place to this interne inseparable disposition in like manner as desire gives way to nature in that which by nature cannot bee otherwise It made not for Scotland that England should bee Master of France since they might then feare their owne subjection Henry the seaventh bound to the French in having receiv'd ayd from them against Richard the third as wee shall see forbore not notwithstanding to worke according to the temperature of his state doing what in him lay to keepe them from making themselves Masters of Britanny being a place farre of and disjoyned from his Kingdome whereas Scotland being neare and Contiguous was fitter for Invasion yet was he not blamed for this the first law of States is indemnity and selfe safety Neither would the French have formerly moved in his behalfe not being any wayes offended nor molested by Richard had they not hoped by nourishing Civill Warres to better their affairs an end which tooke away the Obligation for Princes can hardly oblige one another save for their particular intrests it may bee alleadged that his sworne homage ought to have oblidg'd Iames to have kept his word In conscience he ought to have done but yet ought he not so to be upbraided as if he had done what never had beene done before the French accuse Edward the third for that having done homage to Philip the second hee awhile after layed pretences to his Crowne the pretension not arising since but before his doing of homage if the one bee excused the other ought to bee so likewise necessity inforced Edward he ran hazard not doing it to loose what ever he held in that Kingdome having as then neither forces nor intention to make his pretences nor is it likely he ever would have had without the favour of the Emperour Duke of Geldres and of his neighbouring Provinces Flanders Brabant Hannault Iuliers Leige and Collen I was willing to alleadge this Example passing by the many others which in like case I could produce for that I thought the sincerity of my pen did require it but the rest are not for all this to be excused There is no State so innocent but for what concernes promise and by no meanes excusable as this is besmeared with blemishes blacker then is the blackest Coale never to be washed off but by the Water of Oblivion and in that promiscuous generallity I accuse none I only accuse and condemne Reason of State the generall Idoll of all Governments Buchanan who upbraides the English with having undone whatsoever of good they had formerly done unto Iames by loding him with so insufferable a Ransome do's them much injury for neither does Hector Boetius blame them for it neither could Iames being a King be tax'd at lesse David one of his Predecessors paid the same summe to Edward the third and Iohn King of France three Millions of Gold besides the Provinces which he bound himselfe to restore so as there was no injury done to Iames being taxed with the like summe as a King of Scotland formerly was and so farre inferior to a King of France for what remaines the Fatherly and Brotherly piety of Henry the fourth and Henry the fift in giving him such instructions as made him prove the most famous and vertuous King that ever Scotland had frees them from all calumny and makes it appeare that since therin they had none of the common intrests of State spoken of but rather the contrary it did proceed meerly from the magnanimity of those two valiant and excellent Princes Ten thousand Souldiers were come from England to Paris just at such time as the French had made themselves Masters of two important places Compaigne equally distant from Paris and Amiens and Crotoi a place of consequence on the Sea side upon the Coast of Picardie The Earle of Suffolke was sent by the Regent to recover Compaigne accompanied by the Messieurs de Ligni and de Lilliadam with whom he incamped himselfe on both sides the River Oise incompassing the Walls thereof with Souldiers Trenches and Artillery to the end that he might the easelier and the sooner winne it but he was likely to have lost there many men and much time had it not beene for a happy exigent which hee luckily layd hold of Sir Iohn Falstaffe an English Knight had not many Dayes before taken Gerolumus Raymond surnamed Mariolanus Prisoner a valiant Captaine who having formerly commanded those Souldiers who were now shut up in Compaigne was by them passionatly loved Hee made him bee brought from Paris to the Campe and putting him in a Cart they presented him to the sight of the besieged with a rope about his Neck threatning to put him to death if they would not surrender themselves they had not much adoe to prevaile with them for those of the Fort thought it bootlesse to trouble themselves with the maintaining of a Fort which not being succour'd was to be lost they surrendred the Towne their Captaines life and liberty preserved and in their owne behalfes their Lives Horses Armes and Baggage Iames de Harcourt Charles his Lievetenant Generall for that Province was he who defended Crotoi one of his best and most inriched commanders this Man having lost Noel a Castell belonging to himselfe surrendred by those who did defend it and Rues a place not to be defended being abandoned had put himselfe into this Towne with intention to indure the Siege which Paul Butler an English Commander layd to it by Sea and Land by Shipping and Land forces brought from Normandy he defended it from Iune till the midst of October but both of them being weary not so much in respect of the time they had spent but for what in all appearance was of longer duration either for the ones atchievement or others succour capitulation was made for the surrendring of it up upon the third day of March ensuing alwayes provided if in the three first dayes of that Moneth the Regent nor those that should be by him sent to receive that place should not bee by him or some other of Charles his forces
defeated the Siege being raysed and all Articles observed the place was surrendred up upon the appointed day none appearing in the succour therof Harcourt himselfe being dead whilst practising wiles upon a strength belonging to Monsier de Partene his Wives Unkle and coveting the lives of others he lost his owne The Duke of Glocester was intent in the execution of his Office when fortune to crosse the good way he was in threw upon him Iocheline of Baviers Countesse of Holland Zealand and Hannault Mistris of Frisia and Wife to Iohn Duke of Brabant who flying from her Husband got into England a busines which to bee well understood must bee taken from its beginning The house of Bavaria was come into the possession of the said Provinces inherited by Margaret Wife to the Emperour Lodovic the eighth of Bavaria by the death of William the fourth his Brother who was Master thereof slaine by the Frysons leaving them to his Sonne William the fift who becomming mad and without issue they fell upon his Brother Albertus to whom did succeed his Sonne William the sixt Father to this Iacoline who was the last shee of the House of Bavaria commanded in those Countries Now shee having beene Married to the Dolphin of France and left by him a Widdow her Father William would have her to Marry a dispensation being to be procured from the Councell of Constance there being then no Pope Iohn Duke of Brabant her Cousin-german for Margaret her Mother was Sister to Anthony Duke of Brabant Father to Iohn William dying before this Marriage was concluded Iohn of Baviers Bishop of Leidge his Brother and Unckle to Iacoline hoping by the Title of Guardian to worke himselfe into the Government of these States wrought so with the Emperour Sigismund though hee formerly assented to the aforesaid Marriage as that the dispensation should bee denied unto her and giving up his Bishoprick held by him the space of 27. yeares with much Warre and Bloud into the hands of Martin the fift lately chosen hee went into Holland where by assistance of such as sided with himselfe Master of certaine places threatning Warre unto his Neece if shee would not submit unto his Guardianship shee and her husband were advertis'd of her Unckles sinister proceedings in the Councell and having obtained the dispensation from the new Pope it was by the Emperours importunity redemanded when alleadged the evills and Warres which were thereupon likely to ensue Iohn of Baviers had received a Copy of the revocation before the Originall came and had sent it them to stop their proceedings but it being by them rejected as not authenticall not comming from the Pope they Married themselves the Husband being 16 the Wife 17 yeares old this Marriage was shortly after confirmed by the Pope himselfe declaring that the revocation being surreptitiously obtained the dispensation was in its first vigour so as they might continue without any scruple in the state of Matrimony wherein they were Iohn of Baviers falling in this designe intreated and obtained a dispensation for himselfe likewise to Marry not having in his so many yeares of Episcopacie exceeded the degree of Deacon he Marryed Elizabeth Dutchesse of Luxenburg Neece to the Emperour Sigismund from whom he obtained in Feefarme all the territories belonging to Iacoline as falne to the Empire William being dead without any