soever a Parliament is corrupted whether it be by Places Pensions or any other thing that makes the Members thereof to become men of dependance The next Article against K. J. is that he Seized upon the Charters of Corporations thereby bringing their Priviledges to be disposed on at his will and pleasure This was very Notable Injustice yet the making havock of Charters was begun and carried on very far by C. II. to which the Loyalty that then prevail'd contributed very much for who ever was not for surrendering of Charters and giving up their Liberties was mark'd out as Anti-Monarchical and a Commonwealths-Man and this fantastical Loyalty had intoxicated so very many that very few Corporations stood out those that disputed the point were taught the Law of Quo Warrento So that when K. C. died he left his brother little more to do than to give the finishing stroke to that he had brought to so great Perfection by which we see how dangerous it is to make any other thing than the Law the Measure of our Loyalty for altho at first no ill consequence may be apprehended of what is done yet it is not long e're Men find their mistake by the mischief which falls upon their own Pates and with this aggravation that they don't see their error till it is out of their power to remedy it The Declaration next observes how that Ireland was put into the hands of Papists which made many to leave the Country well remembring what fell out in the year 41. This was very true and it is as true that it put every Man in England who valued his Religion and Property under very great fears and apprehensions that the storm would blow over into England Because he that would set up Aarbitrary-Power in England must first try his hand upon Ireland it having been observ'd that whatever Arbitrary thing has been done in England that it has first been practised in Ireland So that when ever things go irregularly in Ireland England cannot think it self safe till affairs are put into a better posture there The Declaration further takes notice that K. J. had declared in Scotland that all his Subjects are bound to obey him without reserve This is the highest of absolute Power and it was plain he intended to do no less in England For there is nothing more certain in humane Affairs Than that when a K. mis-imploys his power in one Kingdom it is not for want of inclination but of means and opportunity that he does not do so in all other places under his Dominionâ— As for Example if a King keep one of his Kingdoms without Parliaments he would do so in another if by some necessity he were not compell'd to do otherwise for C. II. kept Ireland without Parliaments and it was out of regard to his particular Affairs that he called a Parliament in England for you may remember how quickly he sent the Parliament packing that called him in because it was more intent upon setling the Nation than to give him unnecessary supplies and those which he afterwards called were kept no longer than he could squeeze Money out of them The Declaration goes on to remind us how K. J. indeavourâ—d to discourage and take away from the Subject the right of Petitioning The priviledge of Petitioning is an ancient and necessary right and so great a right as it has always been supposed that upon such applications the K. was bound either to redress that whereof they complain'd or to let them see that their complaint was without cause But to take away this right from the people is to deprive them of the means of making known their grievances in the most humble and dutiful way that can be and puts them under a necessity of doing it with their Swords in their hands for there is but one of these two ways of letting the K. know their grievances there is nothing more fit than that Subjects tho' never so much opprest do first make known their sufferings in the humblest and most respectful manner that may be and not have recourse to more compulsive methods till no good is to be done the other way That Prince who is unwilling to hear the complaints of his People plainly intimates that he intends to govern them by the rod of his power and not by the equal and gentle methods of the Law and there seems to be no less a fearful expectation when the addresses of both or either House of Parliament don't meet with success but prove abortive for considering that the Nation does then Petition the K. in its highest Capacity it may reasonably be expected that those applications should be answered with effect unless the K. be wiser than all the World and such a Man was never yet found or else what the Parliament complains of is false or frivilous which is not easily to be suppos'd Then the Declaration reminds as of K. James's design to pack a Parliament that by the Peoples consent those things might be made a Law which he had done contrary to the right of the People and the Law of the Land which was to stab the Nation to the Heart For a Parliament is the Soveraign and only remedy for publick Distempers and if rightly apply'd works an infallible Cure but if it be corrupted makes the Malady how slight or inconsiderable soever to become Incurable He that desires to corrupt a Parliament leaves very little room to believe that the good of his people is the end of his Government for when a Prince looks upon it to be his Intrest to influence and byass the Parliament he cannot be thought to have some Interest with his People There are two ways to corrupt a Parliament The first is to influence the Elections so as to have Men chosen that will serve a particular purpose and design and 2dly if that fail to corrupt the Members by