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A28585 The continuation of An historicall discourse of the government of England, untill the end of the reigne of Queene Elizabeth with a preface, being a vindication of the ancient way of parliaments in England / by Nath. Bacon of Grais-Inne, Esquire. Bacon, Nathaniel, 1593-1660.; Bacon, Nathaniel, 1593-1660. Historicall and political discourse of the laws & government of England. 1651 (1651) Wing B348; ESTC R10585 244,447 342

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Government more readily doe appeare the corruptions in natures of men more frequently discover themselves and thereby the body of the Statute-Lawes begin to swell so bigg that I must be inforced to contract my account of them into a narrower compasse and render the same unto the Reader so farr forth onely as they shall concerne the generall streame of Government leaving those of privater regard unto every mans particular consideration as occasion shall lead him For what ever other men please to insist upon this I take for a Maxime That though the Government of a King is declared by his actions yet the Government of a Kingdome is onely manifested by ancient Customes and publique Acts of Parliament And because I have undertaken a generall Survey of the Reignes of thirteene severall Kings and Queenes of this Nation for I shall not exceed the Issue of Henry the eighth and to handle each of them apart will leave the Reader in a Wildernesse of particulars hard to comprehend in the generall summ I shall therefore reduce them all into three heads Viz. Interest of Title Interest of Prerogative and Interest of Religion the last of which swayed much the three Children of Henry the Eighth the second as much in their two Ancestors Viz. Henry the Eighth and Henry the Seventh and the first in the three Henries of Lancaster and three succeeding Kings of the House of Yorke And because Edward the Third and his Grandchilde Richard the Second doe come under none of these Interests I shall consider them joyntly as in way of Exordium to the rest although the course of the later was as different from the former as Lust falls short of a generous Spirit CHAP. I. A summ of the severall Reignes of Edward the Third and Richard the Second SEverall I may well call them because they are the most different in their wayes and ends of any two of that race that ever swayed their Scepter and yet the entrance of the first gave countenance to the conclusion of the last For the Scepter being cast away or lost by Edward the Second it was the Lot of his Son Edward the Third a Youth of fifteen yeares of age to take it up he knowing whose it was and feeling it too heavy for him was willing enough it should returne but being overswayed by Councels drawn from reason of State and pressed thereto by those that resolved not to trust his Father any more he wisely chose to manage it himselfe rather then to adventure it in another hand but that is not all for as its never seene that the Crowne doth thrive after Divorce from the Scepter but like a blasted blossome falls off at the next gale of adversity such was the issue to Edward the Second his Power once gone his Honour followed soon after he had ceased to be King and within a small time did cease to be Edward His Son thus made compleate by his Fathers spoyle had the honour to be the Repairer of the ruines that his Father had made and was a Prince which you might thinke by his story to be seldome at home and by his Lawes seldome abroad nor can it be reconciled without wonder that Providence should at once bestow upon England a couragious People brave Captaines wise Councell and a King that had the endowments of them all Otherwise it had out-reached conceit it selfe that this small Island wasted by the Barons Warrs the people beaten out of heart by all Enemies in the time of the Father should neverthelesse in the time of the Son with honour wade through so many difficulties of mighty Warrs on every side abroad and devouring Pestilence at home and yet lay a platforme of an Epulent wise and peaceable Government for future Generations Yet hee had his failings and misfortunes a great part whereof may be attributed to infirmity of Age which in the first part of his Reigne was too little and in the later part too much True it is that Governours of the Persons of Kings may in some measure supply defects of Non-age but seldome where the Governours are many and never if they be ambitious And it was this Kings fate to miscarry in both for he had in his Youth twelve Governours by constitution and they two supreame by usurpation Viz. The Queen and Mortimer till they were both consumed in the flame which themselves had kindled And this disparity wrought somewhat unsuccessefully in the Kings first Warr For the generosity of his spirit himselfe being young and active minded his Councell to advise him imployment in a Forraine Warr rather then they would adventure its motion at home least it might prove circular which is most dangerous for Government if the Prince be not under