Heires Male not remembring that they had descended to the House of Baviers by Female succession but he was stoutly opposed by those States who objected unto him that as they did not acknowledge any one but her for their Princesse so he himselfe had acknowledged her for his by doing homage to her for those Lordships which he possessed That Women were not there excluded succession when the case had so falne out that for this they had Letters and approbation from former Emperours nor was this the first with these protestations they declared themselves his Enemies and Hannault more then all the rest since shee had no dependancie upon the Empire but the Warre which for this cause the Duke of Brabant waged with them ended so favourably for him that besides having granted him by Tytle of inheritance divers Countries in Holland he was declared Lord Lievetenant for 3 yeares with Soveraigne authority in all the rest Hannault only excepted So as having now reduc'd the whole arbitratorship unto himselfe he did so worke upon the said Duke partly by wiles partly by snares as that he did not only prorogue unto him his tytle for 7 yeares longer but by his instigation became an Enemie to his Wife and by taking from her and changing her attendants did so much incense her that to bee rid of him shee retired her selfe into Hannault accompanied by her Mother and afterwards her selfe alone into England where the Duke of Glocester incited either by love or out of the hopes of so great States fell upon a resolution of Marrying her For the which some apparant reason being to bee given they pretended the dispensation to bee invallid and shee caused the Duke of Brabant by his Proctors to bee cited to Rome shee demanded that the Marriage might bee declared null a busines wherewith the World was scandaliz'd and which above all others troubled Duke Philip joyned by Father and Mother in the same degree of Consanguinitie to them both for he and Brabant were Sonnes to two Brothers he and Iacholina to Brother and Sister by which kindred he afterwards became Heire both to the one and the other But because the Progresse of this busines fell out the next ensuing yeare I will reserve the relation thereof to it's proper place having enlarged my selfe herein out of a beleefe that others might have the same curiosity that I had for not finding in the storyes which treat hereof the Light I did desire to see what moved Glocester to Marry another Mans Wife I could find no satisfaction save in the History of Holland Iohn Poole Brother to the Earle of Suffolke had the Government of Auranches in Normandy who thinking he lived but idlely in his garrison gathered together about 2500 Men taking them from their appointed garrisons to Anjou wherwith making excursions even to the Towne of Angiers he burnt the Suburbs thereof spreading himselfe every where about to the much prejudice of the Countrey till such time as loaded with prey and Prisoners he intended to returne But adversity causing warynesse and prosperity the contrary as his men were marching out of file and in disorder and doubting nothing they were set upon by Iohn de Harcourt Count of Omale and Charles his Lievetenant in the two Provinces of Anjou and Maine accompanied by the Viscount of Narbonne the Baron of Coulouses Ambrogius de Lora Monsier de Larchet by Andrew and Guy de Lavall Britons who together with the comminalty of those Frontiers were gone to joyne with him making about the number of 6000. Men with these he gave upon the others who were in disorder mingled with their
condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
it would bee a greater shame to France to shew her selfe cruell to his bones who whilest hee was alive none durst oppose that hee was sorry that the memoriall was no more stately and that none was to bee found answerable to so great a worth none of the Sonnes of Henry the fourth did degenerate a thing not usuall in so large a family Henry the fifth dyed gloriously in the pursuite of his conquests the Duke of Clarence valiantly fighting and though Bedford of a naturall death and Gloster of a violent yet dyed they not with lesse fame then did the others so as nature having done her utmost in them if shee failed in the present Henry it is not to bee wondered at for having clade him with a rich shirt of goodnes shee was scant unto him in an upper roabe of reall vertues and of fortune Bedford being dead a new choise was made of who should succeed him of two that pretended thereunto the Duke of Yorke bore away the bell whereat the Duke of Somerset was scandalized who being the Kings cousen thought to have beene preferred before him but the councell was of an other opinion Yorkes true pretences unto the Crowne though at that time not spoken of was perhaps the cause why they would not discontent him Somerset finding no other remedy endeavoured the hindring of his dispatch to the common losses for Paris and the chiefest places which the English held in France were in this interm lost which would not have hapned if hee had had his dispatch time enough Disadvantages which infant Kings are usually subject unto who governed by many and shared by the emulation of great ones cannot favour private interests without disfavouring the publique to the ruine of King and Kingdome Yorke seemed not to take notice of these practises a dissimulation which caused an inward impostumation in him wherewith Somerset being afterwards infected it in a few yeares after brought them both to immature end In the same month of September Queene Isabell mother to Charles King of France and Katharine Queene of England dyed in Paris shee was buried by the side of her husband in Saint Denis without any funerall pompe the times not suting with such like solemnities shee lived not much esteemed of by any no not by the English which made them undergoe the imputation of ingratitude though without reason since nature hath endued us with a secret not well understood light which cleer's unto us all ambiguities so as the imagined good which is not is will wee nill wee not taken by us for good No man denies but that ingratitude is of all vices the most abominable but neither is it to bee denyed that benefits sprung from charity or any other species of courtesie and love not from ostentation or interest are those alone which denominate an ungratefull person Isabels good turn's had their rise from selfe interest if shee sided with the English 't was to side against her sonne shee favored them not as friends but as instruments of her revenge her daughters marriage was from the like cause shee loved her as having beene her companion in her misfortunes but t is not likely shee would ever have sought her advantage to the injury of Charles had shee not hated him shee confounded the World ruinated her Kingdome disinherited her owne bloud and out of dispight not any inclination favored the enemy so as if the English seemed not to bee over gratefull to her it was because her benefits were none of those which conduce to gratitude The rebellion of Normandy was one of the first evill effects caused by the death of the Duke of Bedford for seeing herselfe freed from that chaine which held her in obedience to England shee gave her selfe up unto the French Charles de Marest accompanied by the Marishall de Rieux Messieurs de Bousack and Longaville two houres before day scalled the Walles of Diepe neere to the Gate and met with no opposition by reason of the intelligence they held within the Towne hee had the like successe in forcing open the Gate which leads to Roan through which the Marishall and all his People being entered hee made a stand in the market place crying out according to the military custome of France the City is taken these acclamations awakened those who slept who with stones and dartes made some short defence but they were forced to give way to the last commers there were but few that were slaine The Lieutenant Mortimer with some few others saved himselfe the rest remained prisoners together with such Citizens as had almost affectionately favored the English their goods were ransackt but not theirs who were willing to receivè the oath upon the newes of this acquisition Anthoni de Chabanus Sentraglie Estouteville and many other Lords with betweene three and foure thousand horse came thither to whom one Kernier a leader of the common People followed by 6000. of the Country-people joyned himselfe and all of them did willingly take the oath being marched forth into the field with these and many other Gentlemen of the Country which daily flockt unto him Fescan yeelded it selfe up unto him on Christmas eve and on Saint Stephens-day Monsieur Villiers the Gnascoigne Captain who commanded there having revolted hee assaulted Harfluer but being beaten back and forty of his men slaine whilest hee put himselfe in order for a second assault the Inhabitants capitulated to surrender up the Towne upon condition that the English garrison which consisted of 400. men should be suffered to depart peaceably with all their goods Beccrespin Tancharville Gomesseule Loges Vallemont Graville Longerville Neneville Lambraville and other Townes did the like Upon this flood of fortune the constable Richmont arrived to whom Carles Mesull Aumerle and many other Townes yeelded themselves all which having Garrisons put into them he with-drew himselfe for want of victualls the rest doing the like So as in a short time Normandy was dismembred of the greatest part of the Country of Caux the English were not now to defend themselves against one onely enemy The treaty at Arras as pointed out unto them a second viz. Philip and though warre was not yet declared betweene them they forbare not to bethinke themselves how they might prejudice each other the Garrisons of Callais and the adjacent parts had a designe upon Ardres and those Burgonians which were in the Country of Ponitean upon Crotoi designes wherein they both failed The low Countries were not well pleased with this Breach for the losse they thereby received by want of commerce having acquainted Philip with the importancy hereof they prevailed so farre with him as to permit them endeavour the continuation of peace Iohn of Luxenburg Count de Ligni who had not yet revolted from the English was thought fittest for this imployment hee writ hereof to his Brother the Archbishop of Roan one of Henries chiefest Counsellors in France who writ over into England where the proposition being