Places Pensions or good round sums of Money which is called Secret Service whereby the Nation becomes felo de se The last article against K. J. is that of imposing upon us a Prince of Wales This indeed if it were so is as great a Forgery and Cheat as ever was heard of but because those whom it more nearly concerns have not yet thought fit to inquire further into it I suppose it will not be expected that I should give any opinion of it at this time This is the substance of the charge brought by the P. Orange against K. J. I think I have not omitted any thing that is material but these are not all the irregularites that K. J. was guilty of yet are they sufficient to shew that his administration was inconsistent with the Rights and Liberties of English-Men and who is he that can imagin that there was any other means but force whereby we could recover our Rights they that think it could have been effected by gentler applications may as well pretend to bind the Leviathan with Cords Those that have
boasted most of Prayers and Tears when they have been touch'd by Arbritrary Power have found those things to be of no more force with a Prince that had will and means to be Arbitrary than the Cords on Sampson's Arms and then have they been very willing to make use of more violent applications For those who value themselves most upon this sort of Loyalty are generally such as are unconcern'd for the publick provided they can make themselves safe and may well be compar'd to the Fox in the Fable who having lost his Tail would have perswaded the rest to cut off theirs They that will not lift up their hand to save their Country are as much to be condemned as the Inhabitants of Meroz who were curs'd bitterly because they came not to the help of Lord against the Mighty Judges 5. v. 23. K. J. had so disjointed and made such havock of the Government that the first step towards the repairing our breaches was to lay him aside not out of any particular dislike to his Person but to his actions because what he had done was not to be suffer'd in any other Man for whoever shall hereafter do the like must expect the same measure K. J. being deem'd unmeet to sway the Scepter the next thing was to consider whether it was better to turn the administration into a Regency or clse to elect another in the Room of K. J. and after some time spent therein it was resolv'd as the best to place some other on the Throne because as that did make the least alteration that could be so whatever was amiss in the State would more easily be rectified than by another Method that was proposed Upon this give me leave to make one observation That altho' a Regency and a Common wealth are the same in effect being but several Names for the same thing yet there prevails an opinion where one would least suspect it That those who were for a Regency are the only men for Monarchy and that those who were for continuing the Administration under a King are for a Common-wealth how this opinion can be consistent with it self I do not apprehend unless that whatever is done for the good of the people brings us so much nearer to a Common-wealth and if so Kings will find it to be their interest as well as their duty to make their Administration easie to the people It being resolved to fill the Vacant Throne the Prince of Orange was presently thought on as the fittest of all others for the purpose not so much for having been the chief instrument of our deliverance tho a great deal was due to him from the Nation in point of gratitude But the Crown was offered to the Prince of Orange in hopes of having the effect of his Declaration for as it was his interest to perform what he had therein said and promised so the Nation was more likely to obtain a full redress of its grievances by him than by any other for he had the example of King James fresh before him he could not but very well apprehend that what could not be indured in King James would not be suffered in any other he knew very well that the Nation expected to have his Declaration made good to the full as well because he had promised as also because of the right they had to have their greivances redressed and that so far or so long as any part of it was denyed or delayed so far would the people be disappointed and think themselves deceived He could not but be sensible of the reproach and hazard he ran that having found fault with King James's Administration if he did not amend whatever was amiss and that to trifle with the Nation in any one particular would render all the rest suspected of what he had said or promised He told us in his Declaration that the greatness and security both of Kings Royal Families and of all such as are in authority as well as the happiness of their Subjects and People depend in a most especial manner upon the exact observation and maintenance of their Laws Liberties and Customs This so true a principle that he who governs accordingly cannot fail to prosper in all he puts his hand unto and he that says so and knows and understands what he says yet does not act accordingly cannot expect the love of his people He was very sensible how distastful a standing Army is to the Nation and much more when a considerable part of it is comopsed of Foreigners and that to increase the number of Foreign Troops would very much alarm the Nation unless it was by reason of scarcity of our own people or want of such as durst fight or for some such necessity and therefore to remove those apprehensions he promises to send back all the Foreign Forces he had brought along with him as soon as the State of the Nation will admit of