any money for them onely they must pay for the sawce which according to the custome of the faire they must haue or els they must haue no goose O happy day wherein that faire was first instituted and a secret discouered which no Catholike Kings or Prelats could euer attaine vnto And thrice happy are they who by the light as it should see me of that day did see to make that Statute in the third yere of the Archipres byterie of M. George Blackwell vidi preuaricantes c. 18. Octob. 1600 wherein al right to appeale to Rome being most Catholikely conserued the penalties therein conteined doe onely light vpon such as haue set their hands to that which is prefixed to the Appeale which is nothing els but the causes thereof without which according to the custome and Canons of holy Church the appeale is of no force and are therefore by name to be expressed as we haue before shewed out of the Clementine Appellantide Appellationibus Now it remaineth that we shew when and vpon what occasions the Statutes were made by which the prouisions from Rome and some Appeales to Rome were forbidden First concerning these prouisions there was a statute made either in the 30. or 35. or as some other affirme 25. Edward 1. which was aboue 300. yeeres since wherein it is agreed and established that they should not be suffered There was also the like statute made in the 25. yere of Edw. 3 to the like effect by which it was forbidden that any should be placed in any dignitie without the assent of the King The same is also forbidden in the Parliament holden in the 38. of the same King The occasions of enacting these statutes are set downe as well in that of the 25. of Edw. 1. as elsewhere the iustice of those which were made in the time of Edw. 3. is the more apparant by a letter which hee and his nobles sent in the 17. yeere of his reigne to his Hol. to haue redresse for such defaults as were in that kind committed The Letter was to this effect King Edward and his Nobles perceiuing the derogation that was done to the Realme by such reseruations prouisions and collations of benefices as the Pope practised here in England wrote to him requiring him that sith the Churches of England had beene founded and endowed by noble and worthy men to the end the people might be instructed by people of their owne language and that he being so farre off could not vnderstand the defaults yet his predecessors and hee more then had been vsed by diuers reseruations prouisions and collations made to diuers persons some strangers yea and some enemies to the Realme whereby the money and profits were carried forth their Cures not prouided for according to the founders minds they therefore vpon due considerations thereof signified vnto him that they could not suffer such enormities any longer and therefore besought him to reuoke such reseruations prouisions and collations wholly to auoid such slanders mischiefes and harmes as might ensue and that the Cures might be committed to persons meete for the exercises of the same beseeching him further without delay to signifie his intention sith they meant to bestow their diligence to remedie the matter and see that redresse might be had Giuē in full Parliament at Westminster 18. of May Anno Dom. 1343. Thus far out of Iohn Stow 17. Edw. 3. where he also citeth Auesburie and Honingford Secondly concerning the forbidding of the appeales to Rome we find a Statute made in the 27. of Edw. 3. against those who shall drawe any person in plea out of the Realme of a thing whereof the knowledge appertained to the Kings Court or of such things whereof iudgement was giuen in the Kings courts or should sue in any other courts to defeate or let the iudgements giuen in the Kings Court. To these and other Statutes to the like effect the author of the Apologie affirmeth that the Catholike Bishops neither did nor could assent But whatsoeuer may be said for or against this position concerning the appeales no man can in reason think but that they both might very well and did assent to those statutes which were made against the prouisions or bestowing of dignities in England without the kings consent the causes are so apparantly layd downe by the King and the Nobles for that abridging of his Holines his promoting whom he would and to what dignities hee would in England And thus much may be alledged in the behalfe of the consent of the spirituall Lords to the statute against those appeales That in the new great abridgement printed Anno 1551. there is this clause set to the end of some statutes But the spirituall Lords assented not to this statute And there is no such note set to any of these Statutes which we haue here cited It is also euident that these statutes were not made vpon any heate of emulation against the Clergie for as we finde that in the 38. yeere of King Edw. 3. the statutes against those prouisions made in the 25. and 27. of the same King are confirmed although there be some fauour giuen to the Lords and Prelats offendors so in the 39 yeere of the same King which was the next yeere after we find that the Clergie in England was in as great honour as any Clergie in the worlde as may be shewed by the offices which the Bishops and Priests had then in England For the Bishop of Canterbury was Lord Chancellour of England the Bishop of Bath was L. Treasurer the Archdeacon of Lincolne was Lord priuie Seale