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
more neerely concerne him that nothing could be more acceptable to subjects than to take a wife from amongst them since children must issue from the same blood that for portion he valued it not having more than he knew what to doe withall that for all other inconveniences contentment in a wife with whom one was to live and die did out-weigh them all His mother finding her perswasions to be of no force bethought herselfe of another means which proved alike vaine The King upon promise of marriage had wrought to his desire a Lady of great birth named Elizabeth Lucy She alledged that since before God this Lady was his legitimate wife he could not marry any other An impediment which delayed his satisfaction in the other for the Bishops required proofe thereof But the Lady Lucy examined upon oath in opposition to the instigation of the Dutchesse and her owne honour and interest did depose that the King did never passe unto her any direct promise but that hee had said such things unto her as had shee not thought them thereunto equivalent shee had never condescended to his will Upon this deposition the King did privately marry the other the marriage being afterwards published by her Coronation None were pleased herewithall the Nobility lesse than the Communalty their greatnesse being obscured by the sudden splendor of the Queenes kindred Her father was created Earle Rivers and shortly after made Lord High-constable of England Her brother Anthony was enricht by the marriage of the daughter and heire of the Lord Scales which Title was likewise conferred upon him Her sonne Thomas Gray which she had by her former husband did afterwards marry the daughter of William Bonneville Lord Harrington and was created Marquis Dorser Historians observe many mischiefes that ensued from this marriage besides the death of so many that was caused thereby Edward did thereby lose his Kingdome his children were declared to be bastards and strangled the Queenes house extirpated the Earle of Warwicke and his brother slaine But they name not the death of King Henry and his sonne which had not hapned had not the Earle of Warwicke for this cause taken up Armes King Lewis though thus abused did not suffer himselfe to be transported by passion but making use of his naturall dissembling expected a time for revenge And to pacifie the two sisters hee not long after married Bona to Galiazzo Maria Sforza Duke of Milan sonne to Francis but not with so good successe as Hall reports for her husband being slaine she within a few yeeres became a widdow and by her ill government afforded occasion to his cousin Lodowicke Sforza to take from her the government and the government life and Dukedome from her sonne Iohn Galeazzo The Earle of Warwicke this meane while wounded in his reputation parted from France more sensible thereof than he made shew for he could not though so farre cloake his anger but that Lewis was aware of it Being returned to England he so behaved himselfe with the King as that he seemed not to be at all distasted whilst this present injury did call to mind many other formerly received which would not though have hurried him to his ruine had it not been for this He saw how the King did apprehend his greatnesse and grew jealous thereof that his designe was to suppresse him when himselfe should be better established that he thought not himselfe King whilst men thought him as necessary to the conservation of the State as he was to the obtaining thereof That the services hee had done him were of such a nature as to shunne the tie of obligation ingratefull people doe oft times desire to rid themselves of the obliger That the state of businesse was such as would not suffer him to be debarred the communication thereof though Edward thought hee did thereby communicate unto him his government and made him Colleague of his Kingdome That he had sought after all occasions to bereave him of mens good opinion All which made him believe that he was sent into France to this purpose To this may be added and which boyled in him more than all the rest that Edward would have dishonoured his house by tempting the honesty of I know not whether his daughter or his neece wherein though he did not succeed the offering at it ceaseth not to be mischievous and wicked as a thing whereby he endeavoured to dishonour the family of his kinsman servant and benefactor All these things put together begat in him such an hatred as hee resolved to depose him and re-inthrone Henry as soone as a fit occasion should present it selfe And though hee retired himselfe to Warwicke under a pretence of an indisposition of health yet did the King spie his discontents though not so much as it behoved him to have done for hee thought him not so sufficient to depose him as he was to raise him up and that out of two reasons First that Princes doe seldome mistrust their owne power especially with their subjects secondly for that they doe believe the injuries they do are written in Brasse by those who receive them whilst they who doe them write them in Sand. The Queene was this yeere delivered of a daughter named Elizabeth who put a period to the Civill warres by marrying with Henry the VII Edward did this meane while peaceably possesse his Kingdome his enemies were all or slaine undone or frightned He had none to feare save France and her but a little for Lewis was more inclined to wage warre at home than abroad Hee forbare not though to joyne friendship with Iohn King of Arragon who upon occasion might by way of diversion assist him in Languedocke a good though deceitfull foresight for it often happens that many yeeres are spent in the cultivating of a friendship which proveth faulty in the harvest Yet wisdome it is to manure such as put us not to too great charge for the opinion of having friends weighes with our enemies This friendship occasioned the transportation of a great many sheepe into Spaine whereby England was as much impoverished as Spaine was inriched He likewise for the same respect concluded a Truce with Scotland for 15 yeeres But the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy was that which most availed him and which re-established him in his Kingdome when he had lost it Philip the Duke of Burgundy did yet live and his sonne Count Caralois who by two wives had one onely daughter afterwards the sole heire of all those Territories the Duke was minded to marry him the third time hoping to secure the succession by issue male He bethought himselfe of Margaret sister to Edward a Princesse of great beauty and indued with a spirit not usuall to her sex but her being of the house of Yorke made him stagger in his resolutions For that the Queene of Portugall his wives mother was a daughter of the house of Lancaster by reason whereof her sonne Charles did love that house and
considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London and not likely to hold out against them all their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe they turned towards Warwicke intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof who being come from Calleis did together with his Sonne in Law raise people in all parts But before either the King or Warwicke got thither fortune brought the two Armies face to face within three miles of Bambery in a certaine place where were three hills In two whereof the two Armies were encampt the third left to the successe of fortune not assayed by the Welch because they could not without much hazzard make themselves masters thereof though they had a great minde so to doe The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon The Baron being lodged to his liking the Earle forgetting his agreement and using his authority would I know not why have him change lodging the which he unwillingly did because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the present hee together with all his people left the Towne leaving the Earle without any Bowmen who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell The Earle was not herewithall dismayed but going to the Campe tooke any resolution rather than to retire It was just the day after St. Iames his day when Sir Henry Nevill Son to the L. Latimer thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning being followed by a company of light horse But delighting more therein than he had reason hee so far advanced himselfe as not knowing how to retire hee was taken and soone after put to death upon coole bloud His youth nobility and valour the chiefest of all endowments not being sufficient to save him This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people who resolving to revenge his death let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay whereby inforcing them to come down into the plaine where the battel began It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook who fought upon disadvantage to execute the part of a Commander it behoved him to play the part of a souldier whilst his brother Sr. Rich. Herbert minding nothing but the battel did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza for making way through the enemies troops with his sword in his hand he passed twice through the whole length of their army returning to his own men if not untoucht yet without any mortall wound The which as I believe was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it did by joyning delight with danger and wonder with delight with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him The battell did almost totally lean to his side when Iohn Clapham a Servant of the E. of Warwicks who had gathered together 500 of the poorest basest sort of people about Northampton appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne crying out a Warwicke a Warwicke the which did so much frighten the Welch as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces they began to fly Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them In this flight the prisoners not numbred 5000 men were slaine The Earle of Pembrooke his brother Sir Richard and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners and without any triall at Law beheaded at Bambery The Earle who was appointed first to suffer addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham entreated them in the behalfe of his brother hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind that his valour even by themselves admired might one day be serviceable to his Countrey But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them as that it occasioned his death the death of his brother and of many others A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated since it is not usefull but rather harmefull to the owners thereof Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live descended from them a Gentleman who hath given such proofe of his valour as well in his owne private occasions in England as in the warres in the Low-Countries as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall composures which in the like kind hee hath not received from them Their cruelties did not here cease for those of Northampton having chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Captaine and joyned certaine others unto him they surprized the Earle Rivers father to the Queen and his sonne Iohn in his mansion-house of Grafton brought them to Northampton and without more adoe beheaded them The Lord Stafford was generally accused for the losse of this battell who for so sleight a cause and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men had hee been there Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out finde him and upon paine of their lives to put him to death They were not wanting in diligence they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed and executed their command The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men And understanding that the King was marching towards him hee advertised the Duke of Clarence who forthwith joyned with him bringing along a great number of armed men They were likely presently to have come to blowes according to the custome of England had not some great personages desirous of peace and of the good of the Weale publique interposed to finde some way of accommodation This negotiation made Edward so carelesse as that confidently believing in peace hee neglected all duties of Military discipline whilst Warwicke more wary than he being by his spies certified of the Guards negligence and the heedlesnesse of all the rest who behaved themselves as if no enemy had been set upon the King by night and without any resistance tooke him prisoner A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke from thence that no man might know what was become of him he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire then in the custody of the Archbishop
increased and finding no place safe for him since hee wanted forces hee went not without great danger to Linne where he found two Holland ships and one English hee imbarkt himselfe and was waited upon by the three said ships and seven hundred men without any manner of baggage or one penny of money A great and unexpected misfortune but that which immediately after presented it selfe was farre worse had hee not luckily eschewed it For had hee been taken hee had none to ransome him so would have lost both liberty and Kingdome Eight of the Easterlings ships the Easterlings were then great enemies to the English and did them all the mischiefe they could discovering these three Ships and believing them to be English gave them chase but could not come up unto them till they had cast Anchor before Alchemar in Holland the ebbe being so low as they could not winne the Haven The Easterlings cast Anchor likewise but a good way from them the burden of their Ships not permitting them to doe otherwise so as they were inforced to expect the returne of the tide to board them But Monsieur de Gretures Governour under the Duke of Burgundy in Holland being luckily at that time in Alchemar and understanding of Edwards being there by some whom hee had sent of purpose unto him in flat bottom'd Boats forbade the Easterlings to use any manner of hostility and went himselfe to bring him and all his men into the City Edward was at this time so bare of money as not having wherewithall to pay for his wastage hee gave the Captaine a rich vestment lined with Sables promising not to forget the curtesy and to satisfie him better afterwards A strange change of Fortune happened in a few houres to such a Prince meerly out of negligence and carelesnesse Hee lost a Kingdome without one blow striking and was forced to have recourse unto a Prince whose onely presence did upbraid unto him his carelesnesse lust and bad government Charles hearing of this was very much displeased finding himselfe charged with so needfull a King and so great a retinue whom hee could not bee wanting unto in assistance not out of any humanity or alliance but for that Warwicke enjoying the Kingdome it behooved him to maintaine the contrary party and drive him out or else to suffer the incommodities of a long War Queene Elizabeth the originall of these alterations seeing her selfe abandoned without succour and the enemy upon her back tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where with small attendance she was brought to bed of a Sonne named Edward hee who for some few weekes after his Fathers death was the V. King of that name and who symbolized in birth name and death with his cousin the Sonne of the Dutchesse of Clarence borne a Shipboard before Calleis The pompe of Baptisme had nothing in it of royall save the Mothers teares accompanyed by many mens commiseration which is then greatest when most concealed Many of her best friends betooke themselves likewise to sundry other Sanctuaries who proved afterwards serviceable to her at Edwards returne The Kentish-men prone to insurrections seeing there was now no King of two the one being fled the other a prisoner came to London and sack't the Suburbs and it may be would have sack't the City it selfe had not the Earle of Warwicke diverted them whose comming thither was noysed and who punished the Complices of the insurrection This piece of Justice added to his reputation and the peoples love Upon the 6 of Octob. he entered the Tower accompanied by many Lords in particular his brother the Archbishop of Yorke the Prior of St. Iohns the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Shrewsbury some of them drawne by affection some by feareâ—… he set King Henry at liberty after nine yeares captivity he brought him to the Bishop of Londons house where hee tarried till the thirteenth day and then brought him in person and in royall attire to Pauls carrying his traine himselfe and the Earle of Oxford the sword accompanied with the peoples acclamations who cried out God save the King forgetting that a little before they had prayed for Edward against him A Parliament was summoned wherein Edward was declared a Taytour to his Countrey and an usurper of the Crown his goods confiscate all Statutes made in his name and by his authority annull'd the Crownes of England and