since that actually done to the secluding of sundry Members of their own new-model'd Parliaments for refusing to take new illegal Oaths and Engagements repugnant to their old ones of Supremacy and Allegiance if not the very third Article of the late Petition and Advice viz. That the ancient and undoubted Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament which are the Birth-right and Inheritance of the people and wherein every man it interessed bee preserved and maintained and that you will not break nor interrupt the same nor suffer them to be broken or interrupted And particularly that those persons who are legally chosen by a free Election of the people to serve in Parliament may not be secluded from sitting in Parliament to do their duties but by judgement and assent of that House whereof they are Members Therefore not by any armed Guards without any hearing or judgement whatsoever Which had some of those Army-Officers and Swordmen well considered who assented to this Article and Petition they would never have forcibly secluded secured imprisoned my self and sundry other Members of the late Parliament onely for the faithful discharge of our Oaths Duties without yea against the judgement of the House whereof they were Members which God in judgement hath repaid on some of them since that with a suitable Retaliation Seclusion Restraint by some of their own confederates in that unrighteous Anti-parliamentary action 4 That there is no one President exstant in our Histories or Records in former Ages nor from 49. Henry 3. till the end of King Charles his Reign of any Writs issued to Sheriffs or other Officers in Ireland or Scotland though subordinate and subject to our English Kings and Parliaments for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commissioners to sit or vote as Members of the Commons-house in any Parliaments or great Councils of England nor yet for any Knights Citizens Burgesses out of Gersy Gernsey Alderny Serke Man Silly or other Islands belonging to England Yea the Principality of Wales it self though ever subjected and united to England as part thereof never sent any Knights Citizens or Burgesses to the Parliaments of England as Members thereof till enabled by special Acts of Parliament Anno 27. H. 8. c. 26. 35. H. 8. c. 11. Nor yet the County Palatine of Chester though a part and member of England till specially enabled by the Statute of 34. H. 8. c. 13. neither did much less then can or ought any Counties Cities Burroughs in Scotland or Ireland to claim or pretend the least colour of Right Law or Reason to send any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers to sit or vote in the Parliaments of England neither ought any such if elected returned to be of right admitted into our English Parliaments 1. Because they never enjoyed this priviledge heretofore in any Age nor pretended to it 2. Because they are very remote from the places where our English Parliaments are held and it will not be onely extraordinarily troublesome expensive vexatious inconvenient for them when elected to resort so far to our English Parliaments but dangerous especially to cross the Seas out of Ireland in the Winter season and mischievous Thirdly Because if any of them be unduly elected returned as is most probable the most of them will be so it must necessarily put them to intollerable expences trouble vexation and almost an impossibility to examine determine the legality or illegality of such Elections and returns from Scotland and Ireland The Parliaments being likely to be determined or adjourned before the Sheriffs and other Officers who unduly returned them can be summoned and witnesses produced thence to prove the abuses or injustice of such Elections so that any persons thence returned by those in power though never elected or very unduly through favour power or corruption of Officers shall sit and vote as Members whilst those who were duly chosen and entrusted by the people shall be secluded and left without relief 4 Because Scotland and Ireland though united to England alwaies were and yet are distinct Realms and Republicks never incorporated into England or its Parliament as natural proper Members thereof they all having by their own Fundamental Laws Statutes Customes Rights Priviledges their peculiar proper Parliaments Peers Knights Citizens Burgesses Courts Iudicatures Councils and Iudges distinct divided from and not intercommoning with one another The Peers Lords Knights Citizens Burgesses of England having no place voice nor right of Session in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland though in many things subordinate to the Parliaments of England and subject to Acts of Parliament made in them and the Lords Peers Citizens Burgesses of the Parliaments of Scotland and Ireland being no Lords Peers Knights Citizens or Burgesses at all in England or its Parliaments being distinct from theirs and summoned unto their own Parliament onely as I shall hereafter manifest in its due place This is evident not onely by the distinct printed Laws and Statutes of England Scotland and Ireland and those Historians who have written of them especially Holinshed Bucanaâ— and Mr. Cambden but likewise by Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 2. c. 5 6 7 Cooks 4 Institutes ch 1. 75 76. Cooks 7 Reports Calvins case The Statute of 1 Iacobi ch 1 2 3. Iacobi c. 3 4. Iacobi ch 1. 7. Iacobi ch 1. which fully confirm and establish the distinct Parliaments Rights Laws Liberties Customes Iurisdictions Iudicatures of the Realmâ— of England and Scotland 5. Because the calling and admission of Scotish Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers unto the Parliaments of England and giving them a voice and Legislative power therein both in Relation to England Scotland and Ireland though united under one King and Soveraign Lord is diametrically contrary First to all these recited Acts and the Propositions proceedings mentioned in them referred to the consideration and determination of the Parliaments of both Realms as separate and distinct from each other and not incorporated into one body Realm or Parliament whose peculiar distinct Rights Jurisdictions Powers Parliaments are since that in precise terms confirmed and perpetuated without any union or incorporation into one undivided body politique Secondly Because it is expresly contradictory to the late Act of 17. Caroli passed ratified in and by the Parliaments of both Kingdome for the confirmation of the Treaty of Pacification between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland Wherein the Commissioners deputed by the Parliament of Scotland to treat with the Commissioners appointed by the King and Parliament of England for the saving of the Rights of Scotland that the English might not claim any joynt right or interest with the Scots in the things that concerned their Parliaments or Kingdome in their papers of the 7. of August 1641. did declare and make known that although they were fully assured that the Kingdome and Parliament of England was for the present far from any thought of usurpation over the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland or their Laws and Liberties
one body contrary to their very fundamental Laws Constitutions Rights Priviledges to their grand prejudice and dishonour Therefore there is no reason for either of them to submit and conform thereto The rather because this Instrument was never ratified by any but opposed by every publick Convention since its publication yea totally set aside if ever valid by the last of them in and by this clause of their humble Petition and Advice Artic. 3 4. That the number of persons to be elected and chosen to sit and serve in Parliament for England Scotland and Ireland and distribution of the persons so chosen within the Counties Cities and Burroughs of them respectively may be according to such proportions as shall be agreed in this present Parliament which agreed nothing concerning the same And both the Instrument and Advice being now set aside by those in present power by issuing Writs for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses throughout England according to the ancient Laws Usage Custome and not according to the Instrument or Advice by which the English and Commons House are now remitted to their old Parliamentary Rights Priviledges They are obliged upon all these Reasons Authorities and Considerations henceforth to seclude all Scotish and Irish Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers from sitting or voting amongst them as Members and ought to treat with them onely as Delegates or Commissioners sent from both Nations touching such affairs as particularly relate to Scotland and Ireland according to ancient and late Presidents but not to permit them any place or vote at all in the Commons or Lords House as joynt-Members Legislators with the English in the Parliaments of England 7. Because the thrity persons to be chosen for Scotland and the other thirty for Ireland and the several Counties Cities and Borroughs within the same to represent and oblige both these Kingdomes and Nations as their Representativees and Attornies are not to be elected by the generality of both Kingdomes as in justice reason equity they ought to be but by such as the Major part of the Council at Whitehall shall prescribe as the 9th Article in the Instrument declares some whole Counties and eminent Cities in both Kingdomes having no voices at all in the Elections of these Members and therefore not to be obliged by them as 44. E. 3. f. 19. 11. H. 7. 14. 21. H. 7. 40. 23 H. 8. Br. Lert 27. 7. H. 6. 35. 6. Dyer 373. b. resolve This being a general Rule in Law Justice Reason inserted into the very Writs of Summons to Parliament Claus. 24. E. 1. m. 7. dorso here p. 6. Ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbâ—tur And the sole reason why Acts of Parliament oblige all those who send Knights and Burgesses to them and not tenants in Ancient Demesn is onely this because they assent unto them in and by their representatives as the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 1. 4. H. 7. 10. Brooke Parliament 25. 27. 41. Ash Parliament 10. and Proclamation 39. and the Law-books Authorities there collected to this purpose determine 8. In the Parliament of a Caroli the Lords Spiritual and Temporal then in Parliament assembled exhibited this Petition to the King That whereas they heretofore in civility as to strangers yeelded precedency according to their several degrees unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland as being in Titles above them have resorted hither Now divers of the natural born Subjects of these Kingdomes resident here with their families and having their estates among us do by reason of some late created dignities in those Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland claim precedency of the Peers of this Realm which tends both to the disservice of your Majesty aâ—d to the diâ—paragement of the English Noâ—ility as by these Reasons may appear 1. It is a nobelty without President that men should inherit honours where they possess nothing else 2. It is injurious to those Countries from whence their Titles are derived that they should have a voâ—e in Parliament where they have not a foot of Land c. Upon the consideration of which inconveniencies they humbly beseeched his Majesty that an order might be timely setled therein to prevent the inconvenience to his Majesty and redress the prejudice and disparagement to the Peers and Nobility of this Kingdome occasioned thereby which the King promised to do And is it not a far greater inconvenience prejudice and disparagement to the Nobility Gentry and Parliaments of England yea a greater Novelty and Injury than this they then petitioned against not only for the Nobility but for the very Knights Citizens Burgesses of Scotland and Ireland to sit with and take place of the ancient Peers Knights Citizens and Burgesses of England according to their several Titles and to enjoy an equal vote judicature priviledge with them in every particular in the very Parliaments of England which they never formerly did though they have not one foot of Land in England nor the English any vote of place in their Parliaments No doubt it is Therefore as fit to be timely redressed as that grievance upon the self-same grounds being more universal prejudicial and dishonourable to the whole English Peerage Parliament and Nation than this which concerned the English Peers alone and that onely out of Parliament 9. This number of Members sent from Scotland and Ireland to the Parliaments of England holds no just not equal proportion or distribution with the numbers of Members which they formerly elected and sent to their own respective Parliaments in Scotland and Ireland as is evident by the Irish Statutes of 18 E. 4. c. 2. 