command of himselfe This first Warr was with Scotland whose power was inferiour to that of France the King young and the danger neerer and therefore though the last affront was from France that more fresh in memory and more peinant yet the King was advised to give place and speake faire till he had tryed masteries with Scotland and thereby secured his Rere This he wisely hearkened unto and met with such a successefull turne of Providence that like an O Yes before a Proclamation gives warning to Scotland that the Wheele is turned upon them and that there is somewhat more then humane motion in the matter that exasperates the English upon an enterprize so often crossed by Providence hitherto and the King also being but a Souldier in hope as yet to dare against those that had so shamefully foyled his Father and also put himselfe already once to the Retreat And yet there did concurr a kinde of necessity of second Causes for the King found the Crowne ingaged and the minds of the Scots so elate as the English mans case was not to live to Fight but to Fight to live and so imbittered against one another by the fierce Warrs under the Barrons that nothing could quench the fire but the withdrawing of the Brands into Forraine action like some angry spirits that spoyle their owne bodyes unlesse they chide or fight it out with others In the first brunt with Scotland the King gained nothing but understanding of the humours of some of his great Lords which once purged out he renues the Warr prevailes and after ten yeares stirr wherein hee became a trained Souldier against the Scots hee wann the Crosse and then goes to play his Prize in France to compleat his Crowne with the Flower De lis Which was the great worke of the rest of his Reigne in which foure parts of five was Victorious the fifth and last was declining like some Gamesters that winn at the first and for want of observation of the turning of the Dice come off loosers at the end For the King being rather satiated then satisfied with Victory and Honour returned home to enjoy what he had leaving his Son the Black Prince to pursue the Warr and to act the Souldiers alone who
the most part grounded upon self respects and private prudence laboured to conceale that which could not be made whole by revealing and by after consent skind over the sore as to themselves which corrupted inwardly and indangered the whole body to cure which a Law is made to restrain such late connivance in the Woman by depriving her both of her Joyncture and Inheritance which otherwise had been saved to her by such compliance as after consent unto such violations CHAP. X. Of the Course of Civill Justice during these Times HOwever the course of the Law concerning matters of the Crown passed in a troubled wave yet in matters of Common Pleas it passed in a calme and full Channell as the Reports in Print doe sufficiently witnesse nor was their any change of Principles but onely some alteration tending to a clearer manifestation of the same I will not touch upon every particular but onely upon two which reflect somewhat upon the Publique pollicy the one touching the course of Inheritance in some particular Cases the other touching pleading in the Courts of Civill Justice The first of these was occasioned from Conjuncture of Affaires the Case being such that Edward the Third had now gotten himselfe a new Kingdome unto that of England and must looke to maintaine that by Power which he obtained by force and conducing thereunto must have continuall imployment of the English in that Service as being most trusty to his Cause And that it is un reasonable that such English as had devoted themselves to his Service in this Cause and in order thereunto had transported themselves and their Families into those Forrain parts should thereby loose the benefit of Leiges in the Birth-right of their Children borne in those Forraine parts Upon consideration had hereof and of a former leading Opinion of the Lawyers and Parliament a Declarative Law was made That all Children borne without the Kings Legiance whose Father and Mother at the time of their Birth shall be under the Faith and Legiance of the King of England shall have the benefit of Inheritance within the same Legiance as other Inheritors have These are the words of the Statute and doe occasion a double observation one from the matter the other from the manner of the Expression The Subject matter is so delivered not as an Introduction of a new Law but as a Declarative of the old that lay more obscurely hidden for want of occasion to reveale it and the substance thereof resteth onely in this to enable the Children of English Natives borne beyond the Seas not the Children of those that are of Forraine birth though within the Kings Teritories in those parts as the opinion hath beene nor doth any ancient President or Case warrant the same as might be at large manifested if it might conduce to the end of this discourse and for the same cause after this Statute when as the Commons would have had a generall Naturalizing of all Infants borne beyond the Sea