the Parson of Somersam was master of the Rolles ten beneficed Priests were masters of the Chancerie the Deane of S. Martins le grand was chiefe Chancellour of the Exchequer Receiuer and Keeper of the Kings Treasure and Iewels the Archd. of Northampton was Chancellor of the Exchequer a Prebendarie of S. Martins was Clerk of the priuie Seale a Prebendarie of S. Steuens was Treasurer of the Kings house the Parson of Auon or Oundell was master of the Wardrobe the Parson of Fenny Stanton was one of the Chamberlaines of the Excheq and Keeper of the Kings Treasury and Iewels Other of the Clergie are noted to haue ben in office also in France in Ireland as well as in England Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth sonne of King Edward 3. hauing the gouernement of England committed vnto him in the time of his fathers last sickenesse which was in the 50. and 51. of his reigne disposed so farre of matters and offices as he conceiued some possibility to attaine to the Crown and to depriue his nephew Richard of Burdeaux who was sonne to the Blacke prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third But perceiuing that it would be hard for him to obtaine his purpose so long as the Church stood in that estate it did and the citizeens of London enioyed their liberties hee laboured to ouerthrow them both
and such as would gladly be seene in any of his actions and his fellowes who both in their Libel which was spread abroad vnder F. Lister the Iesuits name in this Apologie yea almost immediatly after this godly resolution are so farre from Christian spirit or ordinary modesty as it could not but be an exceeding ioy to all their friends to see any iot of Gods grace or assistance of his holy Spirit in them But as it seemeth by the latter end of this preface there is some kinde of resistance made against this assistance of Gods grace and holy Spirit Where this authour faigning vnto himselfe that these bookes against which he writeth could not be published in the style they goe in by any modest and Christian spirit he concludeth that they are published by some one or few discomposed passionate people or by some heretike c. and so as to such we shall answere saith he and not to our brethren yet doth his answere throughout all the Apologie light vpon the Priests although indeede the termes which are vsed would much better fit an heretike against an heretike so little doe they sauour either of modestie or Christian spirit CHAP. 6. How this present controuersie about the abuse of this newe subordination is deduced from Iohn of Gaunt and other matters most impertinent thereunto Apol. cap. 1. HAuing shewed through how foule darke vneuen and ill sauouring an entry this authour hath lead his deuoted to this Apologie the indifferent reader may probably coniecture that in the end there will be nothing to be seene but a boldnesse in auerring any vntrueth a sleight in casting mistes before his eyes to hold him still in ignorance of the trueth a defect of plaine dealing when he is driuen to say something and a heape of slanders with most odious insinuations to bring the Secular priests into contempt and obloquy In the first chapter of the Apologie intituled What great hurts haue come to England by emulation of the Laitie against the Clergie and of Secular priests against religious and of the state of the present controuersie in question he maketh an abridgement of the whole booke following and contriueth it in such manner as whereas he beginneth at Iohn of Gaunt he might asmuch to the purpose haue begunne at the diuision emulation and contention which the enemy raised in Cain against his brother Abel For although he intitle the Chapter of hurtes come to England by emulation and therefore a story of emulation in England may seeme to come neerer to his purpose yet his discourse being of emulation by which the reduction of England to the Catholike faith hath bene hindred he might aswell haue applyed the story of Abel and Cain as that of Iohn of Gaunt and Iohn Wickliffe who were dead and buried Iâ—… Stow. in vita Ric. 2. An. 1384. and this last also had his bones taken vp and burned aboue 40 yeeres after to wit in the yeere 1425. by commandement of Pope Martine the 5. which was an hundreth yeeres before the discontinuance of the Catholike faith in England or the least declining thereof as may appeare by the most zealous disposition of K. Henry 8. who in Anno 1521. deserued that most glorious title Defender of the faith But let vs see how handsomely he patcheth his geere together thus he beginneth the first chapter If euer the enemy of mankind did bestirre himselfe and all his power to let any publike good of the English nation it hath bene in this of the reduction of the Catholike faith For hindring whereof he hath tried all his possible meanes as before we haue noted but especially that of diuision emulation and contention hath bene his chiefest For by emulation of the Nobility against the Clergie and of Secular priests against religious he raised Iohn Wickliffe aboue 200. yeeres past whom Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster sonne to King Edward the 3. together with the residue of his faction vpon emulation he had with B. Arundel of London B. Wickam of Winchester and others did set vp and maintaine against those and the rest of the Clergie especially against religious