returned him many good words to witnesse the alliance which hee desired to entertaine with the king of Spaine King of Englands answer to the Spanish embassador vpon the like tearmes hee had with him as king of Scotland But aduowing the Scottish troups which were sent to the generall Estates of the vnited Prouinces to be leuied by his commaundement he said they had not deserued any punishment giuing leaue to king Philip to make vse of Scottishmen if he pleased and letting him know that he had not transgrest the lawes of neutralitie And as for their protection he desired he should vnderstand That the great interests which England hath with the vnited Prouinces as well in regard of their townes which they haue ingaged as for the succours which they haue receiued from thence did bind him to assist them and to haue a care of their preseruation and to second the intentions of the deceased queene and to build vpon the foundations which she had laied yet he desired to see them all well reconciled with the king of Spaine The embassador as my Author sayes answered That whosoeuer knew the power of the king of Spaine Spaniards think none so powerful as their own king were not ignorant that he can easily bring the rebelled Prouinces vnder the yoke of his obedience when hee shall please to make an enterprise equall to his power That no man should doubt that hee that had passed the Hellespont will easily passe the riuer of Granique and that a prince which triumphes ouer so many nations so many islands so many seas and so much firme land at the new-found world will not adde the islands of Holland and Zeland to his triumphant chariot the wise will alwaies giue the counsell which Phocion gaue vnto the Athenians either to make themselues the strongest or to be obedient vnto them that were so He then desired leaue to enter into conference with some of his Maiesties Councell and to consult of the meanes of some treatie which would be no lesse profitable and honourable to England than to Spaine the which was granted him After some meetings the lords finding that he had no power to treat they attended other deputies who came the next yeare with an ample Commission as you shall heare There fell out two accidents 1604 which had like to haue troubled the quiet of those two great Monarchs of France and Spaine Imposition exacted by the Spaniard The yeare before king Philip and the Archdukes had imposed thirtie in the hundred vpon all marchandise which came in or went out of the countries that were vnder their obedience the which did seeme directly to infringe the treatie of Veruins The French king commanded his embassadors to deale with those princes touching this imposition and to aduertise him of their resolutions But their aunswers and the force they vsed afterwards to the kings subiects to make them pay the imposition did witnesse sufficiently that they had no will to exempt them Whereupon the French king made a defence That no marchandise should bee carried out of France into Spaine or the Low Countries that were vnder the Archdukes obedience nor any bee brought from thence into France vpon corporall punishment and losse of goods But this did not alter the peace onely there were complaints made by the two kings one of another King Philip began He tooke it ill that the French going volâ—ntarily to serue the Estates did prolong their rebellion and did hinder the reduction of Ostend that the king did succour them with men and money and that hee had forbidden his subiects to traffique into Spaine and Flanders But the king disauowed them that went to serue the Estates If hee sent them money it was sayed he but to pay that which hee had borrowed And the defence of traffique tended to no other end but to force the king of Spaine and the Archduke to take away that intollerable imposition and to let him know that France can liue better without the commodities of Spaine than Spain without those of France The second accident Treason of Lost. or cause of jarre betwixt these two princes grew also from Spaine the French king complaining and justly That the secrets of his cabinet were discouered to his enemies Will the king of Spaine neuer cease said he to withdraw my subiects from their duetie and loyalties Will hee still entertaine some traytor within my realme My embassadour complaines vnto me by his letters that hee is so slowly aduertised of our affaires as the king of Spaines ministers know them before him The king being much troubled to find out the spring from whence this pestilent liquor of Infidelitie did flow behold God discouered the treacherie of Iudas by such meanes as the wisedome of man could not find out Villeroy the chiefe Secretarie of State who managed the greatest secrets of the kingdome had an vnder clerke called Nicholas Lost in whom hee reposed much trust and the rather for that his father had serued him long This young man hauing attended on Monsieur de la Rochepot being embassadour in Spaine there laied the plot of this treason whereof you may read the whole discourse at large in the historie of France There was some likelihood of a new enterprise this yeare vpon Africke Embassadours from the king of Cusco at Valencia The king of Cusco who had promised the last yeare to joyne with the Spaniards against Alger had receiued fortie thousand crownes vpon the bargaine and treacherously betrayed them that brought the money vnto their enemies this yeare hee sent an embassadour vnto the king who gaue him audience at Valencia Which made many thinke that hee would make another attempt vpon Alger for that he caused him to be conducted home by a Master of the campe and an Enginer giuing him great store of munition and fire-workes laden in three fregats The king of Spaine beeing aduertise out of England from his embassadour Taxis of the successe of his embassage Constable of Castille sent into England and of the expectation of a treatie hee appointed the Constable of Castille to vndertake this charge giuing him an ample Commission to treat and conclude a Peace betwixt England and Spaine hee past through France where he was verie honourably receiued and so came into Flanders to the Archdukes from whence he went into England for the conclusion of the peace There were Commissioners appointed on either side For the king of great Britaine were named Commissioners for the treatie of the peace for England the earle of Dorset high Treasurer of England the earle of Nottingham high Admirall of England the earle of Deuonshire Lieutenant of the kingdome of Ireland the earle of Northampton and the lord Vicont Cranborne principall Secretarie and now earle of Salisburie and high Treasurer of England being all of his Majesties priuie Councell For the king of Spaine there were deputed D. Iohn de Velasco Constable of Castille and Leon