10. H. 7. c. 16 38. H. 8. c. 12. 33. H. 8. c. 1. Cookes 4. Iustit c. 75 76. and Regiam Majestatem nor yet in reference to the number of the Members and Parliament-men in England being near ten to one to the Members of both these Nations conjoyned which inequality upon all occasions may prove very prejudicial to them both 10. It will be an extraordinary grievance oppression expence vexation mischief delay and obstruction of Justice to all the Inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland not onely to bear the Expences of all the Members they send to the Parliaments of England but to be enforced to resort unto them in person together with their Witnesses Evidences and Council for all grievances oppressions injuries errors complains and misdemeans in Officers or Courts of Justice formerly redressed and remediable onely in their own proper Parliaments much nearer home and now only to be heard examined redressed determined in the Parliaments of England as the Claus. Roll. of 39. E. 3. M. 12. De erroribus corrigendis in Parliament is tenend is in Hibernia printed in my Epistle to my Argument of the case of the Lord Magâ—â—re most fully and excellently resolves And the multitudes of complaints out of all three Kingdomes will prove so great in every Parliament that it will be impossible to hear and determine the moity of
them at any one Session or Parliament and the attendance will prove so tedious to all or most that it will become a greater grievance to them than any they complain of and if they gain any relief it will be in effect a Remedy as bad or worse as the diseasâ— it cures Yea an express violation of Magna Charta ch 29. Nulli negabimus nulli differemus justitiam aut rectum Finally This patching of New Scotish and Irish Members into our old English Parliament will be so farre from uniting and contenting the three Nations and Parliaments in one that it will discontent and disunite them more than before and make the rent the greater upon every occasion as Christ himself resolves with whose words I shall close up this observation No man seweth or putteth a peece of new Cloth upon an old Garment else the new peece that filleth it up taketh away from the old and agreeth not with the old and the rent is made worse 5. That as the Writs of the Common Law are the foundations whereon the whole Law and subsequent proceedings do depend as Glanvil Bracton Britton Fleta heretofore Fitzherbert Thelwell Sir Edward Cook and others of later times resolve upon which account if the Writs be vicious erronious invalid illegal or null in Law they abate vitiate and annihilate the whole Process Declarations and Struotures grounded on them as all our Law-Books assert So the Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils are the very foundations and corner-stones whereon our Parliaments Great Councils and all their Votes Judgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances do depend Therefore if they be defective erronious invalid illegal insufficient or null in themselves the Parliaments and Great Councils convened by founded on them with all their Iudgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances must of necessity be so likewise as the Statutes of 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. 21. R. 2. c. 1. 39. 8. H. 6. c. 1. H. 8. c. 1. 17. E. 4. 5. 7. 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 1. 66. 1. E. 4. rot Parl. n. 8 to 17. 1. H. 7. c. 9. 27. H. 8. c. 24. in England largely evidence and the Statute of 10. H. 7. c. 27. in Ireland determines repealing a Parliament holden at Drogheda before Sir Robert Preston decreed and deemed void to all Intents by the Kings Council in Ireland 1. Because the Duke of Bedford Lieutenant of Ireland by whose Deputy it was summoned and held surrendred his Patent of Lieutenancy before the said Parliament summoned 2. Because there was no general summons of the said Parliament to all the Shires but onely to four Shires 3. Because the said Deputy had no mâ—nner of Power by his Commission to summon or kéep a Parliament For the which causes it was ordained and enacted that the Parliament to holden be deemed void and of none effect by the whole Parliament of Ireland Anno 10. H. 7. And the Parliament of 18. E. 4. ch 2. in Ireland touching the Election of Knights and Bâ—rgesses further manifests it 6. That the summoning as likewise proâ—â—guing adjourning dissolving of all Parliaments and Great Councils in England and Ireland is a peculiar inseparable royal Prerogative belonging onely to the Kings of England and incommunicable to any other person or persons yea to Parliaments themselves which cannot appoint a succeeding Parliament to be called but by the Kings consent and that though appointed to be held at a prefixed day and place to be summoned only by the Kings Writ That all Writs of Summons and Prorogation alwaies issued and of right ought to be issâ—ed onely in the Kings name stile authority whether absent out of or present within the Realm whether within age or of ripe years and that by his special Commands alone or his and his Councils joynt precept as the stile name contents of all precedent and subsequent Writs the subscriptions under them Per ipsum Regem per ipsum Regem Consilium per ipsum Regem Custodem Consilium in the Kings absence per breve de privato sigiâ—â—o c. the stile tenor of all Writs De expensis Militum Burgen sium the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 14. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H 8. c. 10. most Acts of late times for the subsidies of the Clergy and Temporalty Tonage Foundage the Prologues to our ancient and modern printed Statutes the Kings Chancellors and others speeches upon the convention of most Parliaments in Parliament Rolls together with the Act of 16. Caroli for preventing of inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments Cooks 4. Institutes ch 1. and all who have written of our English Parliaments abundantly evidence and resolve beyond contradiction Hence our late King Charles in his Declaration of the causes of assembling and dissâ—lving the two last Parliaments Iune 13. 2. Caroli affirms That the calling adjourning proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments do peculiarly belong unto himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably uniied to his impertal Crown and the Statute of 16. Caroli c. 1. made by the unanimous consent of both Houses declares That by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm the appointment of the time and place for the holding of Parliaments and the summoning of them by Writ in the Kings Name hath alwaies belonged as it ought to his Majesty and his royal Progenitors and none else 7. That the Kings of England have as true full real and legal an haereditary right Title Interest Propriety in and to the Parliament as they have in and to the Kingdome and Crown of England as these Clauses in all their Writs of Summons Prorogations of Parliaments issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords Kings Counsil Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports resolve Ordinavimus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum c. tenere In ultimo Parliamento nostro post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum sitis ad nos ad Parliamentum nostrum and the like compared with Statum Regni nostri Angliae Et cum Praelatis Proceribus Regni nostris sicut commodum Regni nostri Diligitis Iura Coronae nostrae c. in the same Writs The Writs de expensi Militum Burgensium The Titles and Prologues of most printed Acts of Parliament The Statutes of 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 23. H. 8. c. â—3 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H. 8. c. 10. 1. Iac. c. 1. and sundry Writs in the Register stiling the Parliament the Kings Parliament his Parliament our Parliament in relation to the King and his Patents for creating Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Barons of the Realm granting them and their Heirs males Sedem locum in Parliamentis nostris Haeredum successorum nostrorum inâ—ra Regnum nostrum Angliae Therefore the Parliaments of England can no more exist or subsist without the King than the Kingdome or Crown of England the
to the Sheriffs hands I shall adde this memorable exposition of the Statute of Magna Charta c. 35. made by the King and greater part of the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Realm without the Commons touching the holding of Hundred Courts Wapentakes Court Leets omitted by Sir Edward Cook in his Commentary thereon which it better explains than his Annotations upon it Claus. 18. H. 3. m. 10. Rex Vic. Linc. salutem Quia audivimus quod tu Ballivi tui Ballivi aliorum qui Hundredum habent in Comitatu tuo non intelligitis qualiter Hundreda Wapentake teneri debeant in Com. tuo postquam concessimus omnibus de Regno nostro Libertates in cartis nostris quas indo fecimus dum fâ—imus infra aetatem Nos eandem Caâ—â—am nuper legi fecimus in praesentia Dom. CANIUAR ARCHIEP MAJORIS SANIORIS PARTIS OMNIUM EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM TO TIUS REGNI NOSTRI UT CORAM EIS ET PER EOS EXPONERETUR haec clausula contenta in Carta nostra de Libertatibus viz. Quod nullus Vicecomes vel Ballivus faciat Turnum suum per Hundredum nisi â—is in anno non nisi loco debito consueto viz. semel post Pascham iterum post festum sancti Michaelis Ita scilicet quod qui libet habeat â—ibertates suas quas habuit habere consuevit tempore H. Regis avi nostri vel quas postea perquisivit Unde à multis ibi dictum suit quod tâ—â—pore H. Regis avi nostri tam Hundreda et Wapentac quam curiâ—â— Magnatum Angliae solebant teneri de Quindena in Quindenam Et licet multum placeret communi utilitati totius regni indempnitati pauperum providere quia tamen illi duo Turnii plene non sufficient ad pacem regni nostri conservandam ad excessus tam divitibus quam pauperibus illatis corrigendos quae ad Hundredum pertinent De COMMVNI CONSILIO praedict Dom. CANTUAR OMNIUM praedict EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM ET ALIORUM ITA PROVISUM EST. Quod inter praedictos duos Turnos teneantur Hundredum Wapentakia etiam curiae Magnatum de Tribus septimanis in Tres septimanas ubi prius teneri solent de Quindena in Quindenam Ita tamen quod ad illa Hundred a VVapentakia Curias non fiat generalis summonitio siâ—ut ad Turnos praedictos set ad hujusmodi illa VVapentakia Curias convenient conquerentes adversarii sui illi qui sectas debent per quos teneantur placita fiant judicia nisi ita sit quod ad Hundreda illa VVapentakia fieri debeat Inquisitio de placitis Coronae sicut de morte hominis Thesauro invento hujusmodi ad quae inquirenda conveniant cum praedictis sectariis quatuor villatae proximae scilicet omnes de illis villis qui necessarii fuerint ad Inquisitiones illas faciendas Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod praedicta Hundreda VVapentakia Curias tam Nostras quam aliorum teneri facias de cetero secundum quod praedictum eâ—t de tribus sepeimanis in tres septimanas exceptis praedictis duobus Turnit qui de caetero teneantur secundum quod prius teneri solebant T. R. apud VVestm 11. Octobris I shall only adde this one Record more proving that matters concerning Truces were resolved by King H. 3. the Spiritual and Temporal Lords in Parliamentary Councils without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses Claus. 