men that had possessions Wickliffe being a Secular priest himselfe Thus saith this author and then he goeth forward affirming how that certaine motions were made concerning the taking away of the Abbey lands giuing them to the Crowne which motions were made vpon the same emulation vnder the Kings Richard 2 Henry 4 Henry 5 and others and tooke effect in the time of King Henry 8. And in the end concludeth that the want of restitution of Abbey lands was the hindrance of reconciliation in Queene Maries dayes But this doubtlesse argued rather an vnwillingnesse in the Laitie to part with the Church liuings of which they were now in possession then an emulation in them against the Clergie or religious And therefore in this conclusion the Author doth seeme much to forget himselfe who vndertooke to shew that emulation and not want of restitution of Church liuings hindered the reduction of England to the Catholike faith It seemeth that hee aimed onely at this that the controuersie being now principally betweene some Secular priests and some religious hee might driue into his Readers head some sinister conceit of the Secular priests and to that ende telleth a tale of the enemie of mankinde and how hee raysed a Secular Priest against religious and how that malice tooke effect in K. Henry the 8. dayes and the Laity would not restore the Church liuings in Q. Maries dayes And if the Reader can put all this together and cry out against the Secular Priests habetur intentum as truants vse to say in the schooles when they knowe not how to deduce the conclusion to their mindes in forme out of the premisses without laughter in the hearers We haue before shewed how that neither by Wickliffe nor by Iohn of Gaunt there could be any hinderance of the reducing of England to the Catholike faith and consequently how impertinent this story is to that for proofe whereof it was brought But for the better discouering of this fellow his falshood and sinister dealing you shall vnderstand that this Iohn Wickliffe was a Secular Priest And although in receiuing that holy Order he also receiued so indelible a character as he must be still a Priest how wickedly soeuer he behaued himselfe yet he did not receiue any confirmation in grace but might fall into most great enormities as the most holy not confirmed in grace may doe And entring out of a melancholy humor which grew vpon him by being depriued of a benefice which he had into a good conceit of himselfe that he was not sicut caeteri homines as other men were hee changed his life from the ordinary life of the Secular Priests into a streighter rule and tooke another habit Io. Stow in Ed. â— An 1377. He and all his followers went barefooted and in course russet garments downe to the heeles and in
contempt of temporall goods his conuersation was with those Religious that had no possessions and ioined himselfe vnto the begging Fryers approouing their pouertie and extolling their perfection Euident tokens that hee had left the state of a Secular Priest and ascended to some higher degree of perfection But as it should seeme he was neither Monke nor Frier but talis qualis such as he was or as other perchance who came after him although they follow him not in all things For as it appeareth in our Chronicles hee preached against Monkes and other religious men that had possessions and taught such doctrine as hee was condemned for it in the Council of Constance as an heretike and his bones were taken vp and burned as is beforesaid Whereby also this authour is proued to forget himselfe very much to number him amongst the Clergie which is generally taken for such as are not onely in Orders but liue also in vnitie of the faith Wherefore purposing to tell a tale of emulation in the Clergie against the Religious he should haue taken some other to haue prooued it then Wickliffe who also by his pretence no doubt of greater perfection had forsaken the state of a Secular Clergie man as appeared by his habit and conuersation To these falshoods and couert calumnies against the Secular Priests this deceit of this author may be added That whereas the Chronicles doe mention that not only Iohn Wickliffe but foure doctors of diuinitie also one of euery Order of the begging Fryers ioyning with him were imployed by Iohn of Gaunt in his grudge against Bish Wickham of Winchester in whose defence the B. of London not Arundell as this author affirmeth but Courtney speaking as became him to doe Iohn of Gaunt threatned him also and swore that he would pull downe both the pride of him and of all the Bishops in England this author mentioneth onely the Secular Priest as he termeth him without any mention of the orders of Religion which were also imployed Moreouer it soundeth very foolishly that Iohn of Gaunt would set Iohn Wickliffe against the Monkes vpon an emulation which hee had against the Bishops their estates depending so little vpon the estate of the Monkes as when all the Abbyes in England were put downe the Bishops remained in as great honour as euer they did And wheras it is further said that the Abbey lands were taken from the Monkes and giuen to the maintenance of the crowne by the same emulation of the Clergie against the Religious in the time of K. Henry the eight it is most false the Abbyes being then put downe by a change of Religion which had not the beginning vpon any such emulation