Commissioners for Spaine Duke of Frias Earle of Haro c. D. Iohn Baptista Taxis Earle of Villa Mediana c. and Alexander Rouidius a Lawyer and Senator of Milan The Archdukes sent for their Commissioners Charles Earle of Aremberg Counsellor of State and Admirall to the said Archdukes Iohn Richardot Knight President of the priuy Councel and Counsellor of State and Lodowike Verreiken Knight their principal Secretarie All these Commissioners after many consultations and conferences in the end concluded a peace on the 18 of August betwixt the two kings their Estates and subiects vpon certaine articles whereof I haue set downe the contents 1 First it was concluded That from thenceforth there should be a sincere and firme league and peace inuiolably obserued for euer Articles of the peace betwixt England and Spaine and in all places betwixt the most renowmed king of England Scotland France and Ireland c. and the most renowmed king of Spaine c. and the most renowmed Archdukes of Austria Dukes of Bourgondie their heires and successors their countries dominions and subiects of what condition or degree soeuer they be or may be 2 That all acts of hostilitie should cease and all wrongs and injuries done during the troubles be forgotten so as there should be no action pretended for any depredations or spoiles committed but all should be freely abolished except such depredations as had beene committed since the 24 of Aprill 1603 and that from thenceforth they and their subiects should forbeare from all depredations and spoiles and cause restitution to be made of any that should be after that time committed 3 That neither of the aboue named princes their heirs or successors by himselfe or any other should do treat or attempt any thing against the other or against their kingdomes or dominions vpon any pretence nor assist or consent vnto any warre attempt or treatie to the prejudice one of another 4 That they should neither themselues giue nor consent to be giuen by any of their vassals subiects or inhabitants any aid fauour or supplie vnto the enemies or rebels of either part whether they shall inuade their countries or withdraw themselues from their obedience and subiection of souldiers victuals money ordnance and munition or any other aid to maintaine warre 5 That the said princes should and did renounce all leagues confederations and intelligence made to the prejudice one of another which did or might impugne this peace the contents thereof all which they shal disannull and declare to be of no force 6 That the said kings and Archdukes should restraine their subiects from doing any wrong and should reuoke all Commissions and letters of Reprisall and Mart of what nature soeuer being to the prejudice of the said princes or of their subiects to whomsoeuer they haue beene granted the which they shall declare to be void and of no force And that whosoeuer should do to the contrary should be punished criminally and compelled to make restitution to the parties damnified 7 That as concerning the townes of Flessingue Brill Ramekins and other forts thereunto belonging in the which the souldiers of the king of England did remaine in garrison forasmuch as the said king affirmed that by contracts formerly made betweene queene Elizabeth of famous memorie vnto whom his Maiestie did succeed and the Estates of the vnited Prouinces hee stood bound not to redeliuer the said townes and forts to any but to such as had deliuered the same for caution so as by the said contracts his Maiesties faith honor which he resolued to keep religiously towards all men being ingaged he might not then restore those places vnto the Archdukes yet hee promised to enter into treatie with the said Estates wherein his Maiestie would assigne them â— conuenient time to accept of conditions conformable to justice and equitie for a pacification with the renowmed princes his deere brethren which if the Estates should refuse to accept then his Maiestie as beeing freed from the former conuentions would determine of those townes as hee should thinke most just and honourable wherein hee would doe all good offices for the said Princes his louing brethren 8 That the renowmed king of England c. would commaund the garrison souldiers not to serue the Hollanders nor to succour them with victuals armes or any munition for warre or other the king of Spaines or the Archdukes enemies vpon any colour or pretext soeuer nor doe any act of hostilitie against the king of Spaine the Archdukes or their subiects And in like manner the king of Spaine and the Archdukes did promise that no act of hostilitie should be done against the said garrison souldiers nor against the king of England c. oâ— his subiects 9 That betweene the said kings their kingdomes vassals inhabitants and subiects there should bee free commerce in all places where it hath beene formerly vsed before the warres according to the auncient leagues and treaties so as the subiects of either partie might goe and enter freely into the others countries and dominions both by sea and land without any Safeconduct or other licence and depart from thence with their goods and marchandises paying the ordinarie customes and imposts 10 That it should be lawfull to haue acesse vnto the ports of the said princes there to make stay and with the like libertie to depart not onely with ships for marchandise but also for warre whether they come thither being forced by foule weather or for the repairing of their ships or for prouision of victuals so as they exceed not the number of six or eight ships when they come in voluntarily nor stay longer in the hauens than they shall haue cause for the repairing of their ships or to make prouision of necessaries least it should cause an interruption of free traffique with other nations in amitie And if any greater number of ships of warre than is aboue mentioned shall happen to haue accesse into those ports then it shall not bee lawfull for them to enter without the priuitie and consent of the prince Prouided that they should not commit any act of hostilitie within the said ports to the prejudice of the princes and that there should be an especiall care had that vnder the pretext of traffique there should be no victuals armes or munition for warre carried by the subiects of those kingdomes to the enemies of the one or other king And whosoeuer should attempt the contrarie should bee punished as seditious persons and breakers of the peace It was also prouided That the subiects of the one should not bee worse intreated in anothers dominions in his sales and contracts of marchandise than his owne naturall subiects 11 That the king of England c. after the conclusion of these articles should forbid by proclamation That none of his subiects or any inhabiting within his realme should carrie ouer in his owne name directly or indirectly or colour any ships marchandise or any other thing going out