within the Kings Segniories the same would not be granted otherwise then according to the former Statute and the Common Law That which in the next place concerneth the manner of expression is this That a Childe is said to be borne out of the Kings Legiance and yet the Father and Mother at the same time to be of the Faith and Legiance of the King of England It seemeth to me that it intendeth onely those Children of English Parents borne within the Kings Teritories beyond the Seas because the words insuing concerning Certification of Bastardy of such Children are that the same shall be made by the Bishop of such place upon the Kings Writ directed to him which could never have passed into those places that are not of the Kings Teritories and so the Issue will be that the Legiance of those born in those parts though they are Leiges to the King yet they are not of the Legiance of the King of England but as Lord of that Teritory The other matter to be observed concerning pleading in the Courts of Civill Justice is this That whereas anciently from the Normans time till these times the pleadings were in the Norman tongue they shall be henceforth in English out of an inconvenience I beleive rather supposed then felt for though some kinde of knowledge of Law-termes may be increased thereby yet unlesse that shall be professedly studied it will breed nothing but Notions and they an overweening conceit which many times sets men to suites in Law to their owne losse like some weake influence of the Celestiall bodies that are strong enough to stirre up humours but not to expell them or draw them out However even thus in part is the reproach of Normandy rolled away like that of Egypt from the Israelites at Mount Gilgall CHAP. XI Of the Militia in these Times WArre is ever terrible but if just and well governed majesticall the one may excite resistance and defence but the other Conquers before blow given because it convinceth the judgement and so prevails upon the Conscience For that heart can never be resolute in its own defence that is at Warre with its own understanding nor can such a heart consider such a Warre otherwise then as Divine and bearing the face of an Ordinance of God and then how can the Issue be unsuccessfull It is no strange thing for Kings to miscarry in their Warres because it s rarely seen that they are under good Councell but if a Christian Councell miscarry we may conclude it extraordinary in the efficient Cause and no lesse wonderful in the issue and end Upon this ground it concerneth a Christian Nation not onely in point of Honour but of safety and continuance to settle fundamentall Lawes for War against time of War as of Peace in time of Peace Neither was England deficient herein saving that ancient times were more obscure in the particulars and these dayes revealed them at such a time wherein we may say that Edward the Third approved himself not onely King of England but of himself above the ordinary strain of expectation for being now become a famous Commander and Conquerour having also an Army inured to fight and overcome and so might have given a Law he neverthelesse received the same submitting both it and himself to the Directory of the Parliament in making a Warre with France which was three to one against him in every respect but in the Title besides the disadvantage from Scotland that lay continually beating upon his reare The like may be observed of his Warre with Scotland in both which he evidently telleth the World that he held it unreasonable to enter upon the managing of an offensive Forraine Warre without the concurrence of the common consent of the people and that not onely for the thing it selfe but also for his owne personall ingagement in the Service For a King though he be the Generalissimo yet is he so from the people and his person being of that
feminine Spirit which they sent over into England to be their Queen and in one Civill Warre shedding more English blood by the English Sword then they could formerly doe by all the men of France were revenged upon England to the full at the English mens own charge For what the English gain by the Sword is commonly lost by discourse A Kingdome is never more befooled then in the Marriage of their King if the Lady be great she is good enough though as Jezabell she will not either reverence her Husband obey her Lord and King nor regard his People And thus was this Kingdome scourged by a marriage for the sinne of the Wise men that building upon a false Foundation advised the King in the breach of Contract with the Earle of Arminiacks Daughter And thus the King also for that hearkning to such Councell he murthered the Duke of Glocester that had been to him a Father yeilded up his Power to his Queen A Masterlesse and proud Woman that made him like a broken Idol without use suffered a Recovery of his Crown and Scepter in the Parliament from his owne Issue to the Line of Yorke then renewing the Warre at his Queens beck lost what he had left of his Kingdome Countrey and Liberty and like the King that forgot the kindnesse of Jehojada