as this author affirmeth but vpon the perswasion of Longland B. of Lincolne the Kings confessor fortified by Card. Wolsey viz. that his Highnesse mariage with the Lady Katherine his brother Prince Arthurs wife was vnlawfull and against the word of God whereby the King being induced to seeke a diuorce but crossed therein with the Pope by Charles the fift nephew of the Lady Katherine and some others as well of the Laytie as the Clergie both Secular and Religious here in England it wrought in the King such a dislike of his Holines and others as it procured not onely the ouerthrow of the Abbyes but such a change in Religion as since the world hath seene Of this alteration therefore if any emulation were the beginning it was an emulation in the Cardinall who dealt with B. Longland to perswade the King as is mentioned and afterward did second him with all his might himselfe against the Emperour for hindering him of the Popedome and neither the sister nor the mother to ambition as this author would haue it but her daughter But the greatest folly committed by this author in this his exordium is not yet touched and that is that among all other histories impertinent to the cōtrouersie in question he would make his choyse of one wherein himselfe if we are not deceiued is notoriously disciphered Iohn Wickliffe was a Secular priest being a priest and neither Monke nor Friar and no Secular priest as differing from them in habit and conuersing with the religious Mendicants vnder pretence of greater perfection His followers tooke no name of him as both Monkes and Friers do of their founders and Sectaries of their Masters but went vnder the name which the common people gaue them to wit Lollards He was vsed as an instrument by Iohn of Gant to bring that to passe which this Duke had long conceiued in his mind For he saw saith the Historie Ioh. Stow. sup that it would be hard for him to obtaine his purpose the Church standing in his full state c. Wherefore he laboured first to ouerthrow aswell the liberties of the Church c. And to this end did Iohn Wickliffe bestow his talents for he was not onely eloquent saith the historie but also seemed to contemne temporall goods for the loue of eternall riches c. This authour being in a state which once was of Secular priests now no state of Secular priests not because he will be taken for either Monke or Frier or goe barefoote as Iohn Wickliffe did and his followers or basely clothed for these are outward mortifications which of what edification soeuer they are yet are not worthy of that honour which is due to the inward mortifications which lie hid and are not seene by the corporall eye But because Pope Gregorie the 13. hath so declared it yet so as he being filius populi as people say hath no other name but what the people giue him he is imployed not by Iohn of Gant himselfe in his owne person for this great Duke died aboue 200 yeeres since but by Iohn of Gant in some of his posteritie who hath somewhat to bring to passe which he hath long conceiued in his mind for the effecting of which this godly Father is busied in the corrupting the Cleargie of England or the vtter ouerthowing it which at this present he and his doe worke by taking from them their good name and fame and making them odious without iust cause to the people And to the end that he would be knowen not to haue spent his time idlely in Wickliffe his schoole he hath not onely imployed his tongue but his pen also and in his first platforme of Reformation hath ordeined that none of the Clergie shall possesse any temporall liuings but shall liue vpon such pensions as shall to certaine of his company and some secular Priests ioyned with them in their wisedome seeme necessary for their maintenance But let vs now see whether this authour can fit himselfe better in the next point In the beginning also saith he of this Queenes dayes the little affection which the Laitie did beare vnto the Clergie procured by some vnquiet spirits as also the small vnion of diuers Clergie men among themselues some holding with the heretikes and politikes by beate of faction
was written the sixt of Iuly 1597. but what doth or can this concerne the priests comming to his Holines toward the later end of the yeere 1598 to deale about a matter which was not before the 7 of March in the same yere 1598 as appeareth by the date of the Cardinals letter Apologie ca. 8. fol. 104 There is also a piece of another letter of the same man to to the Cardinal Protector of the first of May 1598 which although it were written after that the Subordination was instituted yet it was written before that it was knowen in England for to our remembrance we had no knowledge thereof vntill it was May here with vs. But howsoeuer this was it was impossible that it could concerne the two priests their comming to his Holines for this was not so suddenly determined in England although vpon the first sight of the Cardinals letter the Archpriest was told that there was iust cause for them to goe to his Holinesse By this then it appeareth that D. Stapletons letters which were to Fa. Parsons and to the Protector could not induce his Holinesse to imprison the two Priests who came to deale about the Subordination Let vs now see what the second testimony auaileth him This testimony was of principall men who writ some moneths saith this author fol. 124. before