of Holland and Zeland into Spaine nor any Holland or Zeland marchant vnto the sayd ports vpon paine of punishment And to auoyd fraud all marchandise to be sent out of England Scotland and Ireland to the dominions of the king of Spaine and Archdukes was to bee sealed with the Towne or Citie Seale from whence they should be laden and that which was not so sealed should bee taken for good prize and confiscated and all Hollanders and Zelanders found in the sayd ships should be also taken 12 That all English Scottish and Irish marchandise might bee transported out of those countries into the dominions of the king of Spaine without paying the imposition of thirtie in the hundred lately imposed but onely the customes and tolls vsually demaunded before the said imposition of thirtie in the hundred 13 That for such marchandise as the English Scottish or Irish marchants should buy in Spaine or other the king of Spaines dominions and should carrie in their owne ships or in ships hired or lent them except they be of Holland Zeland they should only pay such customes as were accustomed to be paied before the imposition of thirtie in the hundred prouided that they should carrie the said marchandise to the realmes of the king of England c. or to the ports of those prouinces which obey the Archdukes And to preuent the transportation of the said marchandise to any other places and especially to Holland and Zeland it was agreed That the merchants should enter bond at such time as they did lade their ships in Spaine or in any of the king of Spaines dominions before the magistrat of the place where they should lade to pay the said imposition of 30 in the hundred in case they carrie the said marchandise to any other countries and that they should bring a certificat within one yeare from the magistrat of the place where they should vnlade the said goods testifying that they haue discharged in the king of Englands dominions or in those prouinces which are vnder the Archdukes obedience exhibiting of which certificats their bonds should be deliuered vp 14 That the king of England c. soone after the confirmation of this accord should forbid his subiects to export any marchandise out of the K. of Spaines dominions to any other places but to his Majesties kingdoms and the said ports of Flanders vpon paine of confiscation of all their marchandise to the vse of the king of England c. whereof the Informer is to haue the one halfe the imposition of thirtie in the hundred being first deducted the which shall be payed to the king of Spaines officers the proofes being lawfully receiued in Spaine and sent into England in authenticall forme should be credited 15 That the magistrats of any townes or cities within his Maiesties kingdoms which should make certificats of the vnlading of ships and giue testimonie of the registring of marchandise should not commit any fraud therein vpon paine of the losse of their offices and the kings displeasure With this prouiso That when as the king of Spaine and the Archdukes shall agree with the French king or any other touching the last Edict of thirtie in the hundred and the commerce betwixt them be restored then it should bee lawfull for the subiects of the said king of England c. to transport their marchandise into his or their dominions vnto whom the commerce shall be restored without the payment of thirtie in the hundred paying onely the former vsuall customes 16 That there should be free commerce betwixt the subiects of the king of England c. and the Archdukes in all places where they had beene formerly accustomed to trade both by water and land hauing free libertie to enter into the dominions townes and ports one of another and to buy sell carrie and recarrie their marchandise repaire their ships prouide victuals and all things necessarie at reasonable prices and should depart with the like libertie with their goods and marchandise paying the vsuall customes Prouided that the subiects of the king of England c. should not vse the shipping of the Hollanders or the vnited Prouinces nor bring any of their manufactures into the Archdukes countries nor any other thing for the which any tribute was payed in Holland neither should they transport any thing from the Archdukes Prouinces vnto the vnited Prouinces vntill a pacification were made neither should they receiue any goods belonging to the vnited Prouinces into their ships nor put any of them into the vnited Estates ships nor fraudulently colour the goods of any one of the vnited Prouinces the which being found it should be held to be good and lawfull prize 17 That the former Prouisos should not onely be vnderstood of ships laden for marchandise but also of ships of warre which the said princes should send forth to preuent the attempts of their enemies which ships of warre not exceeding the number aboue mentioned might freely enter into one anothers ports being driuen by tempest or to repaire their ships or buy necessaries and there stay so as they committed no act of hostilitie with the like cautions and exceptions as is contained in the tenth article 18 As the said kings and Archdukes did religiously promise not to giue any warlike succours to any of the others enemies so it was prouided that the subiects or the inhabitants of their realmes of what nation or qualitie soeuer should not vnder colour of commerce nor vpon any other pretext giue any aid to the enemies of the said princes or supplie them with money victuals armour munition ordnance or other warlike prouision and those which should do the contrarie should be seuerely punished as breakers of the league and seditious persons 19 And for the greater benefit and good of their subiects it was agreed that the king of England c. and the Archdukes should do their endeuors that their subiects should haue the passages open vnto their ports and dominions so as they might freely come and go with their ships marchandise and carriages paying the ordinarie customes to all the said ports kingdoms and dominions depart when they please with the like libertie 20 As touching the ancient treaties of commerce and traffique betwixt the realms of England Scotland and Ireland and the dominions of the dukes of Bourgondie and princes of the Low Countries the which during the late troubles had beene intermitted and it may be in some parts impaired It was concluded by way of prouision That they should remaine in their auncient force and be vsed on either side as they had beene before the warre And if it happen that by both parts or by any one any breach thereof be pretended or that the subiects shall complaine that the conuentions were not obserued or that more grieuous burthens than were accustomed were imposed on them then there should be deputies appointed on either part which should meet and treat friendly and restore such things as should be