lost his life by the hand of his Servant CHAP. XIV Of the Parliament during the Reignes of these Kings THe interest of the Parliament of England is never more Predominant then when Kings want Title or Age The first of these was the Case of Henry the Fourth immediately but of them all in relation to the pretended Law of the Crown but Henry the Sixth had the disadvantage of both whereof in its due place The pretended Law of the Crown of England is to hold by Inheritance with power to dispose of the same in such manner by such means and unto such persons as the King shall please To this it cannot be denied divers Kings had put in their claimes by devising their Crowne in their last Will but the successe must be attributed to some Power under God that must be the Executor when all is done and which must in Cases of Debate concerning Succession determine the matter by a Law best known to the Judge himselfe Not much unlike hereunto is the Case of Henry the Fourth who like a Bud putting up in the place of a fading Leafe dismounts his Predecessor First from the Peoples regard and after from his Throne which being empty some times he pretending the resignation of his Predecessor to him other whiles an obscure Title by descent his Conscience telling him all the while that it was the Sword that wrought the worke But when he comes to plead his Title to Forrain Princes by Protestation laying aside the mention of them all he justifies upon the unanimous consent of the Parliament and the People in his own onely Person And so before all the World confessed the Authority and power of the Parliament of England in disposing of the Crown in speciall Cases as a sufficient barr unto any pretended right that might arise from the House of Mortimar And yet because he never walks safely that hath an Enemy pursuing him still within reach he bethinks himself not sure enough unlesse his next Successors follow the dance upon the same foote to this end an Act of Parliament leades the tune whereby the Crowne is granted or confirmed to Henry the Fourth for life and intailed upon his Sonnes Thomas John and Humphrey by a Petition presented 5. Hen. 4. Thus Henry the Fourth to save his owne stake brought his Posterity into the like capacity with himselfe that they must be Kings or not subsist in the World if the House of Yorke prevailes and so he becomes secured against the House of Yorke treading on his heeles unlesse the Parliament of England shall eat their owne word However for the present the House of Lancaster hath the Crown intailed and the Inheritance is left in the Clouds to be revealed in due time For though this was the first president of this kinde yet was it not the last wherein the Parliament exercised a Power by Grant or Confirmation to direct the Law and Course of the Crown as they pleased The due consideration hereof will make the things that follow lesse strange For the Parliament according to occasion as the Supreame power of this Kingdome exercised Supreame Jurisdiction in order to the safety of the Kingdome as if no King had beene to be found in issuing forth Writs under the great Seale concluding of matters without the Royall assent treating of Peace with Forrain Nations and of other matters and determining their Resolves before discovery made to the King of their Councells making Ordinances and ruling by them 3 H. 6. n. 29. 2 H. 6. n. 27. 8 H. 6. n. 12. referring matters determinable in Parliament to be determined according to their directions Authoritate Parliamenti Confirming Peace made by the King protesting against Peace made without or against their consent making Ambassadours with power to ingage for the Kingdome making Generals of the Army Admiralls at Sea Chancellors Barons and Privy Councellors and giving them instructions 8 H. 4. n. 73. 76. 31. 5 H. 4. n. 57. 31 H. 6. n. 21. and binding them to observance upon Oath 11 H. 4. n. 19.39 Ordering the Person of the King denying his power of Judicature in Parliament and ordering his Houshold and Revenue besides many other particulars Now if such as these things were thus done not by one Parliament which possibly might be overwayed by Factions but by the course of a Series of Parliaments that mightily laboured against Faction and unworthy ends and aimes that man shal determin the same to be unjust or indiscreet should himself first be determined to be very just and exceeding wise Nor was the Parliament partiall in all this but being in a way of Reformation it set upon the work of reforming it selfe Some that are very zealous in the point of Arbitrary and absolute Government of Kings in this Nation and all in other amongst other grounds rest upon this one That an English King hath power to call Parliaments and dissolve them to make and unmake Members as he shal please I do easily grant that Kings have many Occasions and Opportunities to beguile their People yet can they do nothing as Kings but what of right they ought to doe They may call Parliaments but neither as often or seldome as they please if the Statute-Laws of this Realme might take place Nor if they could is that power necessarily and absolutely arising from Supremacy seeing it is well known that such power is betrusted by the Superiour States in other Nations to the Inferiour who dayly attend on publique Affaires and therefore can discern when the generall Conventions are most necessary As touching the dissolving of Parliaments against the wills of