it He promised to bring Ireland to such a state as that the Protestants and British interest may be there secured considering no doubt that as Ireland is the backdoor to England he could not be thought to be in earnest as to the good of England so long as he neglected the settlement of that other Kingdom because England can never reckon it self safe so long as things are out of order there having reason to sâ—spect that the irregularities in the Administration in Ireland will sooner or later affect England Lastly He promises to concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and happiness of the Nation which a free and lawful Parliament shall determine so that there may be no more danger of the Nations falling at any time here after under Arbitrary Government When the State is distempered a Parliament is so absolutely necessary that it is scarce possible to cure it without one but then that Parliament must be a free and lawful one as well in the manner of electing it as afterwards in their proceeding for if there be any foul play or underhand practice in the Elections or that when the Members come together they are over awed or corrupted this may have the name but nothing of the nature of a free and lawful Parliment and is like Physick ill prepared or applyed does more hurt than good In curing the distempers of the Government such reformation must be intire without any reserve for if any gap is left it will quickly let in as many irregularities as were before complained of for unless the very root and foundation of those distempers be removed it will prove no better than the skinning over of a Sore which whilst it seems fair to the eye is festring within and afterwards breaks out with greater Violence Upon a Revolution where the Government is Monarchical one of these things usually happens either that the King is continued in the Throne upon a new stipulation or contract between him and the people or else the Administration is put under a Regency
Men so it cannot be imagin'd that the Law has left Men to so wild a Justice as is guided by Passion and Affection for it had been so great a Defect in the Constitution of this Government that long before this it would have been reform'd And as it is most clear that they are thus restrain'd so those bounds and limits are no less known to them that are acquainted with the Law there are two things which have heretofore been look'd upon as very good Guides 1st What has formerly been expresly done in the like Case 2ly For want of such particular Direction then to consider that which comes the nearest to it and so proportionably to add or abate as the manner and circumstance of the Case do require These were thought very good and safe Directions till it was declared and ever since has been practised in the King's Bench that they did not regard Presidents but would make them and for ought that I can learn or find this of my Lord Devonshire is an Original What Obscurity soever may be pretended in other Cases yet in this the Law has given so positive and plain a Direction that it seems very strange how they came to lay a Fine of 30000 l. upon my Lord Devonshire The Court of Starchamber was taken away because of the unmeasurable Fines which it impos'd which alone was a plain and direct prohibition for any other Court to do the like for otherwise the Mischief remain'd for what Advantage was it to the Nation if it had not been wholly supprest the shifting of Hands gave the People no Ease in the Burden that lay upon them it was all one whether the Starchamber or King's Bench did crush them by immoderate Fines But to put all out of dispute the Statute 17 Car. says expresly That from henceforth no Court Council or place of Judicature shall be erected ordained constituted or appointed within this Realm of England or Dominion of Wales which shall have use or exercise the same or the like Jurisdiction as is or hath been used practised or exercised in the said Court of Starchamber And this was upon very good reason because those great Fines imposed in that Court were inconsistent with the Law of England which is a Law of Mercy and concludes every Fine which is left at discretion with Salvo Contenimento If the Fines imposed in the Starchamber were an intolerable Burden to the Subject and the means to introduce an Arbitrary Power and Government as that Statute recites the like proceeding in the King's Bench can be no less grievous and must produce the same Evil. Laws that are made upon new occasions or sudden immergencies the Reason upon which they were made may cease and consequently they do cease also but Laws that are grounded upon the ancient Principles of the Government cannot cease because the Reason of them will ever continue and this Statute of 17 Car. being such no doubt holds good and is now in as much force as the first moment in which it was made and therefore this Fine imposed on my Lord Devonshire is in open defiance of that Statute I think no man can altogether excuse my Lord Devonshire for my part I don 't but think it was a very inconsiderate rash act and I believe the Indiscretion of it abstracted from the Fine is a very sensible trouble to him yet if those things were wanting which may be urg'd in his excuse the Offence and Punishment don't seem to bear proportion Could not the Merits of his Father be laid in the balance nor the Surprize of meeting Coll. Culpepper for my Lord having been abused by him a man of so great Courage and Honour as my Lord Devonshire must needs feel and remember it a long time having received no satisfaction or reparation made him for it