France confirmed upon Henry and the heires male of his body and for want of such upon the Duke of Clarence and his posterity who hereafter was to be acknowledged the next heire to his Father Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward for his faults committed deprived of his birth-right and the prerogatives thereof The Earles of Pembrooke and Oxford were restored in bloud and to their dignities and goods The Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence declared Governours of the Kingdome Marquesse Mountague was received into grace and his fault pardoned since revolting against Edward hee was the chiefe cause of his quitting the Kingdome those who sided with him were deprived of their Honours Titles and Faculties and such punished as in this quarrell had taken up Armes against Henry Whereupon Iohn Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord Deputy of Ireland for Edward was found in a hollow Tree brought to London and beheaded in the Tower The Parliament being ended the Earle of Pembrooke went into Wales to take Order for such Lands as hee possest before his confiscation and finding there Henry the Sonne of Edmond Earle of Richmond with the Widow of William Earle of Pembrooke his brother that was beheaded at Banbury who though held as a prisoner by this Lady was alwayes nobly entreated hee tooke him from her when hee was not yet full ten yeares old and brought him to London where hee presented him to King Henry who after hee had ey'd him a while said to the standers by that this child should succeed him and put a period to all the quarrells which afterwards happening confirmed the opinion that was held of his sanctity since by the spirit of prophecy hee foresaw the succession of Henry the seventh Queene Margaret who was then in France being advertised by Letters from Henry of the regainment of the Kingdome did together with her Sonne forthwith put to Sea but the windes being contrary drove her on Land and kept her there a long time and had they forever kept her there they had beene the more favourable for then shee had not met with the mischiefe shee did in the losse of her Sonne When Warwicks returne to England and King Henries re-establishment was knowne at Callis every one tooke unto him the Earles Impressa Vauclere was the first that did so His Impressa was a ragged staffe made of Gold Silver Silk or Cloath according to his condition that wore it As this unexpected inclination made the Duke of Burgondy more sollicitous so did it inwardly displease the Duke of Clarence who had already alter'd his opinion Neither did nature and
what is anothers The Victories of Charles the Seventh against Henry the Sixth were of the later sort for he preserved his Crown and won what Henry possest in France but Lewis who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing while he hazarded all was not to put himself upon Fortune without a proportionable recompence to his expence and losse so as if he bought Peace 't was in respect of his danger at so cheap a rate as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages so as he did what wisedom bad him do not attending the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them doth without danger obtain his end as he did all this notwithstanding I should not praise him had he no other enemies beside Edward for 't were to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize His men believed that Edward seemed to make an agreement that he might the better deceive him but he thought not so for Edwards occasions did not square with such dissimulation He had the Winter at hand wanted Towns was distasted by Charles deceived by the Constable was naturally a lover of his Pastimes so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him not valuing Moneys or what others thought of him and that he might the sooner be gone he borrowed of every one he would willingly have paid more but would not part with any Towns or Provinces he would rather have hazarded all Edward gave him to understand he would by writing give him notice of some that betrayed him I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no but he had many reasons to doubt it and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries though by somes means he used Lewis afterward hindred the execution thereof he doubted the like in this Agreement his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two and now with Edward so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions making himself so much the more suspected by how much the affected ostentation of his fidelity bereft him of belief He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy and that the War continuing the thred that was woven for his destruction might either be lost or else grow knotty He sent unto him his Secretary and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage and to Commines Lewis being informed of the businesse sent for Monsieur de Contai one of Charles his servants who though he were his prisoner did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber to the end that hearing what he was to say to these men he might report the same to Charles and placing himself neer to the Cupboard he sent for them in Their Message was That they were sent from Charles to the Constable to alienate him from friendship with England and that finding him distasted by the King of England they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return This was spoken by Creville who believing to be better credited by humouring him imitated Charles his action stamping with his foot swearing and giving Edward injurious terms Lewis feigning as if he had been deaf made him say the same thing over again to the end that Contai might the better hear him who mad to hear his Prince thus abused longed to acquaint him with it This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward that Lewis to shun the danger which hung over him should make a Truce with Charles whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand and that he should give unto the English a Town or two to hold them in hopes this Winter who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith The designes of these his Counsels were that the English by this means tarrying in France and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring Lewis might be subject to the fear of War and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines and to sowe Dissention between the other two so as all three having need of him he might by diversly deceiving them save himself and seem to oblige them whilest he did betray them Assoon as Creville was gone Contai came forth from the Cupboard as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him I have this particular from Commines as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on which though it be not simply requisite to our Story yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse and to make known the natures of the above-named together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Constables death A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon between the two Kings with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English Lords and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants When Charles heard of this Accord he hasted to finde out Edward from whom understanding what had been done and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce he answered That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that concerned himself but for Edwards own affairs to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Predecessors in France by recovering what of right belonged unto him That since he was agreed not to do it he was no ways concerned therein and as touching the Truce to the end he might see how little he esteemed it he would not accept thereof till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England The King would have convinced him with reason shewing him that all the inconvenience had risen from him but he not listening
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