19. H. 3. m. 20. Rex Roberto de Langeton Archidiacono Cant. Abbati de sancta Radegunda saluteâ— Super sollicitudine diligentia laudabili simul laboribus sumptuosis quas circa negotium nostrum expediendum quod vobis injunximus apposuistis urrique vestrum copiosas referrimus gratiarum actiones vobis quidem magister S. praecipuas speciales utpote ei cujus fidelitatem prudentiam plurimum commendamus Sciatis autem quod CONGREGATIS apud VVestmon in octabis sancti Hillarii vener patribus G. Cantuar Archiepiscopo EPISCOPIS COMITIBUS ET ALIIS FIDELIBUS NOSTRIS to wit the Barons and Great men not Commons as the subsequent clause attests Post diligentem tractatum habitum CUM IPSIS DE NEGOTIO TREVGARVM inter Nos Regem Franciae aliis agendis nostris visum fuit iisdem fidelibus nostris quod nullo modo sine verecundia opprobrio nostris Insulam de Olerone 〈◊〉 potuimus Comiti Marchiae pro coÌ„sensu suo adhibendo ad treugas inter nos ineundas nec in co consilium Nobis praestare vel consentire voluerint Sic enim praeter verecundiam quam inde consequeremus ab omnibus quibus factum nostrum innotesceret teneremur et pro remissis et minus valentibus haberemur et etiam pessimum perniciosum exemplum aliis qui in casu consimili ad similia petenda per hoc moverentur Vnde si per dâ—centas libras annuas Treugis durantibus ad consensum Treugarum possitâ—idem Comes induci pro Insula praedicta sicut alias locutum suit bene placeret tam Nobis quam praedictis MAGNATIBVS NOSTRIS et ad hoc laborare velitis quia priori conditioni consentire non esset honestum vel expediens c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27. Januarii I shall trouble you with no more Presidents or Records of this nature by way of Preface to this first part of my Register Kalender and Survey of Parliamentary Writs In which I have presented you onely with the several Writs of Summons directed to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords and Kings Counsil their ordinary Assistants intermixed with some other Writs and several forms of Procurations in my Observations on them which relate wholly or principally to the House of Lords Convocations and Clergy amounting to a just vendible Volume The several forms varieties of Writs issued to Sheriffs of Counties Wardens or Officers of the Cinque-Ports Dukes of Lancaster their Lieutenants or Chancellors and Sheriffs of particular Boroughsâ—made â—made Counties within â—emselves for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of the Ports peculiar to the House of Commons with all sorts of Writs for proroguing continuing adjourning Parliaments or superseding them after summons to them upon extraordinary occasions relating equally to both Houses of Parliament and their Members together with some special Writs of Summons to the Kings Prelates Nobles Barons Great Officers and others of the Realms Lands of Scotland and Ireland to appear in at or before the Parliaments Great Councils Kings or Privy Counsil in England concerning the affairs or defence of Scotland and Ireland onely as likewise to particular Merchants Masters of Ships Forresters Lawyers learned men of both Universities and other Persons upon special occasions to attend the Parliament King Counsil with my particular Observations on them which I at first intended to have published in this Piece I shall if God send health life oportunity and incouragement by a
35 Lordâ— and Great men Cl. 38 H. 6. d. 30. Henrico Duci Exoniae 2 other Dukes 9 Earls 2 Vicounts 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 49 H. 6. d. 6. Carissimo consanguineo suo Georgio Duci Clarenâ—iae 3 Dukes more 7 Earls 1 Marquess 23 Lords and Great men The writs of Summons to Parliament issued by King Edward the 4th to the Temporal Lords agree in Prologues forms and dates except in the Praemunientes c. â— with those to the Archbishops and Spiriâ—ual Lords in the 1. Section and are thus directed Cl. 1 E. 4. d. 35. Johanni Duci Norfolciae 4 Earl 1 Vicount 31 Lords and Great men Cl. 2 E. 4. d. 3. Dilâ—cto fideli suo Ricardo Comiâ—i Wâ—rwici 4 Earâ— 37 Lords and Great men C. 6. E. 4. d. 1. Carâ—ssimo Fratri suo Geoâ—gio Duci Clarenâ—iae 2 Dukes more 10 Earls 1 Marquess 36 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 E. 4. d. 3. Carissimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 9 other Dukes 8 Earls 23 Lords and Great men Cl. 11 E. 4. d. 41 Carâ—ssimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 3 Dukes more 8 Earls 25 Lords and Great men Cl. 22 23 E. 4. d. 10. Primogenitoâ—dwardo â—dwardo Principi Walliae 4 Dâ—kes more 1 Marqueâ—e 7 Earls 32 Lords Having presented you with this Breviate of all the generall writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils issued to the Temporal Lords from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. I shall now give you a view of some extraordinary special writs to some Temporal Lords and others reducible to and proper for this Section I shall begin within this Memorable writ to Roger de Mortymer Claus 9 E 2 m. 20 dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Rogero de Mortuo-Mare de Wygmore salutem Cum vos tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln in Quindâ—na Sancti Hillarie proxâ— futur summoneri fecimus in partibus Hiberniae fuissetis per quod Nos vobis non 〈◊〉 simus ad interessendum dicto Parliamento ac vos a dictis parâ—ibus Hiberniae usque regnum nostrum jam ut accepimus accessistis ideo vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod si ad dictas partes Hibeâ—niae citra dictum Parliamentum non essetis regressuri tunc eidem Parliamento nostro dictis die et loco modis omnibus personaliter intersitiâ— super negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri rangâ—ntibus pro quibus Parliamentum nostrum mandavimus convoâ—ari Nobiscum et cum Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc nullo modo omittatis T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii This Roger de Mortymer a Baron of this Realm as is evident by former Summons to him being absent in Ireland when the writs of Summons to this Parliament first issued was thereupon left out of the original writs and Lists of Summons but the King being informed that he was returned into England thereupon sent this special writ of Summons to him bearing date the 17 of Ianuary full 3. moneths after the first writs of Summons dated the 16 of October before entred in another dorse apart from the other writs His absence in Ireland yea and return thither about the publike affairs after this writ issued before this Parliament sat in the Kings and his Counsils opinions being a sufficient ground to excuse his absence from Parliament and to send no writ of Summons to him into Ireland And if English Peers absence or residence in Ireland be a just legal ground to exempt them from summons to a Parliament held in England much more then must Irish Peers and Lords who are no Lords or Barons at all in England be totally exempted from all writs of Summons to the Parliaments of England both in respect of their remoteness from England of the great charge and danger in crossing the Seas to repair to them and because they are obliged neither by their tenures nor Patents to resort to any English Parliaments but only to the Parliaments held in Ireland where only they are Peers and Lords of Parliament and because they cannot attend in two places at once if a Parliament should be summoned in England and Ireland on or near the self-same time Of which more hereafter in its proper place The next writ of this kinde I shall communicate to you is this I meet with Claus. Ann. 35 E. 3. m. 36. dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Humfrido dâ— Bohun Comiti Northampton salutem Qâ—ia terra nostra Hiberniae per molestationes a diu Hibernicorum inimicorum nostrorum et incursus propter impotentiam fideliuÌ„ nostroruÌ„ habitantium in eodem regno et pro eo quod Magnates et alii de regno nostro Angliae terras in ea habentes commodum dictarum terrarum suarum ab eadem terra capiunt et defensionem aliquam non faciunt jam tantae vasticatis et destructionis miseriae subjicicur quod nisi Deus avertaâ— et celerius succurratur eidem ad totalem perditionem in prox deducetur per quod pro salvatione ejusdem ordinavimus quod Leonellus Comes Vlton filius noster carissimus cum ingenti exercitu ad terram praedictam cum omni festinatione transmittaâ—ur et quod omnes Magnates et alii de dicto regno nostro terras in dicta terra Hiborniae habentes quâ—nto potentius poterunt in Comitiva dicti filii nostri proficiscentur vel si debiles in corpore existant 〈◊〉 alios sufficientes ibidem mittant pro repulsion â—â—â—â—â—orum inimicorum et salvatione et defensione terrarum suarum et succursu terrae supradictae Et pro dicto negotio accelerando volumus vobiscum et cum aliis de eodem regno terras in dicta terra habentibus Colloquium habere et tractatum Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis renemini firmiter injungentes mandamus quod omnibus aliis intermissis sitis personaliter apud Westâ— in Quindena Pasch. prox futur adloquendum Nobiscum et Consilio nostro super dictis Negotiis eâ— illud concernentibus et ad faciend et consentiend super hoc quod ibidem contigerit ordinari Et interim vos et homines vestros quanto potencius et decentius poteritis ad arma paretis Ita quod in vestri defectum progressus dicti filii nostri et exercitus sui non retardetur nec dicta terra amissionis periculo non subjaceat 〈◊〉 causa Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem et desensionem terrae praedictae diligitis nuâ—â—aâ—enus omitâ—atis Et habeaâ— is ibi hoc breve Teste Rege apâ—d Wesâ—m 15 die Martii Per ipsum Râ—gem et Coâ—siliâ—m Consimilia Brevia dirigâ—â—â—â— subscriptis de effeâ—do coram Rege et Consilio suo ad dies subscriptos viz Rado Com. Staff Thomae Com. Oxen. David de Strabolgi