but if there were nothing of this in the Case could all that may be said to alleviate his Offence be urg'd against him with a double weight were the Circumstances of the Fact as foul and aggravating as the Malice of his Enemies could wish yet surely a less Fine might have serv'd for the Law casts in a great many grains of Mercy into every Judgment and has ever look'd upon a over-rigid prosecution of the Guilty to be no less Tyranny than the prosecution of the Not guilty because it is Summum jus and has declar'd that to be Summa Injuria But besides all this I do conceive with submission that where the Law has intrusted the Judges with a power to fine it is in a much less degree than they have done in this Case First because the Law is very cautious whom and with what it does intrust it reposes a great confidence in the King yet in some cases his Acts are not regarded by it as the King can do no Ministerial Act a Commitment per speciale mandatum Dom. regis is a void Commitment Where there lies an Action in case of Wrong done to the Party the Acts of the King in those cases according to the old Law Phrase are to be holden for none Secondly Because Liberty is so precious in the eye of the Law it is of so tender a regard that it has reserv'd the whole dispose thereof to its own immediate direction and left no part of it to the Discretion of the Judges and what the Law will not suffer to be done directly it does forbid that it be done indirectly or by a side-wind and so consequently the Judges cannot impose a greater Fine than what the Party may be capable of paying immediately into Court but if the Judges may commit the Party to Prison till the Fine be paid and withal set so great a Fine as is impossible for the Party to pay into Court then it will depend upon the Judges pleasure whether he shall ever have his Liberty because the Fine may be such as he shall never be able to pay And thus every Man's Liberty is wrested out of the dispose of the Law and is stuck under the Girdle of the Judges Thirdly Because the Nation has an Interest in the Person of every particular Subject for every Man either one way or other is useful and serviceable in his Generation but by these intolerable Fines the Nation will frequently lose a Member and the Person that is Fin'd shall not only be disabled from doing his Part in the Common-wealth but also he and his Family will become a Burden to the Land especially if he be a man of no great Estate for the excessive Charge that attends a Confinement will quickly consume all that he has and then he and his Family must live upon Charity And thus the poor man will be doubly punish'd first to wear out his days in perpetual Imprisonment and secondly to see Himself and Family brought to a Morsel of Bread Fourthly Because in all great Cases and such as require a grievous Punishment the Law has in certain awarded the Judgment and next to Life
and corruption of Blood a severer Punishment cannot be impos'd than to be Fin'd more than a man can pay and to lye in Prison till he does But if some great Cases did happen which could not be foreseen it was always usual with the Judges when any such Case came before them to adjourn it to the Parliament which had been needless if they could have punish'd at the rate that our Judges have of late done Fifthly Because where-ever the Law has set down a Fine either by way of Punishment or Caution it seldom exceeds 2000 l. Nay even in that tender place of Liberty if a Judge shall not relieve with an Habeas Corpus but let the person languish in Prison yet the third Offence is but 2000 l. Penalty and I suppose that that is but inconsiderable in comparison of what any of the Judges are worth yet it being taken as a Punishment is by the Law look'd upon as a great Sum. Sixthly Because the Law of England being a Law of Mercy and very careful to prevent Violence and Oppression and to that end having for almost every Offence appointed its particular Punishment it cannot be suppos'd to have left so great a power in the Judges as they have exerted in this Case True it is some things are left to their Discretion because it was not possible to foresee every particular Case that might happen yet they are things of the least size that are so intrusted to their Judgment for as was said before matters of any considerable moment were still refer'd to the Parliament as also the review of what the Judges should do in those lesser matters which were left to their Discretion As these Proceedings are a great Wrong to the Subject so are they no less a Disadvantage to the King because they will make his Government look very rigid and severe and gives it a grim fierce Countenance which tho' I don't say that it will make the People rebel yet I am apt to believe that it will set them upon their guard its fair and gentle usage that prevails upon reasonable and free-born Men it 's an easie Government that will bow the Hearts of the People of England for says the Statute P.M. That the Estate of a King standeth more assured by the love of his Subjects than in fear of Laws so that the King will be on the losing band by these proceedings because it spoils the complexion of his Government And the King will yet be a farther Sufferer for if 30000 l. be the price of a Blow it will make White-hall very empty for he that goes thither must approach it with fear and trembling because he does not know but he shall be ruin'd before he comes thence for though a man arm himself with all the Resolution he can yet it cannot be Proof against the Contrivance of those that intend to do him a Mischief especially if he is