these two messengers came ouer into Flanders he sayd France 120. but their negotiations in England were heard of and knowen and these principall men of whom the most principall standeth for the priests and is ioyned with them in affection and action in Rome at this present writ their letter to the general of the Iesuites vpon this voice which they heard when you doe iustice you shal make also peace a heauy saying for such as will bee prooued to haue done as great an iniury as may be by a publike diffamation of schisme and what not against Catholike priests without iust cause But what is this to the purpose how was his Holinesse vpon this letter resolued to imprison the two priests who were in the way to him for and concerning the Subordination which was made the Generall perchance of the Iesuits did shew this letter to his Holinesse and thereby the negotiations of these two and their fellowes came also to be knowen to his Holines all this goeth very currant But what if those men now become principall neither heard of these 2. priests as dealers in this action nor of any other not onely not in particular but neither in general What if they could not possibly heare that there was any Subordination knowen in England and much lesse that any did delay to admit thereof when they writ this letter to the Generall of the Iesuits How shamelesse will this author be iudged who would bring these principall men their letters as a motiue to his Holinesse to imprison these two priests before he would heare what they had to say This Subordination was made at Rome the seuenth of March in the yere 1598 and if the messenger had stridden a blacke horse to bring it into Englād yet could there not be any negotiations in England conueniently either by these two priests or others concerning the same in so short a time as that these 17 principall men vnlesse they were altogether attending as it were to haue entertained the same messenger in Flanders considered maturely of the negotiations which were in England could burnish vp a letter and dispatch it vpon the eighteenth of March in the same yeere 1598 as here is cited in the margent fol. 123. Now follow the letters of diuers zelous men When as this author saith these messengers were in their way indeed for the other were written especially those of the 17. principall men when the priests were in their negotiations before they set forward as it is said fol. 124. these men writ indeed very sharply and with such confidence as they might giue some suspition to a wise man that all was not well in England but yet there is no perswasion to haue the messengers cast into prison vntill they were heard a duetie which they might challenge if in no other respect yet at least for their trauaile in Gods Church for which they deserued a good opinion of the gouernours thereof The first here cited are from Doway 25. Octob. 1598. to the Protector to which some haue acknowledged their error in subscribing These letters doe not cleare Fa. Parsons for being the cause of his Holines resolution to imprison the two priests for in this Apologie it is confessed fol. 120 that his Holines was resolued vpon the 17. of October 1398. to cast them into prison for such date doeth the letter beare which F. Bellarmine now Cardinal is said to haue written to Fa. Parsons to informe him that his Holines so greatly misliked their troublesome fact that hee had told him that if they came to Ferrara he would cause them to be imprisoned If these then of the 25. of Octob. came too late to put such a resolution into his Holines head what shall wee say of these which came after for the next letters are from M. D. Worthington to the Protector and these beare date the 30. of October from Bruxels Next March D. Peerse who was the first in the ranke of the 17. principall men but now God knoweth what place he shall haue and among whom for that he is ioyned with the priests in Rome and in that action D. Caesar Clement that succeeded D. Stapleton in the office of assistance-ship to the Nuntius in Flanders in all English affaires a man that was neuer in England but to giue him his right the fittest man for that purpose as matters go and worthy to succeed D. Stapleton or any farre greater man then he in that kinde of managing English affaires D. Richard Hall three doctors but what these or other writ most earnestly and grauely to the same effect as the other did by al likelyhood this author knoweth not For as he saith he had not the copies of their letters when he writ this Apologie but hee met with a letter of M. Licentiat Wright deane of Cortrac in Flanders to the Protector which is here set downe in the Apologie wherein this deane hath litle cause to thanke this author who would discredit him so much as to set downe his iudgement of two priests whom he neuer saw And although his letter doe exceed the limits of all modestie yet doeth it not any whit auaile this author for proofe of that for which it is brought that is that his Holines was thereupon resolued to imprison the two priests for this letter beareth date 10. Nouembris 1598. as appeareth here fol. 126 which was a faire while after his Holines had that resolution as appeareth by F. Bellarmine now Card. his letter of the 17. of Octob. 1598. cited by this author fol. 120. yet goeth this fellow on very smoothly and not without great applause of the