by the Titles of these their Scotish Earldâ—ms and liâ—ted amongst the Enâ—lish Earls not Barons in the Clause Rolls Gilbert de Vmfranil being summoned by Writ as Earl of Anâ—gos to no lesse than 12. Robert de Vmfranil to 63. Gilbert 〈◊〉 Vmfranâ—l his Son to 50. English Parliaments David de Sirabolgi to 21. Parliaments and great Councils as Earl of Athol as the ensuing Table will inform you amongst the other Earls of England but no other Earls of Scotland besides these two The reason whereof was only this because they were English Barons and held lands by Barony in England though the Titles of their Earldoms were not Englishâ— but Scotish yâ—t they were under the Kings Subjection Allegiance and their Residence when thus summoned was upon their Baronies in England That Gilbert de Vmfranil was an English Baron and Lord of Parliament before he became Earl of Anegos is clear by the Clause Rolls of 23 E. 1. d. 4. 9. 24 E. 1. d. 7. wherein he was summoned to 3. Parliaments amongst the English Lords and Barons but then being Earl of Anegos by discent from his Mother he was in Cl. 25 E. 1. d. 25. sundry Parliaments after alwayes summoned by the name of Earl of Anegos and listed amongst the Earls of England as the ensuing Table demonstrates So Rob. de Umfranil summoned to Parliament amongst the English Barons Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 20. was in Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 11. and all succeeding Parliaments under Edward the 2. 3. summoned to Parliament as Earl of Anegos among the Earls of England with whom he is still entred in the Rolls The like may be said of David de Straâ—olgi who though originally a Scotish Earl was yet afterwards made an English Lord by the King and held Lâ—nds in England by Barony and upon that account summoned to sundry Parliaments and great Councils by â—â—e Title of Earl of Athol and registred amongst the English Earls in the Clause Roâ—ls Which I thought meet to touch both to rectifie and clear that doâ—bâ—e mistake in the Antiquity of the Parliaments of England newly printed p. 46. That Peers of Scotland were wont to come and be summoned to the Parliament And that the Peers of Scotland came to the Parliament for Iustice which the Author indeavours to prove by 39 F. 3. 35. in a writ of Râ—vâ—shment de Gard against Gilbert Vmfraviâ— who demanded judgmâ—nt of the writ because he was Earl of Anguish and not so named in the writ c. When as he was not summoned to our Parliament as a Peer of Scoâ—land but only as an English Baron dignified with the Title of a Scotlsh Earldome and came not to our English Parliament for Iustice but was summoned to it by Speâ—â—â—l writs as a Peer and Member thereof as the Clause Roâ—ls resolve and the very year Book likewise Of which more hereafter in its proper place 14ly That no Forein Prelates Earls Nobles Barons of Ireland Scotland or France were formerly summoned to the Parliaments of England as proâ—er Members thereof or Lords of Parliament to make Laws or impose Taxes or give Iudgment or Counsel in any matters relating to England but only our English Prelates Earls Lords and Barons as is most apparent by these special clauses in the writs of Summons Ibidem Vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus DICTIREGNI ANGLIAE never Scotiae Franciae or Hiberniae in any writs whatsoever colloquium habere volumus tractatum And Dictis die et loco personaâ—â—ter intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus PRAEDICTIS or DICTI REGNI NOSTRIâ—â— super dicâ—â—s negotâ—â—s tractaâ—â—ri veâ—â—rumque consilium impensuâ—i And ad consentiendum hiâ—s quae â—unc ibidem de Communi consilio DICTI or EJUSDEM REGNI NOSTRI CONTIGERIT ORDINARI And by this usual clause in the Patents of creation of all our English Earls Lords and Barons of Parliament Volentes concedentes pro Nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quod praefatus A. Comes B. or C. Baro or Dominus D. et haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum in PARLIAMENTIS nostris haeredum luccessorum nostrorum infra REGNUM NOSTRUM ANGLIAE inter ALIOS COMITES BARONES EJUSDEM REGNI ut COMES or BARO compared with the Patents of creation of Irish and Scotish Earls Lords Barons Boroughs which constitute them only Earls Lords Barons or Boroughs in terra Dominio nostro Hiberniae or Scotiae or infra Regnum nostrum Scotiae or Hiberuiae and Vnum Comitem Dominum vel Baronem omnium singulorum Parliamentorum Magnorum Conciliorum nostrorum c. in terra or Regno nostro HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE â—enendorum and grant them only sedem et locum in Parliamentis nostris HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE inter alios Comites Dominos Barones ejusdem Regni As the Kings Patents to Burroughs in Irel. gave them plenaÌ„ potestateÌ„ authoritateÌ„ eligendi mittendi retornendi duos discretos idoneos viros ad inserviendum attendendum in quolibâ—t Parliamento in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae not Angliae in posterum tenend But no Place or Voyce at all to their Peers or Burgesses in the Parliaments of England amongst the Earls Lords or Barons of England who have no seat Place or Voyce at all in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland as they are English Peers though subordinat Kingdoms to England Which I shall farther clear in some ensuing Sections 15ly That there is a great diversity between writs of Summons to Parliaments or General Parliamentary Councils and to particular Councils upon emergent occasions which are not properly Parliaments all the Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Lords Barons together with the Judges and Kings Counsil Citizens Burgesses of Parliament and Barons of the Ciâ—que ports being usually summoned to the one but some few Spiritual and Temporal Lords only without any Judges Assistants Knights Citizens Burgesses or Barons of the Cinque-ports or some few of them only and divers who were no usual Lords Barons of Parliament as in 32 E. 3. d. 14. and other Rolls summoned to the other as the Clause Rolls aâ—test Which difference some ignorant Antiquaries not observing have confounded them both together as one and the same and mistaken some writs of Summons only to a Council or to a conference with the King his Privy Counsil upon extraordinary dangers occasions for writs of Summons to a Parliament Such amongst other forecited writs are these of 35 E. 3. dors 36. 36. E. 3. d. 42. Where all those Earls Lords Abbots Peers Great men Gentlemen Counteâ—â—es Ladies and Dowagers who had Lands in Ireland and none else but they alone were summoned the Temporal Lords and great men to appear in proper Person the Clergymen Countesses Ladies and Dowagers to send one or more Proxies or Deputies in whom
is evident not only by the memorâ—ble prâ—sidents of 3 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 10. to 14. 27 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 19. 14 E. 4. rot Parâ— n. 25. in Controversies of this Nature there recorded but by these two presidents of laâ—er times remembred by Mr. Cambdeâ— In the Parliament of 39 Eliz. Anno 1597. Thomas Baron de la Ware peâ—iâ—ioned the Queen to be restored to his anciâ—nt place and â—eat in Parliamenâ— whose case was this His father William by judgement of Parliâ—ment in the reign of Edward the 6. for endeavouring to poyson his Unkle the Lord de la Ware to gain his inheritance and honour was disabled to enjoy any inheritance or honour that might descend to him by his Unkles death Afterwards in Queen Maries reign he was condemned of High Treason and not long after intirely restored as if he had not been condemned Being disabled by his first Sentence to inherit his Unkles honor upon his death he was by Queen Elizabâ—ths special Favour and Letters Patents created Baron de la Ware de novo and sat only as a younger Baron then newly created during his life After his death his son petitioning to enjoy the place of his Ancestors in Parliament the Queen referred the business to the Lords in Parliament who finding the judgement against William his Father to be only personal and not to bind his children and that the judgement given against him under Queen Mary was no obstacle both because he could not lose that Dignity and Honor by it which then he had not his Unkle being then alive and because he was soon after intirely restored and for that the anâ—ient Dignity and Barony was not extinct by his new Creation but only suspended during his life being not vested in him at the time of his late Creation the Lords thereupon locum â—i avitum ADJUDICAVERUNT inter Barones Willoughbeium de Eresby Berkleium in quo ritè locatur In the same Parliament it was resolved by the Lords in the case of Thomas Howard Baron of Walden Knight of the Gâ—rter who being sick and unable to come to the House himself Baron Scroop as his Proxy was brought into the Lords House in his Parliamentary Robes between two Barons the chief King of Arms going before him where presenting his Patent and Creation when the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal had read it he was placed below all the rest of the Barons though he were the younger son of a Duke whose sons by an Order of Parliament made in the 6. year of King Henry the 8. ought to take place of all Viscounts and other Barons which the Lords then resolved to be intended out of Pâ—rliament but they ought to sit in the Parliament house only according to the time of their being created Barons as Mr. Cambden relates out of the Lords Iâ—urnal 36. That the Prelates Earls Barons and Great men of the Realm are the Proper Iudges of all Causes and Controversies there debaâ—ed between the King and his people and are all bound by Oath as well as the King to observe defend and maintain the rights of the Realm and Crown of England and that more especially by their Oath of Fealty and Homage whereby they were tied to the King and charged to appear when summoned in the writs of summons as you may read more at large before in Spelmans Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium ligeantia and in Mat. Paris who records Aâ— 1209. that K. Iohn caepit HOMAGIA de omnibus hominibus liberè tenentibus et etiam duodecim annorum pueris quos omnes post FIDELIT ATEM FACTAM in osculum pacis recepit ac demâ—sit Et Wallenses quod anteactis temporibus fuâ—raâ— inauditum venientes ad Regem HOMAGIA fecerunt ibidem licet tam divitibus quam pauperibus esset oâ—erosum Then passing into Ireland with a great Army there came to Dublin to meet him plus quà m viginti Reguli illius regionis qui omnes timore maximo perterâ— iti HOMAGIUM ILLI ET FIDELITATEM FECERUNT as the highest Obligation of their future Loyalty fidelity and subjection to him Upon which Account Homage is frequently stiled HOMAGIUM LIGEUM LIGEANTIA LIGANâ—IA by Bracton l. 2. c. 35. f. 79. Glanvil l. 7. c. 10. Guliclmus Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 37. Chron. Iohannis Bromton col 1005. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Britton ch 68. De Homages Custumar Vetus Normanniae c. 43. Cooks 7 Rep. Calvins case f. 7. 1. Instit. f. 65. a. Hornes Myrrour des Iustices ch 35 36 37 38. Spelmans Glossarium Homagium Ligeantia because iâ— most strictly unites and binds the King and his Subjects together hunc ad protectionâ—m justum Regimen illos ad reverentiam tributa et dâ—bitam Subjectionem â—t obedâ—â—ntiam as they resolve whereupon the Lords are enjoyned in their writs of summons personâ—lly to appear in Parliaments and Great Councils in fide homagio QUIBUS NOBIS TENEMINI as I formerly observed 37. That the nâ—mbers of Earls Barons Temporal Lords and Great men summoâ—ed to our Parliaments and Great Councils andentred after the Eodem modo and Consimiles literae in the Rolls and Liâ—ts of Summons are oft times very various and different there being many more of them summoned to some Parliaments and Great Councilâ— than to others as you may easily discern by comparing their Numbers which I have here presented you with in the grosse after every writ the Prince of Wales himself the Duke of Lancaster and other Dukes and Earls as well as inferior Lords Barons and Great men being left out of some Lists of Summons one two or three Parliaments and Great Councils together or more and then inserted again into others the true reasons whereof I apprehend to be these ensuing 1. Their absence in forein parts or elsâ—where in the warrs or â—pon other special services of the King in which cases no wrâ—ts of Summons issued to them and if their names were entred in the Lists of the summons they were usually cancelled or rased out of them witness the forecited entrys in the Lists oâ— Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors 11. And Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 3. dors 32. 2ly Their abode beyond the Seas upon their own particular occasions Both which causes frequently happened during the wars with France Scotland and Ireland and whiles our Kings and Nobles had any Lands and Possessions in France Aquitain Normandy Anjow Picardy and other parts beyond the Seas Many of the Earls Lords Barons Great men and our Kings themselves being oft times by reason of Warrs Treaties Embassies and defence of their Inheritances absent in forein parts when Parliaments were summoned and held in England by the Custos Regni or Commissioners at which times I generally finde there were fewer Earls Barons and Noblemen summoned to our Parliaments and Great Councils than in times of Peace or when our Kings were personally present in