not upon very good terms at Court there will never want those who will endeavour to draw him into the Snare hoping to merit by it though perhaps they mistake their aim yet however Revenge that is so sweet will be greatly encourag'd to provoke him because he cannot hope to reek his Malice so plentifully as this way because if his â—â—â—â—mpt succeed the other is ruin'd nay if he do not strike but only defend himself yet if the Judges don't like the Complexion of the Man they will call the Fox's Ears Horns and lay all the Blame on his Back and pronounce him more guilty that looks over the Hedge than he that steals the Horse Since the Business of my Lord Devonshire happened I have heard him blam'd as the Author of his own Misfortune and that he drew the Mischief upon himself and the Reason given was because he ought not to have gone to Court for said they he knew there were many there who wish'd him ill and therefore sooner or later he would meet with an Affront and if he once fell into their Hands he must expect no Quarter because Coll. Culpepper who without any provocation of my Lord's part had so unnecessarily fallen upon him and had by drawing Blood upon my Lord forfeited his Hand yet not only that but all the rest of the Judgment was pardoned and therefore as well that as this are look'd upon as businesses that were laid But in saying this I only tell your Lordships what is said without doors and I don't speak it as my Opinion but setting the tattle without doors aside I do conceive that can never be a just Judgment which injures the King as well as the party that is punish'd But the true nature of my Lord Devonshire's Offence has not yet been throughly considered the Law does in all cases give great Allowances to what is done on a sudden heat where there does not appear any Premeditation and for this Reason when a man is indicted for Murder if upon the Evidence there does not appear Malice prepence either express'd or imply'd the Party accused shall have his Clergy and for the same reason though it be Death to maim or disfigure another yet if it be done on a sudden heat the Party shall not dye for it for in these and the like cases the Law thinks him to be more blame worthy who gave the Provocation than he that was so provok'd because it was not the effect of an evil Mind but of Passion Et actus non sit reus nisimens sit rea If therefore it be true which I have heard That the King promised my Lord Devonsh that Coll. Culpepper should never come to Whitehall it will then follow that my Lord Devonshire's striking Coll. Culpepper was the effect of Passion and not of Intention because he could not expect to meet him where he did If so I conceive with submission that the Punishment and Offence don't in any measure bear proportion But I am perswaded that the Judges were resolved upon what they have done before they heard the Cause in case my Lord was found guilty and the rather because my Lord Chief Justice was harranguing the Offence beforehand for when my Lord Devonshire appeared 6. May he told him that to strike in the King's Palace was little less or next door to pulling the King out of his Throne Indeed on the last day of the Term he did explain them thus That the Time and Circumstances might be such as it would be little less than the assaulting the King in his Throne But several have told me who heard him and they say The first words of Time and Circumstances were not mention'd by him 6. May and in particular a Noble Lord of this House is one from whom I had my Information and if it were so those words savour too much of a prejudging the Cause There is no doubt but in case of a Fine set the Court may commit the Party in case of obstinacy for not paying the Fine into Court yet this is to be taken
the Laws have been more frequently stiled or called the Laws of the Land than the King's Laws and therefore if the Denomination of them declares the right the King will be found to have no very strong Title But if they had constantly been called the King's Laws yet that is a very Sandy Foundation to build a power upon of suspending and dispensing with them at his pleasure Now if they are the King's Laws then he only made them but if the Lords and Commons also had their share in the contriving and making of them then that Advice and Consent of theirs gives them such a Title to an Interest in them that they cannot be changed or altered no more than they could be enacted without their Consent for nothing can destroy a thing but the same Power that made it and therefore unless the King alone be the same power that enacted the Laws they cannot be properly called his Laws so as that at his will and pleasure he may dispense with them But if the Laws were made and enacted by him only yet it does not follow that the King may dispense with the Laws when to him it shall seem meet for there is no King so absolute but may be limited Thus we see the Eastern Kings who were as absolute as any Princes upon Earth yet were limited and restrained by their own Promises and Acts. Even that great King Abasuerus who had Ruled over 127 Provinces when he had made a Decree he could not revoke change or dispense with it for the Writing which is written in the King's Name and sealed with the King's Ring may no man reverse Esth 8.8 no nor the King himself which is clear from that famous case of the Decree to destroy the Jews to reverse or suspend which it 's plain he wanted not Inclination and if ever would then have exerted his full power for he was prick'd on by all the Spurs and Inducements that could be in any case yet all he could do was to