found out of course or to haue beene altered by the injurie of time or by corrupt custome 21 And to make this peace fruitfull to the subiects of the king of England c. it was concluded That such as had recourse to and from the realmes and dominions of the king of Spaine and Archdukes and should remaine there for trade should not be molested in the cause of conscience wherefore to the intent their traffique might be safe and without danger both by land and sea the said king of Spaine and Archdukes should prouide that vsing their trade and commerce they should not be called in question nor molested for their consciences so as they gaue no scandall 22 If any goods or marchandise prohibited to be carried should be conueyed out of the realmes and dominions of the said kings and Archdukes by the subiects of the one or the other that in such case the person offending shall onely incurre punishment and only the goods prohibited shall be confiscated 23 That the goods of subiects dying within the realmes and dominions of either should be preserued for the right heires and successors of the deceased alwaies reseruing the right of any third person 24 That graunts and priuiledges giuen by the princes to merchants of either of the kingdomes comming to their realmes which priuiledges by reason of the warres haue ceased should from thenceforth be reuiued and stand in their full force and vertue 25 And if hereafter any vnkindnesse should grow betwixt the king of England c. and the king of Spaine or the Archdukes wherby there might grow any interruption of entercourse and traffique the subiects of either prince should be so aduertised thereof as they might haue six monethes from the time of the admonition to transport their marchandise without any arrest disturbance or molestation in the meane season to be offered or done them either in their persons or goods 26 That neither of the said princes should imbarre or stay for their prouision in war or for any other seruice to the prejudice of the owners the ships of the others subiects lying in their ports or roads vnlesse one of those parties to whom the ships do belong bee first aduertised thereof and yeeld his consent thereunto 27 It was also accorded That if during this peace and league of friendship any thing should happen to be attempted or done against the force and effect thereof either by water or by land by any of the said princes their heirs and successors their vassals and subiects or by their allies comprehended in this league or by the heirs successors of any of those allies their subiects or vassals yet notwithstanding this peace and amitie should remaine in his full strength and vertue and the attempters and such as doe offend onely shal be punished for their attempts 28 That all prisoners taken in the warres or condemned to the gallies should be released and set free the charges of diet of such as were not in the gallies being first paied and the ransomes of such as had before compounded for the same being discharged 29 It was concluded That all ciuile actions which were in force at such time as the last warre begun should be continued and pursued notwithstanding any lapse of time during the same warre so as they should not be any way prejudiced by the continuance of the warre those onely were excepted which were alreadie come to the princes treasurie or Exchequer 30 If any action should be commenced in the realmes and dominions of any of these princes by any person not being subiect to the same prince touching any depredations or spoyles the cause should be remitted to the Iudge of the jurisdiction vnder that prince against whose subject or subjects the suit is commenced 31 If the Hollanders and the other confederat Estates would accept of conditions of pacification with the Archdukes or their successours by the meanes of the king of England c. the said Archdukes and their successours would alwayes willingly hearken vnto that which should be propounded therein and would desire that by the helpe of the king of England c. they might be brought to imbrace equall conditions wherein they should well vnderstand how much the said Archdukes did attribute vnto the king of England The last three articles were for the comprehending of the allies friends and confederats of the said princes in this present treatie the which they did seuerally and particularly name and for the ratification confirmation and due obseruation of the said treatie There was also an order set down touching marchandise of high Germanie to be transported into Spaine and free from the imposition of thirtie in the hundred whereby the Constable of Castille hauing speciall procuration from the Catholike king did promise that it should be lawfull for the subjects of the king of England c. to conuey marchandise out of high Germanie being subject to the imposition of thirtie in the hundred and could not without paiment thereof be carried into Spaine the same marchandise being first conueyed into England and there discharged and customed and from thence to bee afterwards transported into Spaine or any other of the king of Spaines dominions without paiment of thirtie in the hundred so as the said merchandise had not paid any thing to the Hollanders and Zelanders or other enemies of the king of Spain and the Archdukes which marchandise they should conuey in their owne ships and not in any belonging to any other prince or nation And to auoid fraud the marchandise of high Germany which should be transported out of England Scotland and Ireland into the dominions of the king of Spaine and the Archdukes should be registred and marked with the seale of the towne from whence it came and a certificat sent from the magistrat of the said towne testifying that the said marchandise were discharged in England Scotland or Ireland and that they had paid custome there vpon paine of the kings displeasure the losse of their offices and other punishments to bee inflicted at the kings pleasure vpon the magistrats of townes vnder the obedience of the king of England c. which are to certifie the vnlading of ships and the registring thereof if they shall herein commit any fraud And what marchandise soeuer of high Germanie shall not be discharged in England Scotland or Ireland and yet to be transported into Spaine and other the dominions of the king of Spaine all such marchandise shall be confiscated and reputed good prize There were also three articles concluded concerning a moderation to be had in the proceedings in the Inquisition in Spaine against the king of Englands subiects First If they exceeded in any thing before their entrance into Spaine they should not be called into the Inquisition for the same neither should they bee molested for any of those things so committed out of Spaine neither should any account be demaunded of them for the same 2 That no man