eighth to lead the way chose rather to pursue a Rule then to make one and soon determined the point viz. That the Crown of England with all the Priviledges thereof equally belong to a Woman in possession as to a Man or Childe A bold Adventure I say it was but that Henry the eighth was a bold Leader and yet the bolder it was if the consequence be considered for Queen Mary as a Woman brought in one new President but in her Marriage a worse for she aimed not onely at a forrain blood but at a Prince in Power and Majesty exceeding her own and thereby seeking advancement both to her self and her Realm indangered both The matter was long in debate between the Spanish and English and now had busied their wits above ten years at length a Supremacy is formed sutable to the Lord and Husband of Queen Mary that could not be content to be one inch lower then her self Philip had the name of a King and precedency and in many cases not without the Allegiance of the English Their offences against his person equally Treason with those against the Queens own person and Indictments run Contra pacem coronam D. Regis Reginae That in some cases he participated in the Regal Power may appear in that by the Articles he was to aid the Queen in the Administration of the Kingdom he joyned with the Queen in the royall Assent and in Commissions Letters Patents and in Writs of Summons of Parliament as well as others yet in the words the Crown is reserved onely to the Queen and she must reign as sole Queen Now if the King had broken this Agreement either the Parliament must over-rule the whole or all that is done must be undone and England must bear the burthen A Queen Regent is doubtless a dangerous condition for England above that of an Infant King unless she be married onely to her People This was observed by Queen Elizabeth who therefore kept her self unmarried nor did the People otherwise desire her Marriage then in relation to Posterity Few of them liking any one of their own Nation so well as to prefer him so highly above themselves and fewer any Forrainer This was soon espied by forrain Princes and the Queen her self perceiving that she was like to receive prejudice hereby in her interest amongst them signified by her Embassadours that she never meaned to stoop so low as to match with any of her Subjects but intended to make her choise of some forrain Prince who neither by Power or Riches should be able to prejudice the interest of any of her neighbouring Princes A pretty Complement this was to gain expectation from those abroad and better correspondency thereunto Upon this ground divers Princes conceived hopes of more interest then by triall they could finde And the Arch-duke of Austria began a Treaty which seemingly was entertained by her but her Proposals were such as silenced all those of the Austrian Interest for ever after viz. 1. That the Romish Religion should never be admitted into England 2. That no man that she married should ever wear the Title of King 3. That no Forrainer should ever intermeddle in the Rule and Government of the Church or Common-wealth nor in the Ministry of the Church 4. That if he survived the Queen he should never challenge any Title or Interest in the Government or any Possession in England 5. She would never marry any one that she might not first see So as either she aimed at some inferior Prince that durst not look so high or else she did but make semblance till she was nigh fourty years old and in all declared that she liked not her Sister Maries choise To these two Powers of Determining and Distributing I shall add a third of Deputing which the Parliament exercised as formerly it had done Henry the eighth had in Ecclesiastical matters exercised a Power beyond the reach of Law and yet by Parliament had provided positive Laws by which the same ought to have been ordered these were also confirmed in Edward the sixths time with some Additionals By these particular Commissioners were appointed for the making of Ecclesiastical Constitutions and the King himself had a power Episcofactory without Conge deslire They likewise limited the power of Ecclesiastical Courts altered their Process reformed their Censures even that grand Censure of Excommunication it self The like or much more may be said of their deputing power in Civil Affairs as well inlarging the Kings power as in abridging the same for whereas some of the Successors of Henry the 8. had power by vertue of his Letters Patents after 24 years of age to annull any Act of Parliament by them made before that Age. In the time of Edward the sixth notwithstanding the Proviso in that Law and although Edward the sixth was not then twelve years old yet the Parliament repealed all