give the Jews leave to defend themselves therefore if those Heathen Kings were so bound by their Word and Laws of the Country it 's reasonable to suppose that Christian Princes should be as much tyed up by their Words and the Laws and if the King be bound by his Word and the Laws which he shall not pass then is he under the same obligation as if he had actually given his assent to every Law that is now in force because he has given his Word and taken an Oath to preserve and maintain all the Laws And it seems something strange to hear of a power to dispense with Penal Laws there being so late a Judgment against it the late King in Parliament disclaiming it and the whole Case is very remarkable for during the interval of a Parliament he grants a Declaration of Indulgence and at the meeting of the Parliament tells them Nothing of force or constraint brought him to make that Confession but the Truth was too evident to be denied he had done it and would stand by it and should be very angry with any man that should offer to disswade him against it Yet though he had thus braved the Parliament within ten days openly in Parliament he disclaimed it and confessed that he could not dispense with a General Law and had ordered the Seal to be pulled from the Declaration Surely the Case must be very plain that the King after he had justified the thing so solemnly yet should so suddenly eat his words and confess himself in the wrong and to that Parliament too which had almost unhinged the Government to please him which no doubt would have complied with him in it had it been less than to lift the Government quite off of the Hooks And indeed to say that the King can dispense with Penal Laws is nothing less than to dissolve the Government and resolve all into the King's Will and Pleasure for our Parliaments are then but a piece of Pageantry or Puppet-show because in a word the King can annihilate all that they shall do in many Ages all the Provisions that they shall make for the Good of the Nation are but airy notions and painted shews they are and they are not just as the King pleases Now if the King can do this to what purpose have several things been done what means the Statute de Prerog Regis 17 Ed. II for certainly it 's a thing of a much higher and transcendent nature to have power to dispense with all Penal Laws than to have the Preheminence of the Subjects in some particular cases only That he has it not in all originally is plain from that of Appeals for in case of Murder the Appeal at the suit of the Party was to be tryed before the Indictment which was the King's Suit and this was so till Henry VII's time when it was alter'd by Act of Parliament and this carries in it a great probability that there is something in England that is his Superiour but Bracton and Fleta say That Rex habet superieres in regno nempe Deum Legem Parliamentum Nay the Custom of the Mannor shall bind the King Statutes to prevent Fraud shall bind the King The King cannot give the Penalty of any Statute to any Subject he cannot pardon a common Nusance how manifestly preposterous is it then to suppose that the King can dispense with Penal Laws and is restrain'd in these and multitudes of other things of the like nature It has always been taken for Law that where the Subject has an Interest the King cannot pardon and therefore he cannot pardon one found guilty upon an Appeal at the Suit of the Party But if he can dispense with all Penal Laws he may also pardon where the Subject has an Interest and so consequently dispense with all Laws whatever and then no man's Title to his Estate is good nor can any man settle his Estate securely for Fines and Recoveries being now the means used in Settlements and those being directed by particular Acts of Parliament if therefore the King for some particular necessary Reasons shall think fit to suspend those Laws all the Settlements in England will be strangely confused and of how excellent a use upon occasion it may be to dispense with those Statutes which direct Fines and Recoveries is very easie to comprehend Now this power of dispensing seems to be of a very late date for Fortescue who wrote in Henry VI's time tells us That the Kings of England cannot alter nor change the Laws of his Realm at his pleasure and the reason he gives of it is because he governs his People by Power not only royal but also politick which is by such Laws as they themselves desire and gives a very pregnant Reason why the King cannot alter nor change the Laws because the Laws of Men are holy And he shews likewise That this Restraint is no diminution to his Power but does rather aggrandize him it
dangerous and banished return again If any dangerous Rogue branded in the Shoulder return again to a roguish life Felonies against the Possession of another If any break a Dwelling house in the Night with intent to do any Felonious Act there If any rob another by the Highway or take any thing privately from his Person If any take the Goods of another in his absence with intent to steal them If any Servant go away with his Master's Goods delivered to him with intent to steal them being the value of 40 l. or upwards If any rob a Church If any maliciously burn the House or Stack of Corn or Barn of Corn of another If any do the second time forge any Deed Evidence or Writing and publish it to be a good Deed. If any acknowledge a Fine or Judgment or Deed to be enrolled in the Name of another and not being the true person If any Persons above twelve in number raise any Tumults or Vnlawful Assemblies If above forty Persons shall assemble together to do any