yet for preventing the misunderstanding of posterity and of strangers and for satisfying the scruples of others not acquainted with the nature of this Treaty and the manner of their proceedings which may arise upon their comming into England and their treating in time of Parliament That neither by our treaties with the English nor by seeking our Peace to be established in Parliament nor any other action of ours do wee acknowledge any dependence upon them or make them Iudges to us or our Laws or any things that may import the smallest prejudice to our Liberties But that wee come in a free and brotherly way by our Informations to remove all doubts that may arise concerning the proceedings of our Parliament and to joyn our endeavours in what may conduce for the peace and good of both Kingdomes no otherwise than if by occasion of the Kings Residence in Scotland Commissioners in the like Exigence should be sent thither from England Thirdly It is point-blank against the solemn League and Covenant ratified and confirmed in the most sacred and publick manner The 3 Article whereof taken with hands lifted up to heaven and subscribed by the Parliaments of both Kingdomes and all others well-affected in both Realms doth thus preserve the distinct Priviledges of the Parliaments of both Realms in these words We shall with the same sincerity reality and constancy in our several vocations endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments and the Liberties of the Kingdomes of England and Scotland which are likewise distinguished from each other in every other Article the Prologue and Conclusion of the League and Covenaâ—t and all Ordinances that confirm it 4. As if this were not sufficient it is directly contrary to the Declaration of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament 17 April 1646. of their true intention inviolably to maintain the Ancient and Fundamental Government of the Kingdome by King Lords and Commons the Government of the Church securing the people against all arbitrary Government and maintaining a right understanding between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland according to the Covenant and Treaties To the Commons printed Answers to the Scots Commissioners Papers 28 of November 1646. Yea to the Lords and Commons Houses joynt Declaration the 29. of Iune 1646. In all which they do professedly declare assert argue resolve the absolute Independency distinct Rights Iurisdictions of the Kingdomes and Parliaments of England and Scotland from the very Articles of the solemn League and Covenant and Treaties between both Kingdomes and other Evidences grounds reasons positively asserting That the Parliament and Kingdome of England is and ought to bee the sole and proper Iudge of what may bee for the good of this Kingdome and that the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland neither have nor ought to have any joynt-concurrent share or interest with them therein nor right of joynt-exercise of interest in disposing the person of the King in the Kingdome of England And that the self-same liberty and priviledge alwaies had been admitted and ever shall bee carefully and duly observed by them and the Parliament and Kingdome of England to the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland in all things that concern that Kingdome And that it was not the intention of the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England nor of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland in sending Propositions to the King in the name and in the behalf of both Kingdomes by joynt-consent that any construction should be made therefrom as if either Kingdome had any interest in each others Propositions or in the Legislative Power of each other concerning any of the said Propositions but that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdome and Parliament respectively And that notwithstanding any joynt-proceedings upon the said Propositions either Kingdome hath power of themselves to continue repeal or alter any Law that shall be made upon the said Propositions for the good and government of either Kingdome respectively And both Houses did therein declare that they are fully resolved to maintain and preserve inviolable the solemn League and Covenant and the Treaties between the Kingdomes of England and Scotland Now the calling and incorporating of Scotish and Irish Peers Knights Citizens and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England as Members Voters Legislators together with the English to oblige both England Scotland and Ireland against the ancient unquestionable distinct fundamental Rights Priviledges of the Kingdomes Parliaments people both of England Scotland and Ireland all whose Parliaments Rights Priviledges Liberties will be totally subverted by it as well as our English is so contradictory so repugnant to and inconsistent with all and every of these recited Acts Ordinances Declarations clauses of the solemn League and Covenant to the Great Charter of King Iohn all ancient Writs of Summons to English Irish or Scotish Parliaments all Acts for Electing Knâ—ghts Burgesses and concerning Parliaments formerly established in all these three Kingdomes as distinct that no conscientious Heroick Englishman Scot or Inhabitant of Ireland who cordially affects the honour maintenance preservation of his own native Countries Kingdomes or Parliaments fundamental Rights Priviledges Liberties or makes conscience of violating the Articles of this solemn League and Covenant hee hath formerly taken and subscribed in the presence of Almighty God Angels and Men with this protestation wee shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combinatien perswasion or terror to be divided or withdrawn from it either by making defection to the contrary part or by giving our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality but shall all the daies of our lives constantly continue therein against all opposition and promote the same according to our Power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever and this wee shall do in the sight and presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts with a true intention to perform the same as wee shall answer the contrary at the great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed can ever in conscience justice reason policy or prudence submit thereto but is bound to oppose and resist with all his power for the premised Reasons 6. Because the proportioning and distribution of the thirty persons to be elected for Scotland and the thirty others for Ireland and incorporating of these sixty Scotish and Irish Knights Citizens and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England was not projected effected approved ratified by the free full and joynt-consents of the respective Parliaments of England Scotland and Ireland but onely by about twenty or thirty Army-Officers in a private Cabinet Conventicle at Whitehall without yea against their privities and consents by their Instrument of Government which they then published 16 Decemb 1653. Artic. 9 10 11. having not the least shadow of any Legal Power or Authority to oblige our 3 distinct Kingdomes Nations Parliaments much less to subvert and abolish them by new melting them into
Anno Gratiae â—172 King Henry the 2d Venit OXENFORD IN GENERALI CONCILIO ibidem celebrato CONSTITUIT Iohannem filium suum REGEM IN HYBERNIA concessione confirmatione Alexandri summi pontificis Et in eodem Concilio venerunt ad Regem Resus filius Griphini regulus de Suâ—hwales David filâ—s Oâ—ain regulus de Northwales qui sororem ejusdem regis Angliae in uxorem duxerat Cadwelanus regulus de Delnain Owanus de Keuillian Gâ—iffinus de Brunfeld Madacusâ—ilius â—ilius Gervetrog alii multi de nobilioribus Gualliae et omnes devenerunt homines regis Angliae patris fidelitatem ei contra omnes homines pacem sibi regno suo servandam juraverunt In eodem autem Concilio dedit dominuâ— Rex Angliae praedicto Reso filio Grifsini terram de Meronith David filio Owain terram de Ellesmare Deditque dominus â—ex Hugoni de Lasci ut supradictum est in Hybernia totam Midam cum pertinentiis suis pro servitio 100. militum tenendam de ipso et Iohanne filio suo chartam suam ei inde fecit Deditque ibidem Roberto filio Stephani Miloni de Cogham regnum de Coâ—ch pro servitio 60. militum tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo excepta civitate de Corch cum uno cantredo quae dominus rex sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit Deditque ibidem Hereberto filio Hereberti et Willielmo fratri Comitis Reginaldi Iollano de la Primerai nepoti eorum regnum de Limeric pro servitio 60. militum tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo excepta civitate de Limeric cum uno cantredo quae dominus sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit Tradâ—dit autem dominus rex Willielmo filio Aldelini dapifero suo civitatem Wesesordiae in custodia cum omnâ—bus pertinentiis suis statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servicium Wesefordiae Harkelou cum pertinentiis suis Glascarric cum pertinentiis suis terram Gilberti de Boisrohard Ferneg Winal cum pertinentiis suis Fernes cum pertinentiis suis totam terram de Hervei inter Weseforde aquam de Waterâ—orde Servitium Raimundi de Druna Servitium de Frodrevelan Servitium Vimoâ—thi de Leighlerin Tenementum etiam Machtaloe cum pertinentiis suis. Et Leis terram Gaufridi de Costentin cum pertinentiis suis totam terram Orueldi Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Roberto le Poer marescallo suo in custodia civitatem Waterâ—ordiae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis et statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servitium Waterfordiae totam terram quae est inter Waterforde aquam quae est ultra Lismors totam terram de Oiseric cum pertinentiis suis. Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Hugoni de Laci civitatem Diveliniae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in custodia staâ—it haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad Servitium Diveliniae totam terram de Offelana cum pertinentiis suis Kildaran cum pertinentiis suis totam terram de Offalaia cum pertinentiis suis Wikechelon cum pertinentiis suis servitium de Mida servitium quatuor militum quod Robeâ—tus Poer debet de castello suo de Dunaver Postquam autem dominus rex apud Oxeneford in praedicto modo terras Hyberniae et earum servitia divisisset secit omnes quibus earunâ—emcustodias commisâ—rat homines suos Iohannis silii sui devenire et jurare eâ—s ligantias et fidelitates de terris Hyberniae Et ieâ—de m Concilio dedit dominus rex Richardo Priori de Kiteby abbatiam de Witebi Et Benedicto Priori Ecclesiae sanctae Trinitatis Cantuariae abbatiam de Burgo Richardus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus benedixit cum in abbatem Eodem anno praedictus Vivianus Presbyter Cardinalis Apostolicae sedis legatus peracta legatione sua in Hybâ—rnia rediit in Angliam per conductum domini râ—gis rediit in Scotiam celebrato Concilio apuâ— castellum puellarum susspendit a pontificali officio Christianum Episcopum Candidae casae quia ad Concilium suum venire noluit sed Episc. suspensionem illam non tenuit septus munimine Rogeri Eboracensis Archiepise cujus suffraganeus ipse erat Deinde venit dominus Rex usque Merleberge ubi Rex dedit Philippo de Brensa totum regnum de Limeric pro servitio sexaginta miliâ—um tenendum de ipso de Iohanne filio suo Nam Herebertus Willielmus fratres Reginaldi Comiâ—is Cornubiae Ioslanus de la Pumerai nepos eorum regnum illud habere noluerunt eo quod nondum perquisitum erat nam occiso a regalibus rege Monodero qui Rex erat de Limeric homo regis Angliae inde suerat quidam de progenie illius vir potens et fortis regnum de Limeric invasit cepit et potenter rexit nullam subjectionem faciens Regi Angliae nec suis obedire voluit propter infidelitatem eorum mala quae faciebant populo Hyberniae sine merito Rex vero Corcensis alii multi divites Hyberniae insurrexerunt in Regem Angliae suos erant novissima eorum pejora prioribus se mutuo interfecerunt By which president it is evident that King Henry by the advice of his Great Council of Prelates and Nobles of in England disposed both of the Kingdoms Crowns and Lands in Ireland to his Son and other subjects of England The same King Henry the 2. Anno Dom. 1182. aetatis annum inchoans quadragesimum nonum dum mentis et corporis incolumitate vigeret dum regnum suum undique tranquillae pacis commoditatibus frueretur apud Waltham Episcopi Winton REGNI CONVOCAVIT MAJORES Itaque prâ—â—sentibus illis et approbantibus quandam pecuniae partem in causas pias procurans Quaâ—raginta siquidem duo miliâ—a marcorum argenti quingentas marcas auri distribuit c. After this Pope Lucius An. 1185. sending a Letter to King Henry the 2d to take the Cross upon him and succour the holy Land by the Pâ—triarch and Master of the Hospital of Hierusalem who presented it to him together with the toy al banner and Keyes of the Lords Scpulcher and of the Tower of David and City of Ierusalem on the behalf of the King and Princes of the Land importuning his answer to their requests Domiâ—us Rex statuit eis terminum suae responsionis primam Dominicam Quadragesimae apud Londonias Ad quam Dominicam Dominus Rex Patriarcha et Episcopi et Abbates et COMITES et BARONES ANGLIAE but no Knights Citizens or Burgesses thereof Willielm REX SCOTIAE David frater ejus CUM COMITIBUS ET BARONIBUS TERRAE SUAE 〈◊〉 Londoniis et habito inde cum deliberatione consslio PLACUIT VNIVERSIS quod Dominus Rex consuleret inde Dominum suum Philippum Regem Franciae
Council held in August Anno â—107 Vt nullus ad Praelattonem electus PRO HOMAGIO QUOD REGI FACERET consecratione suscepti honoris privaâ—etur Which Law and usage continued under King Henry the second as is evident by this passage of Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. who writ and was chief Justice under him Electi vero in Episcopos ante consecrationem HOMAGIA SVA FACERE SOLENT What solemn publike Oathes of Allegiance and Fidelity Bishops and other Clergymen as well as the Temporal Lords Commons have heretofore and of late years made to our Kings and their heirs you may read at leasure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower p. 427 657 663 25 H. 8. c. 20. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 7. 10. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 2 3. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3. 5. 7. Jac. c. 6. I shall only present you with one more thus recorded in the Clause Roll of 11 E. 4. m. 1. dorso Memorand quod tertio die Iulii Anno regni Regis Edwardi Quarti undecimo apud Westm. in Camera Parliamenti Venerabilis Pater Thomas Cardinalis Archiepiscopius Cantuar ac alii Domini Spirituales et Temporales ac etiam quidam Milites quorum nomina subscribuntur fecerunt Recognitionem Iuramentumque praestiterunt Edwardo primogenito dicti Domini nostri Regis Edwardi Quarti illustri Principi Walliae Duci Cornub Comiti Cestriae in forma sequenti ad corroborationem praemissâ—rum singuli corum manibus propries scripserunt sua Nomina I Thomas Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury knowledge take and repute you Edward Prince of Wallys Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester first begotten soâ— of our Soveraign Lord Edward the fourth King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to be very and undoubted heir to our said Soveraign Lord as to the Crowns of England and France and Lordship of Irâ—land and promiâ—â—e and swear that in case hereafter it happen you by Gods disposition to overlive our said Soveraign Lord I shall then bear and in all things truly and faithfully behave me towards you and your â—heirs as a true and 〈…〉 Subject ought to behave 〈◊〉 to his Soveraign Lord and right wyâ— King of England c. So help me God and holy domes and the Evangelists T. 〈…〉 G. 〈◊〉 T. London Episc. Heâ—r Dunâ—lm W. Episc. Winton G. Clâ—rence R. Gloucester Norff. H. Buckyngham I. â—uff Arundell H. Essex E. Kent Riveriâ—rs I. Wiltshire W. 〈◊〉 Prior Hospâ—t S Iohannis E. Arundall Mautravers A. Gray I. Fenis R. Eâ—â—sc Sarum W. 〈…〉 T. 〈◊〉 R. Bathonien E. Carliol R. Beauchamp Sir Robâ—rt Fenys Bourgchier T. Bourchier W. Par. I. Dudley I. Audley Dacâ—e Edwâ—â—do Bergaveny I. Sâ—trange I. Scrop W. Ferrers Berners Hastingâ— Mouâ—tjoy Dynham Howard Duras I. Pilkâ—ngton W. Beaâ—don W. Courtenay T. Mullineux Raulf Ashtoâ— The first who brought Homage into England for ought I can finde was William the Conqueror and his Normansâ— who equally imposed it on all Bishops Abboâ—s and Clergymensas well as on the Laity in the self-same words and form for ought appears How Bishops Abbots came to be exempred from doing homage for their Temporalties to our Kings after their consecraâ—â—ons I have already touched shall here further declare for the informaâ—ion of those of my own profession Abbot Ingulphâ—s records 〈◊〉 mulcis armis retroactis even from King Eâ—hâ—lâ—eds reigâ— â—ulla electio Praelatorum erat merè iâ—era â—â—canonica â—ed omnes divnitaâ—es tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per Annulum et Baculnm Regis curia pro sna complacentia conferebat his 〈…〉 King William the Conquerot who first bâ—ought the word and service of HOMAGE out of Normandy into England and at his Coronation at Loâ—don Ann. 1067. HOMAGIIS à Magnatibus as well of the Clergy as Laity acceptis cum FIDELITATIS JURAMENTO obsidibusque acceptis in regno confirmatus omnibus qui ad regnum aspiraverant factus est terrori as Matthew Paris p. 4. and Matthew Westminster p. 1. relate Ann. 1072. He received homage from the King of Scots And Anno 1079 He entred Wales with a numerous Army subdued it et a Regnlis 〈◊〉 ditionis HOMAGIA FIDELITATES ACCEPâ—T Anno 1083. Cepit HOMAGIA Ordinum totius Angliae et JURAMENTUM FIDELITATIS cujusâ—unque essent â—endi â—el senementiâ— And apud Londonias HOMINIUM SIBI FACERE et contra omnes homines FIDELITATEM JURARE OMNEM ANGLIAE INCOLAM IMPERANS therefore Bishops Abbots and Clocks as well as Laymen totam terram descripsit c. as Ingulphus informs us flourishing in that age The Pope being much offended that Kings should thus conferre Bishopricks Abbies and other Ecclesiastical dignities Per Annulum et Baculum and that Bishops and Abbots should thus doe Homage and Feâ—lty to them and become their men as well as Lâ—ickâ— as being a grand impediment to their Supreme Authority over Emperors Kings and Princes of the earth strenuoâ—sly attempted by Pope Hilâ— lebrand thereupon Pope Urban the 2d Anâ—s 1095. in a Council held at Claremount ordained Ut Episcopi vel Abbates vel aliquis de Clero aliquam Ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu Principum vel quorumliber Laicorum non recipiant And this not prevailing in another Council held by this Pope at Rome Anno 1099. Urbanus Papa excommunicavit omnes Laicos investituras Eccleâ—arum dantes et omnes easdem investituras de manibâ—s Laicorum accipientes necnon omnes in officium sic dati honoris consecrantes Excommunicavit etiam eos qui pro Ecclesiasticis Honoribus LAICORUM HOMINES FIUNT id est HOMAGIUM INEUNT as learned Sir Hen. Spelman truly expounds it Dicens minus execrabile videri ut manus quae in tantam eminentiam excreâ—erant ut quod nulli Angelorum concessumâ—est ut Deum cuncta creantem suo signaculo CREANT mark the blasphemy and contradiction et eundem ipsum pro salute totius mundi Dei Patris obtutibus offerant in hanc ignaviam vel stulâ—itiam detrudantur ut ancillae fiant eorum manuum quae diebus et noctibus obscenis contactibus inquinantur sive rapinis et injustae sanguinis effusione addictae maculantur Et ab omnibus est clamatum fiat fiat et in his consummatum est conciâ—ium Hereupon Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury a Burgundian by birth and great Creature of the Popes peremptorily refused to consecrate any Bishops who received their Investiâ—ures per annulum baculum from the King or to have any communion with those who were thus invested and consecrated by the Archbishop of Yorke in his absence denying to do any homage or fealty to King Henry the 1. after his revocation by him from his exile under Will. Rufus without the Popes license affirming Volente DEO NVLLIVS MORTALIS HOMOFIAM nec per Sacramenâ—uÌ„ alicui FIDEM PROMITTAM Hereupon Rex Regnique Proceres Episcopi et cujuscunque generis aulici