and restored to Edward the sixth onely that power for the time to come but not to any of his Successors and whereas Henry 8. had gained to himself his Successors a Legislative Power by Proclamation the Parliament in Edward the sixths time took the fame quite away and reduced Proclamations into their former sober posture The like may be observed of the power of the Parliament in ordering the Lives Members and Estates of the People in matters criminal and in making and altering Courts of Justice and bounding their power altering their Process abridging their Terms for Judicature reforming Errors in pleading amending common Conveyances and Assurance as in passing Fines with Proclamations their course in the County Palatine Limitations of Prescription fraudulent Deeds Recoveries by Collusion c. in all which the Crown had no power but in and by the Parliament Many particulars more might be added if the matter so required for the Statutes are more full in these later Times then formerly and may soon lead us beyond a just Period in so clear a matter CHAP. XXXVII Of Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical in these last Times IN the general and in relation to the forrain Jurisdiction of Rome it was like a Childe in an Ague under Fits of Heat and Cold but in it self under the Prelacy still growing in stature though not in strength Edward the sixth came in like a storm that tore up Episcopacy by the Roots yet a Top-Root remained intire with the stock bearing shew of a kinde of Divinity that though bared of the old Soile of the Papacy yet transplanted into the new Mould of Royalty soon conveyed a new life which made the stock still flourish and grow into a better condition then formerly it had Their Legislative power in matters concerning their own interest though in outward view seeming their own yet was doubly disturbed from the Pope and the King who though many times opposed one another yet evermore were both of them in opposition to the Church with the greater bitterness by their
left the Duke to stand or fall before some other power which came to passe upon the entry of the next Successor The greatest trouble of his Government arose from the prosecution of a designe of his Grand-Fathers Henry the seventh for the uniting of the two Crownes of England and Scotland by marriage and settling an induring peace within this Isle and unto this worke all were ayders in both Nations but the Enemies of both But Gods wayes are not as Mans its a rare example to finde out one Marriage that did ever thrive to this end England meaned well in profering Love but the wooing was ill favoredly carried on by so much Blood Lastly As the Government was now tender so was it carried with much compliance with the People which ever gives occasion to such of them that are irregular to be more and such as are wel governed to be less because though pleasing it be yet it is with lesse awe and spirit which renders their obedience at the best but carelesse and idle unlesse such as are very consciencious be the more carefull over their owne wayes by how much their superiours are the lesse NOt thus was Queen Mary but like a Spaniard shee overruled all relations and ingagements by designe she was about forty yeares old and yet unmarried when shee came to the Throne it may seeme shee wanted a minde to that course of Life from naturall abstinency or was loath to adventure her feature which was not excellent to the Censure of any Prince of as high degree as shee held her self to be or her value was unknown so as to persons of meaner Interests shee might seeme too much above and to those of greater too much beneath Or possibly her Father was loath to let the World know her Title to the Crowne till needs must or to raise up a Title for an other man so long as he had hope of a Son of his own to succeed him and yet had formerly designed her for a wife to Charles the fifth and afterwards to the Dauphine of France Or it may be her self had set a command upon her self not to change her Estate till shee saw the course of the Crown either to or fro however the time is now come that shee must marry or adventure her Woman-hood upon an uncertaine and troublesome state of Affaires Shee liked the Lord Courtnoe above the Prince of Spaine but feared he would not designe with her Shee held him not unmeet for her degree for shee feared he was good enough for her Sister that then also had the Title of a Kingdome waiting so nigh her person as shee was an object of hope to her Freinds and feare to her Enemies And yet Queene Mary married the Prince of Spaine It may be it ran in the blood to marry into their owne blood or rather shee was thereto led by reason of state partly to inable her with greater security in the reseisure of her Kingdome in the Popish Religion wherein shee knew shee had to do with a People not easie to be reduced where Conscience pretended reluctancy and partly to assure her Dominion against the outworks of the French and Scottish designes And so shee yeilded up the Supremacy of her Person to the Prince of Spaine but thanks