act for the which there were great feasts of ioy made at Fez Marroc Tarudant and other townes Whilest that Mahomet begged succors of the King of Portugal by his Deputies Mahomet Xeriffe craues aide from Portugal hee liued at Ceuta a fort belonging vnto Portugal beeing in Afrike the Gouernor whereof beeing aduertised of his Masters disposition did him honour attending an answere the which he had soone and according to his desire But the King D. Sebastian beeing aduertised by some that were about him that hee might finde himselfe too weake for so great an enterprise hee tooke counsell to sollicit King Philip his vncle to bee of the partie and to the end they might negotiat such an action with more efficacy hee sent Peter d' Alcassoua a fauorite of his to craue an enterview at Guadalupe vpon the confines of the realmes of Castile and Portugal who returned with a good answere whereas these two Kings met to their great contents King Philip diswads D. Sebastian from the voiage of Afrike namely of Don Philip there was some treaty of a future marriage betwixt Don Sebastian and one of the daughters of Castile but comming to confer of the warre of Afrike which was the chiefe subiect of their meeting King Philip diswaded him from it as well for that he had a peceable treaty with Muley Moluc as also for that he saw such a war had need of a more experienced commander then D. Sebastian was better soldiers then the Portugals of those times for since the time of King Emanuel that nation had not done any thing memorable in warre at the least in Europe or the countries confyning vpon Europe yet hauing well defended their forts at the East Indies The conclusion was that King Phillip aduised him not to meddle in the quarrels of those Princes Moores but whatsoeuer hee did not to goe in person to those warres Being importuned by D. Sebastian to contribute men and shipping to this enterprise hee excused himselfe vpon the great affaires he had in the Low countries and the iealousie he had continually of the French but especially of the Turke who threatned Sicile and Italy and had already taken Goulette and Tunes being ignorant what this new Sultan might practise against him yet being intreated and coniured by D. Sebastian not to abandon him in his first enterprise he would not leaue him discontented but promised in case the Turke did not arme against him to furnish him with fifty Gallies and fiue thousand souldiars so as he for his part should entertaine tenne thousand and aduising him what warre soeuer he made in Afrike Aduice of king Philip to D. Sebastian not to abandon the sea shore and that he should attempt the recouery of Alarache and so proceed by degrees along the Ocean and then they parted King Philips aduise was very good and the Portugals haue not yet any cause to complaine After that he had heard his Nephew speake and discouered his heat and obstinacy he fell to discourse of the inconueniences that might fall vpon him and began to thinke of his affaires as if the royall line of Portugall failed and to seeke out what pretensions he might haue were they cleere or doubtfull and from that time he resolued that if Don Sebastian should chance to die in this warre not to suffer any other to seize vpon the Realme The young King of Portugal being returned to Lisbone full of hope and ioy he still pressed King Philip to grant him a free promise of his succors without that reseruation if the Turke should send an army against him the which he granted and therevpon he thought it was but a leape to passe into Afrike with great troupes which hee imagined to haue ready D. Sebastian vnfurnished of all things for the warre but when they came to examine euery thing in particular they neither found men money shipping nor horses of seruice nor any thing that might serue to good vse so as to prouide all these things which giue motion vnto armies they were forced to spend all the yeere 1577. And without doubt if D. Sebastian had had his men and prouisions ready as it was concluded King Philip would haue furnished the gallies and men which he had promised D. Sebastian beganne then to tast the difficulties which are found in making warre especially for Estates which haue enioyed a long peace and whereas both Nobility and people haue neglected armes the which is an inexcusable fault in them that gouerne common-weals who should know that it is one of the maine pillers of an Estate especially in this age full of iniustice Seeing then that Portugal at that time had neither captaines souldiers treasure victuals armes nor horses which are the essentiall parts to make a warre into the which D. Sebastian would enter he was forced to prouide all these things extraordinarily and in hast seeing that in time of peace they had not thought of it Hee was therefore forced to write into Italy and Flanders for some Regiments of old souldiars the Prince of Orange who was then in armes against the Prince of Parma Lieutenant to King Philip sent three thousand Lansquenets into Portugall vnder the command of Martin of Burgongne Lord of Tamberg And it happened that the King of Spaine being perswaded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth to succor the rebels of Ireland against the Queene of England there was a leauy of Italians made in the territories of the Church the action went in the Popes name but the King bare the charge sixe hundred of these vnder the command of a Licentious English man called Thomas Stukeley who not long before had gotten from the Pope the title of Marquis of Ireland being shipped at Ciuita-uecha came into the riuer of Lisbone when they were preparing for this warre of Afrike The King being desirous to see them staied them and intreated them to goe with him to this war He was forced to seeke money by meanes that were vnpleasing to the whole realme The king tooke the portions of Widowes Orfans he made forced borrowings of the Clergy Nobility townes and commonalties he laied an imposition vpon salt he made the new Christians as they call them to buy the exemption of the confiscation of their goods in case they should fall into the Inquisition and hee vsed other exactions which made all men complaine He staied marchants ships He enioyned some of the Nobility to mount themselues like men at armes and many gentlemen to march with the foote beeing so aduised to better his new leauied Portugal footmen of the which hee made foure regiments In these preparations he spent the time vntill Sommer being in the yeere 1578. And when as he thought to take shipping hoping that King Philip would haue sent him the gallies and men which he had promised he found himselfe deceiued for that the Castillan hauing changed his minde excused himselfe vpon new accidents which had happened that yeere which would