the Remainder which was much out of his Own moneys to the end the Hostages might return for England as they did He forgot not the services done to him by Iohn Morton Bishop of Ely and Richard Fox Bishop of Exceter for which he made them both of his Privie-Councel and gave unto Morton the Archbishoprick of Canterbury which fell void by the death of Cardinal Bourchier he made Fox Lord Privie-Sea promoting him from the Bishoprick of Exceter to that of Bath and Wells from thence to Durham and from thence to Winchester the richest of All the rest Having now no impediment to hinder the performance of his promise he married the Princesse Elizabeth to the peoples so great joy as he was not much therewithal pleased ror he never had any great inclination to the Match his inveterate enmity to her Family prevailed more with him then did the Goodnesse Fruitfulnesse and Beauty of so worthy a Wife Soon after Henry's coming to the Crown England was afflicted with a disease not known in former times so as the remedies not being known many perished of it of a Hundred scarcely One escaped till experience taught the Way how to cure it Men were taken with a deadly Sweat with Pains in the Head and Burnings in the Stomack which rendred them dry and desirous of Cold they were by the one and the other of them dispatcht in Four and twenty hours for casting off their clothes and drinking cold Beer as it came from the Cellar they died irrecoverably But some few relapsing twice or thrice into this Maladie it was found that taking Cold and not drinking Warm drink were the causes which made it mortal The Cure then that was found for it was To endure the Heat Four and twenty hours in such manner as the Sweat was neither Irritated nor kept Back and to drink Warm drink a little at a time rather to Allay then to Extinguish thirst This Sicknesse began in the midst of September and continued all October it hindred not the solemnity of the Coronation it begot no Swelling nor Sores and became curable if the remedies were Timely applied neither was it Contagious but the Fever which did accompany it was Pestilential It was judged to proceed from a Malignant vapour which stuffing up the Vital spirits was wrestled with by nature to drive it out by Sweat An Author of good quality saith it could not be called Epidemical though it so generally spred it self and that if sprung from a certain malignity of the Air occasioned by the Unseasonablenesse of the weather But Fernelius who wrote of it at the intreaty of an English Ambassadour calleth it Epidemical Those that esteemed it a Prodigie would have it to foreboad a Hard and Troublesome Reign But Virgil's opinion is not to be rejected That the King should be troubled even till the Last day of his Life since from the beginning to the end he Never had any quiet A Divination which was not likely to prove false being made After the Event nor did the Other which was made Before it All things having succeeded according to his wish Henry thought now he should meet with no more oppositions He was King by his Own Title in his Own Right he had married the Princesse and by his General Pardon and Restitution of Goods he had reconciled such as were his Profest Enemies yet the Northern people bearing still a love to the House of York and to the late Richard he thought it requisite for him to go into those parts hoping by his Presence to cure their infatuated imaginations He kept his Easter at Lincoln whither he was hardly come when he understood how the Lord Lovel and the Two Staffords brothers Humphrey and Thomas had forsaken Sanctuary it not being known whither they were gone but assoon as he was come to York he understood that the Lord Lovel was not far from thence with good store of men about him and that the Staffords having raised Forces in Worcester-shire were marched towards York to assault him This second information though it did a lit tle trouble him yet he took it to be but the remainder of Richard's yet panting spirits but he was more confused to think that he was amongst a people that did not affect him that sided with the House of York and of whom without danger he could not make use Amidst these difficulties he muster'd out of those that followed him and such as had relation to them Three thousand fighting men on whom he might affie which being sufficiently ill armed he gave in charge to the Duke of Bedford giving him for his Vant-guard a General Pardon which like Cannon-shot might ruine the Enemy as it did For the Duke being come in sight of him and the Heralds having published the Pardon he was therewith so stricken as doubting not onely to be Abandoned but to be yeelded up Prisoner he fled the same night towards Lancaster and from thence into Flanders to the Dutchesse Dowager of Burgundy whilst the rest laying down their Arms yeelded themselves to the Duke Whereupon they that were with the Staffords their hopes being lost disperst themselves into sundry places and the two brothers got into the Sanctuary at Colnham neer Abington where they found not the safety they imagined for the priviledge thereof not extending to save Traytors they were taken from thence Humphrey was executed and Thomas was pardoned for that as the Younger brother he was enforced to obey the Elder The King having quieted this Rebellion and reduced these Northern people to his Obedience returned to London The Queen in September brought him a Son who lived though born in the Eighth Month contrary to the rule of Common Observation it may be there was some Errour in the Calculation for it is more likely that Women may be deceived in the time of their Conception and in the Counting of their Months then that Hippocrates should be deceived in his Principles He named him Arthur in memory of the ancient Britons from whom he descended Wales as hath been said not being any part of the Angli-Saxones which possessed all the Rest of the Kingdom but of the Original people of the Island the residue of the Britons which saved themselves by fleeing into those Provinces and from thence came the First so famous Arthur who really and without any manner of Fable or Romanza was a very valiant Prince so as Henry to revive his memory called his Son after His name There lived at this time in Oxford one Richard Simond a Priest indifferently well educated but of mean birth and who abounding with strange ambitious fancies durst do that which another could never have dared to do This man took upon him to bring up a yong Boy of so Sweet and Ingenuous a Countenance as one would not have thought him to be a Baker's Son as he was his name was Lambert Symnel There were then Two rumours noised every where and which were spread abroad by such
fitting to be made and the Souldiers ready to give the Assault News came that Peace was concluded to the great Dislike of the Army and the Madding of such who having sold their possessions upon the hopes of this Warre found themselves deceived One cause which made Henry willing to accept of Peace to boot with what have been already alleadged was for fear lest Charles might foment a New Duke of York who began then to shew himself The substance of the Agreement was That Charles should pay Seven hundred fourty five thousand Crowns for divers considerations for satisfaction of the Fifty thousand Crowns Yeerly which ought to have been pay'd but were not after the Death of Edward the Fourth as also for the Succours he had sent into Britanny which the Dutchesse Anne acknowledged her self to stand indebted for and for the Expences he had been at in this Present war The French Historians agree upon the same sum but they do not specifie the Causes why Polydore affirming that the Peace was concluded by the payment of a great sum of money adds Five and twenty thousand Crowns a yeer for Succouring of Britanny which after Charles his death and Henry's were pay'd to Henry the Eighth by Lewis the Twelfth and Francis the First who durst not deny the payment of it for fear of being set upon by him whilst they made war in Italy Charles did moreover in imitation of his father give Pensions and Presents to the chief of Henry's Court that they might either favour him the more or hinder him the lesse whereat Henry connived for it behoved him to interesse the Greatest of the Kingdom in the Peace which was but badly construed by the Rest. He endeavour'd likewise to satisfie those who for their own particular respects were discontented by shewing them what Blood and Losse of Lives would have ensued in the assaulting of Bullein together with the Small hopes they had to come off with Honour and that if he had been Successeful therein yet had he deserved Blame since what was to be gotten did not answer to the Losse of the Valiantest of his Army He made use of the same arguments to make others perswade Him to make Peace that it might be thought to have ensued from the Motion of Others not from Himself This Peace was good for Both the Kings for Charles by securing to him Britanny which by occasion of this War was like to have Stagger'd and opening a way unto him to agree with Maximilian as he did so as his Confines being secured on that side they being formerly secured on all Other he might with a quiet minde totally intend the getting of Naples a resolution which proceeded not from Lodowick Sforza who first incited him thereunto but from his natural Genius which compell'd him to undertake it notwithstanding the many Difficulties he was to meet withal especially the Want of Moneys without any real foundation Fortune when she pleases is able to make impossibilities possible 'T was good for Henry for he thereby filled his Coffers and was freed from the danger which the new Fantasm representing the Duke of York might have brought unto him had it been so strongly backt by the King of France as it was witnessed by the Dutchesse of Burgundy and seconded by the King of Scotland He feared some Insurrection from those which favour'd the White Rose for the love which the people had born him in regard of their Hatred to Richard was grown lesse so as he was now to subsist onely by his Own worth and his Wives faction failed him he having failed Her in those respects which his desire of being King in his Own Right would not permit him to use unto her His Camp being raised from before Bullein he returned by Callis for England