to the Nobility the Supremacy of the Kingdome was reserved to her own use for it was once in her purpose to have given up all to the man rather then to misse of the man And yet their condition was not much comfortable to either the peoples dislike of the match sounded so loud abroad that when the Prince was to come over the Emperour his Father demanded fifty Pledges for his Sons safty during his abode in this Land which was also denied when he was come over the English Feare the Spanish Tiranny and the Spanish the old Saxon entertainment of the Danes so both ly at their close guards as after some time the King and Queen did no lesse for the Queen was either never earnest in her affection or now much lesse finding his Body diseased and his Minde lingring after unlawfull game On the other side the King not finding that content in her Person especially after her supposed Concepcion that he expected looked to his owne Interest apart from hers and thereby taught her to do the like and this she thought cost England the losse of Callis and he Spaine the losse of many advantages that might have been obtained and was expected from this conjunction Thus by the severall interests betweene the King Regnant and the Queen Regent the Government of England became like a knot dissolving neither fast nor loose Towards the People she might well be reserved if not rigid for she knew her entry was not very acceptable though accepted and that her designe was contrary to her ingagements and therefore it was vaine to think to please her self and pleasure them Nor did she much busie her thoughts therewith that abominated trick of Impost upon Merchandise she brought into fashion which had by many publique acts been damned for the space of two hundred years this was done without either shame or fear for if the People turned head she knew she had a good reserve from Spaine and the People might very well consider of that though for her part she desired not much to improve that Forraine Interest because she might well see that Spaine designed to keep England so far beneath that France might not get above And that Phillip neither loved the double Crowne of England no nor the triple Crowne at Rome otherwise then in order to that of Spaine This distance between her and her King wrought her to a more nigh dependency upon her Councell and English Nobility and so became lesse discerned in her Government although questionlesse she did much and wanted not Wisdome or courage to have done more but that she was not wholly her owne Woman All men do agree that she was devout in her kind of profession and therin as deeply ingaged as her Brother Edward had beene in his though it may be out of tendernesse of Conscience but she out of a Spanish kind of gravity that indures not change and whereunto she was well aided by her Clergy who were her beloved for her Mothers sake and now also so much the more sowre by how much the nigher to the bottome It s the lesse wonder therefore if the zeale of these times burnt into a flame that at length consumed even those that kindled it In one thing more above all the rest she acted the part of her Sect rather then her Place and the same contrary to the advice of her Ghostly Fathers and all rules of policy and the agreement between her King and self upon Marriage which was the ingageing of England in the Warr at Saint Qui ntins against the French contrary to the Nationall league formerly made Neverthelesse the issue was but sutable for though the English
obtained their part of the honour of that day yet in the consequence they lost Callis the last foot that the English had in France henceforth England must be content with a bare Title As this was deserved so was it also reserved by the Queen to make the World beleeve that she died for greif therefore as a Mother of her Countrey although her bodily disease contracted by a false Conception wherein she beguiled both her self and the World concurred thereto In sum the worst that can be said of her is this That she was ill principled and the best that she acted according to her principles and so lived an uncomfortable Life shaped a bloudy Reigne and had but a dim Conclusion The Night was now spent and Queen Elizabeth like the morning Star rising into the Throne sent forth the benignant Influence of both her Predecessors and many waies excelled them both she was begotten in a heat against Rome wherein also she was borne and trained up by her Father and Brother Edwards Order and saw enough in her Sisters course to confirme her therein For Queen Mary was not very Catholique in her Throne though she was in her Oratory Nevertheless Queen Elizabeths Course hereunto was very strange and might seem in outward respects to lead her quite wide for her youth was under a continuall yoke her Mother dead whiles she was at the breast her Father owning her no further then as his Child born of a rebellious Woman never intending her for the Crown so long as any hope was left of any other with her age the yoke grew more heavy her Brother Edward being but of the half blood