to Eluas where he was acknowledged for King and in all places where hee past and then he did free them of a forraine imposition which was leauied vpon all marchandize which past from one realme vnto an other which was valued yeerely at a hundred and fifty thousand crownes for a token of the vnion and to shew that the Castillans and Portugals were now but one people He appointed an assembly of the Estates at Tomar in Aprill the yeere following 1582. hee visited Catherine Dutchesse of Bragança at Villa Boim who yeelded her right to the Realme vnto him if she had any The Pope who had till then beene somewhat opposite to the Kings pursutes Pope Gregory allowes of the conquest of Portugal did allow of all that had beene done in Portugall being aduertised how matters had past hee exhorted him that to shew himselfe thankefull vnto God for the prosperities which hee had giuen him he should vndertake to make warre against the Queene of England either directly or vnder hand in fauoring the Irish hee not onely offred him his spirituall treasors but also quit him the fruites of the Archbishoprike of Toledo which had beene long in the hands of his Stewards whilest that the Archbishop remained suspended of his dignity and that his processe was in question at Rome the which amounted to some millions of crownes and did belong to the Church and Sea of Rome The King knew well that he should not restore those fruits and therefore he was not eager to enter into open warre against the English yet he promised to succor the Irish from Spaine without any further declaration but saying that he would deale with the affaires of Ireland as the Queene of England did with them of Flanders Hee was also to prouide for the reduction of the Islands of the Tercera's without the which his fleets could hardly continue their nauigations to the Indies These Islands are in the Atlantike Ocean Description of the Terceras and are otherwise called the Açores they be seuen in number most of them small and not greatly inhabited The best are the Tercera which carries the name of them al Saint Michel which is the greatest and Fayal the other which be Santa Maria Pâ—c Flowers and Corues are barren and vnpeopled The city of Angra the Bishops Sea is in the Tercera but the Bishops aboad is in that of Saint Michel at a place called Puncto del Gada which Island is some hundred miles neerer vnto Spaine then the rest People of the Terceras brutish All the Inhabitants of these Islands are brutish superstitious and vaine yet instructed by Iesuits and many sorts of Monkes which haue their dwellings there Vntil that the Marquis of Santa Cruz had conquered them they were of opinion that the King D. Sebastian was not dead at the battaile of Afrike they did hate the Castillans mortally were enterrained in this hatred by D. Antonio who held them two yeers after the conquest of Portugal by the means of some succors which he drew froÌ„ France for this King being expelled after that he had wandred throughout the realm poore and in a disguised habit for the space of eight months and yet was neuer wronged nor discouered notwithstanding that he spake to diuers men in the end he had means to fraight a ship of the Low countries at Setuual who for 600. crowns brought him to Callis from whence going to the court of France he was kindly entertained by the Queene Mother one of the Pretendants to the crowne of Portugal by whose fauor and authority hee found in many priuat men that offred to do him seruice went to sea to the Islands vnder his warrant hoping to take some Spanish or Portugal ships coÌ„ming from the Indies and to inrich themselues with their spoiles so as it was an ordinary trade from the ports of France to the Tercera's where for a time D. Antonio Cyprian de Figueredo commanded but not well pleased with him he displast him and gaue his Gouernment to Emanuel de Sylua who called himselfe Earle of Torres Vedras They of the Island of Saint Michel being some distance from the rest did presently acknowledge the king of Spaine diuiding themselues from the rest whether French ships came many times to spoile it and some Spaniards to defend it who meeting made furious war but the Spaniards had alwaies the worst They of the Tercera's were firme for Antonio and tooke all that came vpon their coast and vpon that of Fayal or that they could see at sea to make a stock for D. Antonio who reaped great commodity There was one called Iohn de Betancour descended from some French house dwelling in the towne of Angra who thought to draw the people into a mutiny for the King of Spaine who being almost slaine was cast into an obscure prison where he remained long and it is doubtful whether he died there The Iesuits thought to speake but they walled vp the gates of their conuents and kept them long shut vp after that maner giuing them meate twice a weeke and yet they feared to bee worse intreated but the other Orders of Monkes spake of none but D. Antonio whose vertues and praises were most commonly the subiect of their Sermons medling much with affaires of state and warre King Philip to assure himselfe of the Island of Saint Michel which held for him and receiue the ships which came from the Indies being not aduertised of that which had past in Portugal least they should vnwillingly fall into the hands of the contrary party he commanded that D. Pedro de Baldes should bee sent with foure ships and six hundred Spaniards who aduerturing to land in the Island of Tercera's with an opinion that there were many in the Island affected to the King his Master Pedro de Baldes defeated by them of the Terceras and by their meanes to doe some good exploite vpon the city of Angra which was vnwalled towards the land he was charged by theÌ„ who slue 400. of his men so as he made all the hast he could to get to sea and returne to Lisbone where for his welcome he was put in prison charging him that he had fought contrary to his Commission yet he was soone released finding that he was not expresly forbidden to fight Lope de Figueroa being sent after to second him thought to find him about the Island of S. Michel but hearing of this defeat he returned also to Lisbone so as it was then resolued to send greater forces the next spring We haue formerly made mention of certaine companies sent by Pope Gregory the 13. to succor the Rebels of Ireland vnder the command to Thomas Stukely who comming to Portugal with sixe hundred foote when as D. Sebastian did arme against the Moores they were intreated by him to serue him in that warre where most of them were slaine with their chiefe Commander The rest returning into Portugall with Sebastian Saniosep one of their