of which we have a late memorable president in m Thomas Arundel of Wardour who being created by the Charter of the Emperour Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his Family yet it was with this special saving in his Paten Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS yet the Queen with the English Barons would not acknowledg him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms the Queen resolving That she would by no means permit any of her sheep or subjects to wear the badge or follow the whistle of any forein Shepherd or Prince but only her own In the dâ—bate of which case it was alleged by the English Peers Soâ—ius Principis esse NON ALTEâ—RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE suis Subditis dignitates destribuere juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris Ea sit tantum dignitas quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos nec à Principe admittendos Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos c. That Reginald Mohun created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3. was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lords nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter without giving him a voice in Parliament as King Iames created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent ut unbratâ—lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum maturè obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor but William Marâ—yn assures us that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth Shirley whom the French King for their Service in the wars received into the Order of S. Michael were laid in prison at their coming home charged to resign their robes and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers Civil Canon Commonâ— Heraulds and others who have written of Nobility that none but Emperors or Kings can create Dukes Earls Marquesses Lords Barons and Peers and that only within their own Dominions A Rege enimemanâ—â— it origo Dâ—gâ—itaâ—um Temporalium A Rege et Principe prostâ—uâ—t â—t derivantur tanquam a fonte omâ— es Magistratus et Dignitates qâ—ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recondâ—i Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites Barones Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at Non dicâ—ur vera Nobilitas vel Baro ex infâ—udationâ— nisi â— Principe as they all unanimously resolve Hence Baldus and Alciat define a Baron to be one who hath merum justumquâ— imperium in aliquo Castro Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS In Bâ—hâ—mia Moravia â—ilesia Lusatia and other Provinces iâ—corporated to it Summam pâ—testâ—em obtinet Rex et non solum NOBILES 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS nâ—mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS â—VERIT writes Nolden and Dubravius informs as that one Honora primum inter BARONES autoritate Caesaris Henâ—ici H. the 1. adâ—um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia appellantur Franciscus Capiblancus resolves BARONUM nomine Comites aliâ—sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus Nam istud verbum BARO est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM And thence he inferrs Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum sp cificè est tribuenda A PRINCIPE cujus est eas confâ—â—re cum ab eo fluant et refluant In France such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure and by his license erected into Baronies are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON and the Lord thereof is stiled A BARON per le Conge du Prince as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion Pâ—oydey 9â— who addes That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise the Kings giâ—t of the BARONY by Charter made the Patentee A BARON without other Rules of Creation After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honours of a Duke Marquess Earls and BARONY and their prerogatâ—ve A SOLO REGE TRIâ—â—I POSSVNT And in Spain all their great Dignitie and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King but most of them upon every death are received again FROM THE KING though not by any Charter of new Creation yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them by adding the titular Name to the heir who by his own name only without the addition of his Title signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor Therefore doubtless none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls Lords or Baronâ— of Parliament in England there being no one presidâ—nt in Anâ—iquity nor in any Emâ—ire or Kingdom in the world that I remember to the contrary and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statuâ—es â—f 27 H. c. 24 31 H. 8. c. 10. 28. That one of the first Bâ—rons created by Patent whose Patent is yet exâ—ant waâ— Iâ—hn de Beauchamp Stewâ—rd of the Houshold to King Râ—chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form Richardus c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis Mâ—les noster Iohannes de Beauchamp de HOLT Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS PARLIAMENTIS necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde dâ—scendiâ— et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM Aâ— BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR In cujus c. datum 10 Octobris I finde this Iohn Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris within 3. moneths of his creation where he is stiled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kiderminster but neither Dominus de Beauchamp nor
fatetur et cognoscaâ— Et idem Archiepiscopus in fide c. fatetur et dicit quod in veniendo de Curia Romana apud Paris bene audivit intellexit per praedictum Iudeum quod praedicta pecunia ei debebatur et quod idem Iudeus eum rogavit ut ei pro Deo esset in auxilium ad praedictam pecuniam suam â—ecuperandam Et postea ut praedictum est in visitatione sua ad domum praedictam hoc idem invenit per confessionem praedictorum Prioris et Conventus et eis dixit quod â—ic facerent quod animas suas salvarent Et quia idem Archiepiscopus bene cognoscit quod POST EXILIUM DICTI JUDAEâ— ALIORUM JUDAEORUM DE REGNO ISTO à praedicto Iudeo intellexit quod pecunia praedicta â—ibi in regno isto debebatur et POST EORUM EXILIUM omnia quae sua fuerunt et in regno isto remanserunt tam debita quam alia bona quaecunque ipsi Domino Regi remanserunt et Catalla sua fuerunt et super hoc incontinenti POST EORUM EXILIUM solempnis Proclamatio siebat per totum regnum et quod omnes qui debita aliqua alicui Iudeo debebant aut de eorum debiâ—is t is bonis catallis aliquid sciebant Domino Regi aut alicui de Consilio suo scire facerent de qua quidem Proclamatione nullus dedicere potest quin scivit aâ—â— scivisse debuit Et idem Archiepiscopus de debito praedicto scivit prout fatetur tam per Iudeum quam per Priorem Conventum nec de hoc Domino Regi aut alieui de suìs constare fecit Immo debitum illud concelando et à Domino Rege alienando contra fidem qua Regi teneâ—ur injunxit praefato Priori et Conventui quod animas suus-salvarent quod tantum valuit quantum si dixisset quod Iudeo satisfacerent concordatum est quod praedictus Archiepiscopus remaneat in misericordia Domini Regis pro concelamento transgressione praedicto c. et idem Dominus Rex sibi ipsi reservat Tax ationem illius misericordiae From these 2. Records I shall observe That the General Banishment of the Iewes out of England and the escheat and forfeiture of their Lands Goods and Debts to the King by this their generall exile is no lesse then 10. severall times precisely mentioned in these 2 Records and the very groundwork of them besides some hundreds of other Records and Authors cited by me in the 1. and 2. Part of my Demurrer to the Iewes long discontinued Remitter into England And therefore I must admire Sir Edward Cooks peremptory denyal of it in print in his Commentary on the Statute de Iudaismo in the very date whereof he is mistaken as well as in most of his Comments thereupon as I have largely proved in my Demurrer 2. That it is a breach of the Oath of Fealty and Allegiance in any Subject and an offence for which he is punishable to conceal from or defraud the King of any of his just debts and rights especially when engaged by Proclamation to discover them 3ly That the King and his Counsell gave judgment in these causes and that in the later of them the King reserves the taxing of the Amerciament of the Archbishop for an offence against him wholly to himself The 3. case is that of Iohn Saâ—veyn his wife and her sister in the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege apud Westmonasterium in Parliamento suo in Octabis Nativitatis beatae Mariae Anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici 33. which is very memorable and thus recorded Iohannes Salveyn Margareta uxor ejus Isabello soroâ— ejusdem Margaretae filiae haeredes Roberti de Ros de Werk per Petitionem suam in forma sequenti ostendunt Domino Regi et petunt quod cum Dominus Rex de gratia sua speciali concessit et ordinavit Quod omnes gentes de regno Seotiae cujuscunque fuerint et quae ad pacem suam venerint exceptis aliquibus personis in eadem Ordinatione nominatis admittantur secundum conditiones subsequentes videlicet quod salva sit eis vita et membra et quod quieti sint de imprisonamento et quod non exhaeredantur Ita quod de eorum exemptione et emendis de Transgressionibus qnas ipsi Domino Regi solummodo fecerint et de estabilamento terrae Scotiae staret ordinationi suae sicut plenius continetur in Ordinatione supradicta Et inâ— super Dominus Rex concessit omnibus qui secuti fuerint seisinam de terris quas ipsi et eorum Antecessores tenuerunt in principio Guerrae In quorum manus terrâ—â— illae devenissent quod ipsi Iohannes Margareta Isabella uti possent et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis quoad terras quae dictus Robertus tenuit in Anglia Scotia in principio guerrae Ita quod non sinâ— exhaeredati Et Willielmus de Ros de Hamlake qui tenet praedictum Manerium de Werk ex dono et concessione Domini Regis per praemunitionem sibi factam venitâ— et tam pro seipso tanquam tenenti dictum Manerium quaÌ„ pro Domino Rege quo ad alias terras et tenementa quae fuerunt dicti Roberti tam in regno Angliae quam in terra Scoâ—iae dicit Quod praedicti petentes nichil in eisdem per medium praedicti Roberti clamare possunt ut ipsius haeredes nec ad illa petenda seu aliquam partem earundem audiri debent prout petunt Dicit enim quod ipsi petunt tenementa praedicta ut haeredes praedicti Roberti et virtute câ—jusd â—m Ordinationâ—s quam Domâ—nus Rex nuper fecitet concessit illis hominibus de terra Scotiae qui in ultima guerra in eadem terra ad pacem suam venerunt et admissi suerunt et per illa verâ—a videlizet quod non â—xâ—aeredentur Et etiam petunt quod ipsi uti possunt et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis quo ad terras quas dictus Robertus tenuit in Anglia in Scotia in principio guerrae Ita quod non sint exhaeredati prout in sua petitione continetur quod nullo modo admitti debent Quia dicit quod praedictus Robertus diù ante principium istius gueriae ad quod tempus Ordinationi praedicta reddito terrarum et concessio se extendunt Inimicus Domini Regis devenit maniâ—estus parti Scotorum Contra Homagium et Filelitatem suam felonice et traditiose adhâ—rendo et sic omnes terras et tenementa sua ubicunque infra Dominium et potestatem Domini Regis existentia simul cum aliis bonis suis quibuscunque totaliter forisfecit nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit set in inimicitia sua ut Felo et Traditor obiit Occasione cujus Inimicitiae sic commissae Dominus Rex