unlawful act and shall continue together three hours after proclamation for their departure If any depart out of this Nation to serve a foreign Prince without Leave and before Bond entered and Oath taken according to the Statute If any perswade another to commit any Felony or receive and assist any Felon after the Felony committed these are Accessaries to the Felony If any rescue a Felon from Prison If any Felon break Prison and escape or be suffered to escape and be reseued In both sorts of Felonies some have the Benefit of Clergy others not and because it 's their Duty only to present them therefore I have not troubled you with their distinctions but have given you them in part Misprision of Felony If any one know another to have committed Felony and don 't reveal it The next thing I am to acquaint you with is Trespasses and Offences against the Peace which are Finable If any menace assault beat or wound another If any make unlawful entry upon another Man's Lands or unlawfully take away other Mens Goods If any make unlawful Assemblies Routs and Riots You are to present all Seditious Conventicles according to 16 Charles 2. where there shall be five persons over and above them of the Family who shall meet together under colour or pretence of any Exercise of Religion in any other manner than is allowed by the Liturgy of the Church of England Now Gentlemen although this Law does seem to comprehend all Dissenters yet certainly not all alike for it would be unreasonable that they who only differ in some things from the Church of England should be as rigorously intended by this Law as those whose Worship and Principles are quite contrary to it and I think the very Title of the Statute is an Argument for me which is thus Seditious Conventicles suppressed If it had been only Conventicles suppressed then I should have been of another opinion And therefore Gentlemen my opinion is that this Law is rather intended against the Papists Quakers and others of that sort than against them who come nearer in their manner of Worship to the Church of England And without question at this time it is not prudent to be very strict against them who differ from the Church of England only in some Ceremonies in regard the Common Enemy to our Religion and Liberty is now very active I mean Popery and therefore it is very great Policy to unite our selves that we may be the more able to resist Popery I am sure that this is not a time to harase or pull one-another in pieces for some small Points in Religion I am sure it is that which the Pope and Church of Rome will esteem as a very great and meritorious piece of Service He that shall say or sing Mass forfeits 200 Marks and Imprisonment a year and after that till the Money be paid To hear Mass forfeits 100 Marks and Imprisonment a year He forfeits 20 l. per month who does not come to Church and if he forbear a year to be bound in 200 l. to the good a bearing till he conform 23 Eliz. 1. A Conformed Recusant not taking the Sacrament the first year forfeits 20 l. the second 40 l. and for every year after 60 l. Every Recusant that shall not come to Church forfeits 20 l. for every month Who shall be absent from Church for every Sunday forfeits 1 l. and for want of Distress to be committed to Prison To relieve or maintain a Recusant not going to Church forfeits for every month 10 l. To retain in ones Service a Recusant who shall not repair to some Church forfeits 10 l. per month 3 Jac. 4. Now Gentlemen you must understand that by by the word Recusant is meant Popish Recusant and no other whatsoever They who shall send their Children beyond Seas without License according to Law forfeits 100 l. 3 Jac. 5. If any chide brawl or draw a Weapon to strike or do strike in Church or Church-yard If any keep a Fair or Market in a Church or Church-yard If any voluntarily disturb the Preacher in his Sermon The next Matters that I am to acquaint you with are Offences against Justice in general If any be a common Stirrer and Procurer of Law-suits or a common Brabler or Quarreller among his Neighbours this is Barratry If any maintain the Law-suit of another to have part of the thing in demand this is Maintenance or Champerty If any get Goods of another into his Hands by false Tokens and Messages this Deceit is punishable If any counterfeit a Deed or Writing and publish it as true this is Forgery If any corrupt a Jury-man by Bribery or Menace to divert him from giving a just Verdict this is Imbracery If any wilfully and corruptly swear falsely in Evidence to a Jury it is Perjury and to procure another so to do is Subordination of Perjury And here I think I may mention Bailiffs and other Officers taking or demanding unlawful and unreasonable Fees None ought to practise as an Attorney but such only as have been bred up Attorneys at Law and not every little Catchpole that has read over a Book or two for these are they that do all the Mischief because Ignorance and Knavery for the most part go together and I doubt there are some who practise in this Court who are not duly qualified for it The next things you are to enquire into are The Neglects of Constables If he do not hastily pursue Hue-and Cry after Murtherers and Robbers If he do not truly execute and return all Warrants sent to him from Justices of the Peace If he do not apprehend Beggars Rogues and Vagabonds that are wandring or begging within his Office If he do not punish by Stocking such as refuse to labour in Hay and Harvest time If he do not present at the Sessions or to the next Justices the Disorders in Alehouses Defects in High-ways Recusants absence from Church