except in point of Religion might repect her at a distance beyond his Mothers family but this lasted not long her Sister Mary comes next of a stranger blood to her then her Brother was looking ever back upon her as one too nigh her heele and more ready to tread upon her Traine then support it the difference in Religion between them two added yet further Leven and this occasioned from her Sister to her many sowre reflections bitter words harsh usage concluding with Imprisonment and not without danger of Death All which Queen Elizabeth saw well made the lesse noise in Religion walked warily and resolved with patience to indure the brunt for she might perceive by her Fathers Will that her way to the Crown if ever she arived at the end must be through a feild of blood and though she knew her change of Religion might make the way more plain yet God kept her in a patient waiting untill the set time was come Thus passing over her Minority with little experience of youthfull pleasures she had the happiness to have the lesse sense of youthfull lusts which meeting with naturall Endowments of the larger size rendred her the goodliest mirror of a Queen Regent that ever the Sun shone upon God adding thereto both Honour and continuance above all that ever sate in that Throne Her entrance was with more joy to others then her self for she kept her pace as treading amongst thornes and was still somwhat reserved even in matters of Religion though she was known to be devout She had observed that the hasty pace both of her Brother and Sister brought early troubles before either of them were well setled in their Throne And therefore whereas her Sister first set up the Masse and then indeavoured to settle it by disputes she contrarily first caused the point to be debated and thereby gained liking to lay it aside It s true the moderatorship in that dispute was imposed upon a Lay man as their term is but his work being to hold the Disputants to order in debate and not to determine the point in Controversie which thing was left to the Auditory might therefore more rationally be done by him then censured by any Historian that shall undertake to judg them all The first step thus made one made way for another till the whole became levened her proceedings against Opposers were with much lenity rather overlooking then looking on and such as stood more directly in her path she would rather set a side then trample down And be faire to all without respect to difference of Religion that would be faire to her Much of her happinesse depended upon Election of her Councell more in observing their advice that whether she did rule or were ruled or did rule by being ruled might deserve some consideration This she did to give satisfaction to such as took prejudice at her Sex rather then out of any sense of imbecility in her own intellectuals for therein she equalled the best of her Predecessors and in learned Endowments exceeded them all Generally she was of a publique minde if not populer she loved to be seen of the People and yet kept her distance Her Sex taught her to use her tongue much and her education to use it well and wisely That with a reserved carriage was her Scepter winning thereby applause from the inferiour sort and awe from the greater· A wise man that was an eye witnesse of many of her Actions and of those that succeeded her many times hath said That a Courtier might make a better meale of one good look from her then of a good gift from some other King Anothet felicity She had beyond others of her place She loved not to be tied but would be knit unto her People To them She committed her confidence under God and they to her their cheifest Treasure on Earth Viz. Their hearts to her Parliament which was the most considerable party that She had to deale with She could personate Majesty equall to any Emperour and advise commend yea and chide if She saw occasion And yet ever had a trick to come off with a kinde conclusion without blur of Honour So as of thirteen Parliaments called during her Reigne not one became abortive by unkindness and yet not any one of them passed without Subsidy granted by the People but one wherein none was desired And sometimes the aid was so liberall that She refused the one half and thanked the People for the remnant a courtesie that rang loud abroad to the shame of other Princes She would often mention her Prerogative and yet not hold her self wise enough either to interrupt the Judges in their way nor the Bishops in theirs Abeit She spared not also as She saw occasion to check the best of them for their irregularities She had no Beloved yet entertained Favorites at a cheaper rate and in better order then Kings use to do for She had a preferment within her power beyond the reach of them all and passion also soon at command or rather somtimes beyond command Yet if calmely taken it ever proved good for that party that suffered in the conclusion However her love She held under her own power and therein excelled her Forefathers She had the President of her Sister that adventured upon a Prince for her