meane than to a lackey for pillaging of that dead bodie which his master had slaine Thus much I haue set downe out of his owne mouth touching the seruice that was done vpon those six gallies of Spaine This yeare there was a new fleet made readie in Spaine 1603 the which bred a jealousie in the French Armie of Spain at sea and made them to stand vpon their gard in Languedoc and Prouence This fleet was readie to set saile the which vnder colour of renewing the enterprise of Alger in Afrike might frame some designe vpon that coast Prince Doria and D. Iohn de Cordoua had beene both vnfortunat in their charges The honour of Christendome made all men wish that this execution might proue more succesfull than the rest But as bad designes do manie times prosper better than good the successe depending commonly on the blindnesse of fortune this enterprise of Alger was no more succesfull than the two former It was managed by a Franciscan Frier called Father Mathew who promised as great glorie vnto himselfe in chasing away those petiâ— kings of Afrike as Aratus had of freeing Sicyonia of tyrans He had negotiated with the king of Cycco who promised that for a certaine summe of money whereof he should receiue fortie thousand crowns in hand not onely to fauour any designe but to declare himselfe openly against the king of Alger and to reduce the towne to what condition they would but there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing And it is a great simplicitie to giue credit to an Infidell seeing that treacherie is inseparable from his soule The Viceroy of Majorca who was Generall in this action and with whom the king of Cycco had promised to joyne approached with foure gallies vpon this assurance and landed about an hundred men Moors treacherous to deliuer fortie thousand crownes vnto the Moores who receiued the money and deliuered the men into the hands of the Viceroy of Alger where the Frier was slain and the Viceroy retiring freed their neighbours from jealousie They of Barcelona who are subiect to the king of Spaine did no lesse apprehend this armie than the Moores they feared that the Catholike king would take their priuiledges from them as hee had done from them of Arragon Passage of the prince of Piedmont into Spain yet the passage of the three princes of Sauoy into Spaine renewed their jealousie in France The duke came with them to Nice where they attended the commoditie of their imbarking the princesse Marguerite his eldest daughter commaunding in Piedmont and from thence they past to Barcelona where they attended the kings pleasure and were entertained with all the honours that might be done vnto princes of that alliance The king of Spaine rejoyced at the dukes resolution and seemed to haue a great desire to see them He sent D. Henriques de Guzman to congratulate their arriuall and to commaund them to take small journeyes by reason of the heat of the season Being come to Court he made prince Victor the dukes second sonne Viceroy of Portugall the which did much content the Portugals to see the fruits of D. Beatrix his great grandmother who was daughter to D. Emanuel king of Portugall and maried to Charles duke of Sauoy The third sonne was afterwards made Archbishop of Toledo and then cardinall The queene of England being dead this yeare King of Spaine sends an embassador into England and the king of Scotland come to the succession of that Crowne the king of Spaine sent D. Iohn Baptista Taxis earle of Villa Mediana his embassadour into England to witnesse vnto the king the great contentment hee receiued by his happie comming to the Crowne who after his first audience of congratulations and ordinarie complements made a speech vnto the king to this effect The king of Spaine my master assuring himselfe to find the same effects and affections of friendship in you being king of England which you haue alwayes made shew of vnto him being king of Scotland Speech of the embassador of Spain to the king of England hath sent me vnto your Maiestie to confirme the sinceritie to desire the continuance and to preserue it by all the proofes of friendship and assistance which he offers you which is the same that many great princes haue desired and could not obtaine and for that it is offered is no lesse necessarie and to be wished for of your Maiestie If the king D. Philip the second of glorious memorie hath attempted any thing against England and queene Elizabeth against the Estates of Spaine it was more vpon some priuat spleene than for any reason of State But one tombe should interre both their bodies and their passions The successours doe inherit the greatnesse and power of their predecessors but they are not tied to their designes which haue no end but the ruine one of another The Catholike king hath such rich and goodlie Crownes in Europe Asia and Africke and at the East and West Indies as they are sufficient to settle the desire of his ambition within the bounds of his owne greatnesse If hee hath dealt in the affaires of any other princes it was to support them and keepe them from ruine time hauing discouered how many things were readie to fall if they had not beene vnderpropt by the hand of D. Philip. The enemies of the house of Spaine haue published That the ambition of this prince was to make himselfe Monarch of all Christendome and that hee had left these designes hereditarie to his posteritie But the wiser sort may easily judge that if hee had beene so affected he would haue carried himselfe otherwise and begun the execution of the enterprise by Italie in the which hee is the stronger the conquest whereof would be easie hauing such aduantages But as hee is contented to preserue his owne and desires no lesse to raigne justly than long and happily so is hee grieued to see his friends crosse him in a thing that is so just and reasonable Complaints are free for all men but they are more affectionate among neighbours My master who holds you in this qualitie of a friend and will dow what possibly hee may that you bee neuer other complaines to you of your selfe Hee cannot dissemble how much hee thinkes himselfe wronged for that your Majestie doth affect the defence and protection of the rebels of the Low Countries against their lawfull Lord and that you haue lately graunted them a great leuie of Scottish men Hee assures himselfe of all friendship and justice from you and hee intreats you that in calling home these Scottish men you will punish them as they haue deserued Hee desires to treat sincerely with you and beleeues that your Maiestie considering how much the friendship of so mightie a prince should bee deere vnto you and will be profitable will seeke and imbrace it and will neuer be so carelesse of his good as to wish him ill The king