having written to the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London before he took Shipping his reasons for Ending the War not touching upon those we have spoken of but such as he thought would Please especially that the enemy had purchas'd Peace at so High a rate this notwithstanding pleased not those who had been liberal to him in their Benevolences 't is true their distaste was lessened by his returning with his Purse full which made them believe he would not of a long time expect any thing from Them Alphonso Duke of Calabria eldest son to Ferdinand King of Naples had intreated Henry to admit him into the Order of the Garter believing the War between the Two Kings to be Endlesse He thought that to have the Honour to be of the most famous Order of Christendom would make him be respected amongst Princes and reverenced by his Subjects especially at such a time he hoped that if France should stir against his Father the King of England with opportune assistance would discharge the duty of the Fraternity but he was deceived it doth not dilate it self to so prejudicial an Obligation Honours are the Alchimy of Princes which like Gamesters Tantoes are worth as much as they are made to be worth they are not burdensom to the giver enrich not the receiver Mines are not digg'd up for them treasure is not exhausted neither have they any other Being then what Opinion gives them he that hath not merit enough in himself to deserve them is like a Sumpter-horse marked with the mark of a stately Courser The King being come to London sent him the Garter and Robes belonging to the Order by Ursewick The Order was received by Alphonso with the greatest Pomp that could be invented by any one who believes that Ostentations dazzle mens eyes and bring things to their designed Ends which happening but Sometimes did not befal Him for neither did This nor any Other industry preserve him from ruine But for that his successe belongs not to Our Story we refer the Reader to Guicchiardine's Relation The King at his arrival in England heard that the Duke of York was not slain in the Tower as he was believed to be but that he was with his Aunt Margaret in Flanders the which though Henry understood when he was in France and in his agreements had made Charles with whom he then was send him away yet he did not think the noise of this fiction was to be despised since it might breed great troubles We will relate the Beginning thereof and the resolution which he thereupon took The Dutchesse Margaret had together with her Milk suckt in hatred against the Red-Rose-faction enemy to the White from whence She descended insomuch as she spared not either for Injustice or Fraud so she might oppresse it neither did Religion or any other Scruple withhold her from doing what in her lay to destroy it She might have been contented that her Neece Elizabeth was Queen of England in default of her Two Nephews who should have inherited the Crown since they failed therein not through the cruelty of the Lancastrians but of her brother Richard yet was she not satisfied but favoured Lambert Symnel one
his comming desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there to which he gave way being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart When Henry heard hereof hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him But Philip fearing lest if he should waite his comming his stay would be too long resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry making his Queene come at leisure after him He was met six miles from Windsor by Prince Henry and One mile from thence by the King who received him with all terms of Honour and Friendship He treated with him of the marriage of their Children and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy Philips sister he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip Duke of Burgundy Now by the name of King of Spaine they had better successe for the English then had the former especially in the Fishing-busines at which the Flemmings were much offended he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke who lived under the protection of Philip Henry knew so well how to perswade him by passing his Word he would not put him to Death that Philip sent for him into Flanders the one desiring to have him before the other departed and the other not to depart till he were arrived that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deliver him up Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower Philip departed England and was received in Spaine without any manner of Resistance Ferdinand totally quitting the Government to him but he enjoy'd it but for a while for he dyed soone after The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosticated by the Fall of a golden Eagle which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple was blowne downe by the same wind which drave him into Waymouth and brake downe a signe in the Church-yard wherein was a blacke Eagle Ferdinand being call'd for and entreated by the Kingdome returned to the Government thereof this Death of her Husband having so opprest the fancie of the Queen his daughter as she was never after good for any thing not without suspition that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery that so he of Himselfe and without Trouble might manage the Scepter of Spaine The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation so as betaking himselfe to Domesticall affaires he sent Thomas Wolsey he who was Cardinall and of so great Power under Henry the eighth to Maxi milian to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued The marriage of Charles King of Spaine with Mary daughter to Henry stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand for though He was the first that had mention'd iâ—… yet his Sonne in Law being Dead and Charles being come to the Crowne he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government with Maximilian as Grand-father and Henry as Father in Law which though neither of them dreamt of yet did He feare it but This match had no better effect then had the Other the tender yeares of the young couple and the alteration of affaires in following times broke it quite off The expectation hereof neverthelesse made Henry live contented the little while he lived for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland and the Other to the King of Castile Duke of Burgundy he thought himselfe more safe then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse He the mean while began to draw towards his End the Gout a disease more Troublesome then Mortall was the Fore-runner of a Distillation which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Consumption which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes He set all Prisoners at Liberty who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings hee himselfe paying the Creditours he gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made against Empson and Dudley for their Oppressions yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them His Conscience and his Covetousnesse wrought contrary effects in him many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives one died in Prison before his cause was heard another being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at was not let out till Henry the eighths time and then Empson was put in his place To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to New Popes he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassadours to Pope Iulius the second which he had not formerly done though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given in the life of Edward the fourth Being dismist by the Pope they carried the Garter and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo Duke of Vrbin whose Father Frederick had likewise had it This Prince sent into England to be installed for him according to the Institutions of that Order the Count Balthasar Castillion he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy was one of the last of Henries actions he would not alter the name of it this fabrick having beene in former times the habitation of Peter of Savoy Unckle to Eleanor the Wife of Henry the third by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond but he resigned the Earledome when Savoy fell by inheritance to him The Lancastrians lived in this house and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall Besides this he built three Monasteries for the Conventuall Friers of Saint Francis order and three for the Observantines of the same order in divers places When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles but always with prosperous and happy successe he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars he left it in a setled Peace his subjects who were impoverisht by the past disorders were notwitstanding his Taxations by reason of his good Government become Rich he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt but left it rich in Treasure his sonne found in Richmond house a Million and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe He granted out a Generall Pardon and ordered by his Last Will and Testament