away the Court commonly called the Starr-chamber fit to be put in vigorous execution against the transcendent infringers of it By all which it appears that the Kings Iustices and Counsil in Parliaments as well as out of them had formerly a principal hand in making Laws Ordinances and resolving points questions of Law and other matters of moment I shall close up my Observations on this Section with these 4. memorable Records relating to the Kings Counsell and the Nobles in Scotland and Ireland as distinct from his Counsell and Parliamentary Assemblies in England Cl. 37. H. 3. d. 9. Rex mandat quod Abbas Westm. -moretur in Anglin de Consilio Reginae propter recessum Regis ad partes Vasconiae Et mandatum est eidem Reginae quod ipsum ad hoc admittat accepto ab eo prius corporali Sacramento quod officium illud fideliter intendat T. ut supra Cl. 38. H. 3. dors 13. Rex H. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo salutem Cum quaedam ardua urgentia negotia Statum nostrum Regni nostri tangentia habeamus Vobis communicanda quae sine consilio Vestro aliorum Magnatum nostrorum noluimus expediri Vobis mandamus in fide quia Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quatinus sicut Nos honorem nostrum diligitis nullatenus omittatis quin à die Sancti Hillarii proximo futuri in quindecim dies sitis apud Westm. coram Regina nostra R. Com. Cornub. fratre nostro aliis de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi nec retardetis adventum vestrum quin sitis ad dictum diem tempestive Teste A. Regina R. Com. Cornub. apud Westm. The cause of this meeting is at large related in another Writ to this Archbishop forecited p. 3. 4. Upon the same occasion the King issued this Writ to the King of Scots entred in the same Roll and dorse Rex Regi Scotiae salutem Quia ratio Vinculi foederis inter nos contracti requirit quod Vobis fidelibus Vestris ardua urgentia negotia Statum nostrum terrae nostrae tangentia communicemus Vos Nobis vice versa Serenitatem vestram ex toto corde requirimus quatinus in Quindena Purificationis beatae Mariae prox futur apud Castrum puellarum de Edenburgh personaliter interesse velitis convocantes inducentes Praelatos Magnates Regni Vestri ut ad dictos diem locum representent se coram Vobis modis omnibus Nullo enim modo expediret honori proficuo nostro vestro quin modo praedicto ad praedictos diem locum compareatis audituri per nuncios nostros qui de Vasconia Vobis ibidem occurrent praedicta negotia arduissima urgentissima in quibus necesse est quod vos fideles vestri consilium vestrum pariter auxilium apponatis T. ut supra per Reginam Comitem It is observable that the King by this Writ doth not summon the King of Scots and his Nobles to his Parliament or Counsell of England as members thereof to advise and assist him in this necessitie notwithstanding the strict alliance and league between them but to assemble together at Edenburgh in their own country by themselves alone as the Officers and Nobles of Ireland were then also required to meet in Ireland by themselves by this ensuing Writ of the same date with the former Rex Mauricio filio Giraldi salutem Quia Rex Castell cum multitudine Exercitus Christianorum Saracenorum terram nostram Vasconiae in Quindena Pasche prox futur ingressurus est hostiliter non solum ad eandem terram destruendam occupandam set ad terras nostras Angliae Hiberniae per introitum dictae terrae si eam optineret quod absit invadendas aspirat Nos in propria persona nostra cum eodem Rege bellum campestre aggredi proposuimus de universa fidelitate vestra quam in agendis nostris fructuosam semper invenimus plenam gerentes fiduciam vos requirimus in fide qua Nobis tenemini affectuosè rogamus quatinus sicâ—t Nos honorem nostrum indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis in hac necessitate nostra non parcentes personae aut rebus vestris nulla ratione seu occasione differatis quin poteritis vos praeparare ad veniendum ad nos in Vasconiam omnes amicos vestros ad hoc idem inducentes Ita quod sitis apud Waterford in Octabis Pasche prox futur cum equis armis bona gente prompti parati statim naves ascendere ad transfretandum ad Nos in terram praedictam Scitote indubitanter qui Nobis in hac parte subvenerint eorum amici erimus benevoli imperpetuum qui Nos in hac urgenti inexuperabiâ—i necessiâ—ate relinquerint de eis alias minus confidere poterimus eis minus grati erimus Nunquam etiam futuris temporibus tanta Nobis imminebit necessitas consilii auxilii sicut in presenti negotio Et ad regerendum vobis plenius pericula nostrorum Inimicorum Iohannem filium Galfridi Justiciarium nostrum Hiberniae ad partes illas misimus cui apud Dublinum ad in stantem mediam Quadragesimam una cum aliis Magnatibus nostris Hiberniae quibusâ—id mandavimus accedatis audituri voluntatem nostram cum ipâ—o super praemissis plenius tractaturi T. ut supra An Exact Alphabetical Table of all the Kings Counsil whether Judges Serjeants at Law Officers of State Deans Archdeacons 〈◊〉 other Clergy men or Laymen from 22 E. 1. till 23 E. 4. with the Yeares Rolls Dorses of each King wherein they were summoned to Parliaments By which you may finde who were Chief Justices Judges Officers in each Kings reign A IOhn Abell 5 d. 17. 6 d. 31. 7 d. 27. 8 d. 29. 9 11 d. 8. 14. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Magister Richard de Abyngdon 1 d. 8. 11. 19. 2 d. 11. 20. 5 d. 17. 6 d. 31. 16. 7 d. 2. 8 d. 29. 9 d. 22. E. 2. Magister Robert de Aileston Archidiac Berks 6 d. 9. 19. Thesaurarius Regis 7 E. 3. Richard de Aldeburge 3 d. 19. 7 8 E. 3. Peter Arderne 23 25 27 29 31 33 twice 38 H. 6. 1 2 6 E. 4. Magister Robert de Ashton 1 2 3 d. 13. 19. R. 2. Henry Asty and Astee 49 50 E. 3. 1 â— 3 d. 13. 19. 4 5 6 R. 2. William de Ayremine 6 d. 16. 7 d. 11. 27. E. 2. William Ayscogh 20 23 25 27 28 29 31 H. 6. William Ayshton 23 25 27 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. 1 2 E. 4. B VVIlliam Babington 7 H. 5. 1 2 3 4 5 7 9 10 11 13 H. 6. Iohn Bacun 11 d. 8. 14. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Thomas Bacoun 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 18. E. 3. Magister Robert de Baldock 11 d. 11. 19. Archidiac Midd. 12 d. 11. 29. 13 d 13. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Iohn de
death but with all speed and cate to restore every Member bone joynt to its proper place posture office and preserve them from subsequent dislocations and fractures So it hath been and will be with this body Politick It will never be reduced to its pristine health soundness vigor use ends or become medicinal to settle or advance the publike weal of the Nation till all its dislocated broken Members be restored to their due places and power in it without which it will soon come to utter desolation as 1. Cor. 12. 12 to 31. Gal. 5. 15. Mat. 12. 25. Isa 19. 2. 14 15. Prov. 30. 21. 22 will assure all carnal Politicians who think the contrarie 22. That as it was the prudence policie justice of our Parliaments Nobles Great men in former ages not to vote conclude or enact any thing in Parliament when any of their chief Members were absent or not summoned or restrained from them and to determine all Great Affairs in FULL PARLIAMENT So it was also their special care to preserve the Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts of Common Law as a chief right and flower of the Crown and the antient Lawes and Customs of the Realm against all incroachments upon them by Popes Bishops or anie others as is evident by sundry instances elsewhere cited and by this memorable Writ of Prohibition isiued in King H. 3 his name on the behalf of the Nobles of England to the Bishop of Durbam Proving the interpretation of the Laws and Customs of the Realm in anie doubtfull cases of publike concernment to belong only to the King and his Nobles assisted with the Iudges and Counsil not to the Clergy Commons or anie other person or persons Râ—x Waltero Episcopo Dunolm salutem Cum secundum Leges et Consuetudines regni nostri quaeâ—tio de Jure Patronatus Ecclesiarum Regni ejusdem adjus dignitatem Coronae nostrae pertineat et de soro nostro vel eorum qui Regalia jura de nostravel Praedecessorum nostrorum largitione susceperunt de plano existunt Ac de COMMUNI CONSILIO PROCERUM NOSTRORUM DUXIMUS PROVIDENDUM ET FIRMITER STATUENDUM ut leges â—t consuetudines Regni nostri super hiis et aliis ab omnibus observentur qui concessis fibi regalibus et aliis Libertatibus gaudent vel de unitate ac pace nostra et regni nostri censeri voluerint Cumque interpraetationes Legum et Consuetudinum praedictarum AD NOS ET PROCERES NOSTROS PERTINEANT NEC AD ALIVM VEL ALIOS ipsas leges vel consuetudines declarare vel interpretari possit aut debeat pertinere Vobis DE CONSILIO PROCERVM NOSTRORVM PROHIBEMVS ne â—icut usum Regalium libertatum quas vos habere praetenditis gaudere volueritis alicui interpraetationi per quemcunque alium factae vel faciendae innitamini vel aliquid per eam fieri procuretis vel fieri pronunciatis contra leges et consuetudines in regno nostro usitatas et hactenus observatas Maxime cum secundum leges et consuâ—tudines supradictas judicari debeat ad quos vel quem et per cujusmodi assignationes seu concessiones debeat jus Patronatus cum Maneriis vel Feodalibus in Regno nostro ad alios transire Quod si super re praedicta aliter fieri seu judicari contigerit ipsas libertates regales praenotatas ad Nos per vestrum abusum censemus devolvendas Teste Rege apud Westin 11. die Septembris Per Comitem Gloucestriae Hug. le Bigod Justic. Angliae EX PARTE MAGNATUM What else is worthie Observation from or concerning these or other Parliamentarie Writs I shall adjourn to the succeeding Parts of this Register Kalendar and Survey till whose publications Dimidium facti qui benè caepit habet FINIS a The 2. pâ—rt of a short Deâ—urrer to the lews long discontinued Remitter into England p. 136 c. b See the Exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower and my Table there to Title Statutes c See the fiâ—st part of my short Demurrer to the Iews long discontinued Remitter into England p. 36 37 49. 53 54 c. d See Pultons Statutes at large Lond. 1618. p. 115. Rastals kalendar of Statutes in the end of his Abridgment and Tottles Magna Charâ—ta out of which they transcribed them a 〈…〉 b 〈…〉 c â—er 30. 13. d Lu. 4. 23. e Rev. 22. 2. f Propertius p. 134. g Pliny Praefatio in com 1. Nat. Hist. * 7 E. 1. Rastal Armor 1. * Cook 4. Instit p. 14. * 4 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 1. 21R 2. c. 12. 31H 6. c. 1. 3 â—ac c. 1 2. Exact Collection p. 200. c. A Collection P. 201 202. * 21 R. 2. c. â— * In my Summary Collections c. and Breviate h Eadmerus Hist. Novor l. 3. p. 67 68. i Eadmerus l. 4. p. 83 84 85. k Eadmeruâ—â— 4. p. 86. l Hoveden Annal. pars pâ—sterior p. 56â— 567. m Râ—dâ—lph de Diceto Ymagines Histor. col 613. n Hovâ— Anna. 〈◊〉 P 6â—8 629. a Flores Hâ—st paâ—s 2. Anno 1199. p. b Annalium pars posterior Ann. 119. p. 793. c Hâ—st Aâ—g p. 1â—9 1â—0 e Annal. pars postâ—rior P. 806. to 810. g Pag. â—803 g Ibid. p. 795 796. h Pat. 5. Johan Regis m. 1. n. 3. Seldens Title of Honor p. 707. x â—ist Ang. p. 204. y Mat. Paris p. 201. Maâ— Westm. p. 83. z Mat. Paris p. 204. Mâ—t. Westm. p. 83. * 7. H. 4. c. 15. 8. H. 4. Rot. Paâ—l 83. 139. * Mag Carta c. 35. * Mat. 7. 6. a Ad herenicum p. 21. b Natural quaest l. 7. p. 933. c Psal. 77. 5. d Jer. 6. 16. e Job 12. 12. f Luk. 5. 39. a Antiquity triumphing over Novelty p. 8. to 109. The 2 3. Part of a Seasonable Historical Legal Vindication c. my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers A Breviate of the antient Great Councils and Parliaments of England b Claus. An. 6. Johann Rs. m. 3â— dorso Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor Book 2. ch 5. §. 20. p. 708. c Claus. An. 26 H. 3. m. 13. dorso Seldens titles of Honor p. 717. d Claus. 49 H. 3. dors 11. in Scedula Selden Tiâ— of Honor p. 717. My plea for the Lords p. 259. De Parliamento tenendo d Claus. 24 E. 1. m. 7. dors DeParliamento tenendo Pravisa See Walsingham Hist. Angl. An. 1297 1298 p. 34 35 36. Clerus ob constitutionem Bonifacii hoc anno ediâ—am quae prohibet sub poena ex communicationis ne talliae vel exactiones a Clero per seculares Principes quocunque modo exigantur vel eis solvantur de rebus Ecclesiae Rege pro werra sua petenti subsidium denegavit Rex autem ut de meliori responso deliberarent negotium in aliud Parliamentum â—enendum Londoâ—iis in crastino sancti Hillarii distuliâ— Parliamentum coactum est Londoniis post â—estum sancti