that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers He died at Richmond the twenty second day of Aprill in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried by his wife in the sumptuous and stately Chapell built by Himselfe in the Abbey Church at Westminster He lived two and Fifty years and Reigned three and Twenty Years and Eight moneths The Children which he left behind him were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown Margaret Queen of Scotland from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend and the Prince and Princesses of the Electorall house Palatine and Mary married to Lewis the twelfth King of France by whom having no issue she after his death married Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne and two Daughters Frances and Eleanor The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk and by him had the Lady Iane Gray who being married to Guilford Dudley sonne to the Duke of Northumberland and constrained to call her selfe Queene was beheaded in Queene Maries time she had by him moreover two Other daughters Katharine and Mary who dyed without issue Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by whom she had a daughter named Margaret who was married to Henry Stanley Earle of Darby and had by him two sons Ferdinando and William both of them in succession one of the other Earles of Darby Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him to inherit his Honours and his Estate The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster FINIS Richard the 2. 1386. 1387. 1388. 1383. 1390. 1391. 1393. 1394. 1395 1396 1397. Henry the 4. A description of the Isle of Wight 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 Henry the 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 9 10 11 12 13 1416 1417 1418 1420 1421 Henry the 6. Apoc Cap 4o. 1422 1424. 1425. 1426. 1428. 1429. 1432. 1435. Philippopolis Andrenopolis Serviae Bulgaria Vallatchia Di. Bittinia in Thracia Di. Brusia in Andrinopoli Alavenente 3. Mascone Impatronato La Castellania Parteggiati Il trombetta Sangate 1424. 1438. 1442. 1433. 1445. 1446 1447. 1448. 1450. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1466. 1470 1472. 1473. 1474. 1475. 1476 1477 1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1485. 1485 1483 1486 1487 1488 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1496 1498. 1499 1501 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509
acquainted with the waies had intercepted was brought himselfe to the like danger of suffering for lacke of victualls and winter now comming on hee quitted the enterprise for that time resolving to reassume it in the spring being hereunto inforced through Glendors daring and the molestations of the French but the French weary of the Countrey and more weary of a warre wherein nothing of advantage was to be had withdrew themselves to Brittanny not intending to returne The Count St. Pauls attempts had no better successe who willing to act his threats had gathered together in Abeville betweene voluntiers and men in pay 1600. fighting men from whence hee went to Normandy and imbarked himselfe at Arflore intending to set upon the I le of Wight upon the coast whereof he was sooner then hee imagined being favoured by the windes which assisted him in his landing The Ilanders who expected not so sudden a surprise retired themselves together with the best things they had from the more open places to places of more defence and if they suffered some losse t was nothing in respect of what the Count intended for England being night at hand succours in few houres to be had the parts thereof strong and not to bee won but by length of time he having but a small number of men the inhabitants once met together stronger then he he lost all hope of victory or booty This Island was by the Romans called Vecta It is seated in the South of England so neere to Hampshire that from Hurst the chiefe Castle thereof seated on the outmost part of a narrow ridge of land which thrusts it selfe forth into the sea the distance is but two miles It is rich in pasture and graine abounding in birds particularly in Partridge and Phesant full of Hares and Connies it yeeldeth great store of Woole of the third best sort of England it is twenty miles in length in bredth where broadest twelve so well inhabited as that there is therein thirty sixe townes boroughes and villages it hath divers strong Castles seated in the most appropriate places for the defence thereof it armeth 4000. men exercised by their Captains from Hampshire in time of need 3000 men are assigned unto it and from Wiltshire 2000. but without their assistance it was able to defend it selfe against so few enemies when posts flew up and downe with newes of the Counts landing those who were nearest unto him thought it best to entertaine him with treaties as well that he might forbeare doing mischiefe as likewise that being allured by hopes and gaine hee might not prepare to be gone they sent unto him a well spoken and well advised Priest who made divers propositions to him but being advertised of the strength of the Island and of what danger hung over him hee reimbarked himselfe contrary to the good will of the adventurers who had laid out much upon vaine hopes and had never any reparation made them though they expected satisfaction from the Generall All sides were so heated with these commotions as that warre was already kindled in Guascony not now contented with inrodes they betooke themselves to more evident and reall injuries but Fortune having favoured the English in these last expeditions on this side the sea would now be gracious to the French in the two next on the other side the sea The one made by Count Claremont sonne to the Duke of Burbone the other by the Constable Albert both which strove who should most indamage the Dutchy The first accompanied by Count Chastearebone sonne to the Count de Fois reduced three strong Castles to the obedience of King Charles St. Peter St. Mary and Chasteaunense The second incensed at the damages done by the Garison which lay at Carlefine which had forced contribution upon all the neighbouring places sate downe before the towne accompanied by Arpadan a Gentleman of note and much followed in those parts after sixe weekes siege the Garison dispairing of succour yeelded themselves their goods being safe and the townsmen redeeming their goods with money But these external adventures merit not the being recounted save as apparent intermediums of the tragicall acts which were internally done men who do good turns use to measure merit by a common measure which agrees ill with the measure of Princes For subjects are born to serve their Princes are bound to their service which they are not to other men so as private men are more obliged by good turnes then Princes not but that Princes ought to reward worth in those that serve them but if this bemade in them a coactive duty vertue will not be its owne end in subjects will eclips the splendor of liberality and gratitude in Princes and not being able to satisfie every one with current money their estates how rich soever not able to suply them they must reward some with the Alchymy of honour a sort of money coined for the chiefest and most noble amongst whom it is oftenest dispersed Tacitus brings in Armenius laughing at his brother Flavius who rather desired to bee a private souldier amongst the Romans then a Prince in Germany and that having in those warres lost an eye and had his face disfigured he termed the increase of his pay and certaine other little gifts which children would disprize a reward But Armenius did not well understand this mystery for take away the opinion of honour which of the two principall columes which sustaine civill life is the second who will expose himselfe to danger who will defend his Country if to die for it be not esteemed glorious The two Percies both brothers the one Earle of Northumberland the other of Worster together with Henry sonne to the former fell into this error they measured their service done to the King according to the common measure so as if the mischief which insued was not answerable to the honour of their familie and their owne particular worths it was notwithstanding most answerable to their ill advised resolutions In the two battels at Hamelton and Nesbit as hath beene formerly said they had taken some of the chiefe Nobility of Scotland the which being demanded by the King who would have them in his power and by them denied they thought to satisfie him by sending unto him Mordachy Earle of Fife the chiefest of them sonne to the Duke of Albeny alledging that this man together with the other prisoners did of right belong to them as a prey wonne by the hazard of their persons and effusion of their bloud so as the King had no pretence unto them Just reasons if the Prince were not to share in the booty Artillery munition or victualls prisoners of quality or otherwise redonable doe properly belong to them not so much in respect of ransome as to facilitate or secure the victory by peace exchange and other contingencies which times and occasions in the manifold interests of States doe produce I speake not of the imprisonment of the two