with the pleasures which make men effeminate Princes that seeke to increase their old rents by raising of their woonted impositions must be careful that they doe it rather with a limitation of the customers commoditie and gaine that leuies it than with the peoples losse that aunswers it for a grieuance in this kind were in effect as ill as any other imposition There must be a care also taken that a conuenient respite may be allowed the subiect for the payment of his taske As for example if the prince haue need of money in Summer then to sesse the subiects the Winter before for they are apt to take the time of this delay for a kind fauour This leuie of money must be put into the hands of ordinarie officers and not to appoint any new to disquiet them or to rifle their wealth vnder colour of seruice to the State for such parts are most hatefull vnto them But as I sayed before a prince ought first to consider whether it be possible by selling or ingaging some part of his reuenues to supplie the vrgent occasions of his estate before hee seeke to helpe himselfe by the purse and sweat of his subjects for otherwise as the wiser sort perceiue that whatsoeuer they doe or say they shall bee still forced to contribute to their superiour that on the one side their old burthens are increased and on the other all meanes cut off by which they might haue vent for their commodities all traffique either ouerthrowen or much decayed by the which they were woont to releeue their wants with foraine commodities it is not possible but they will eagrely desire an alteration and attempt it by all meanes possible Touching this point of molesting the subiects with impositions as little as may be it importeth much that they be agreeable to the nature of the countrey where they liue that the people may beare the burthen more easily for from those places which yeeld nothing but men princes may not demaund money England yeeldeth an example of this kind for on that side which lyeth next to Scotland they sesse not their borderers You your selfe may draw some money out of Spaine Germanie and Flanders when occasion doth serue but out of Italie both men and treasure Moreouer when you impose any burthen it is not amisse to set the rate in the beginning high that the people may hold it as a fauour when as at their request it is brought to some reasonable tearmes They may bee eaâ—ed also by admitting their excuses which they make in respect of time and giuing eare with patience to that which they are able to alledge for some tolleration you must alwayes haue a care to leaue them satisfied in some sort at the least to comfort them with kind words and make them capable of the just cause that moued you You must lay before them the times the reasons and the occasions which inforce this course prouiding alwayes that all gracious dealing may be thought to proceed from your selfe and whatsoeuer is offensiue sharpe or odious referre it to your officers You must moreouer haue an especiall care that all profits so deerely purchased with the peoples grones be brought to your owne hands and not imployed or distributed to the priuat vse of persons that are put in trust to gather it vnder you It importeth also your estate very much deere sonne to keepe credit with the marchant which will alwayes succeed happily so long as you assigne vnto them conuenient commodities in consideration of their bonds and maintaine them euer in securitie especially with the state of Germanie you must take this course for the holding them thus ingaged in your estates and realmes by reason of their interest and bonds without erecting of any forts which they detest much You may no lesse assure your selfe of that Estate which is of great importance in Italie than the French king held the Florentines tied vnto him by the trade of Lions as wee haue found by plaine experience Now seeing it is not possible that a prince of many estates and countries should alone be able to gouerne them all nor any one of them all things considered it is requisite that this defect be supplied by the meanes of ministers and deputies that may helpe to support so great a burthen Whereupon it followes of necessitie that to chuse such as be worthie and sufficient in all respects is a matter which doth much import the State wherefore I will speake vnto at large of this matter to the end you should not want a rule to know them and imploy them in the seruice of the State I would haue you consider that the properties belonging to worthie ministers are these First and principally wisedome and vnderstanding how to manage their affaires that are committed to their charge secondly loue to their superiour and lastly vertue in themselues to the end that by wisedome they may haue knowledge and by vertue disposition to execute the trust for otherwise either through ignorance they shall not know or by frowardnesse refuse or through malice grudge to discharge their dueties These are the qualities without the which the prince cannot relye vpon their worth nor the people be pleased with their actions But as there is great difficultie both in finding out and obseruing such so experience doth teach that all princes which haue been serued by men of such sufficiencie in these degrees haue ruled happily with great contentment to their subiects and eternall glory to themselues notwithstanding that they haue themselues bin somewhat dissolute for what made the name of the Emperor Iustinian immortal besides his profound knowledge but the great worth of his counselors ministers both in peace and war for by their helpe in both seasons he effected great matters Doubtlesse it is an argument of great wisedome in a prince when as nature hath not enabled him in the first kind of perfection which is out of his owne sufficiencie to rule the State yet at the least to marshall himselfe in the second ranke which is of such as imploy men in their seruice that are capable for thus they draw the quintessence of many pregnant wits to their own vse and grow to vnderstand more than a number that know by themselues as foure eyes must needs see more than two by the course of nature But wee may hold that prince vnfortunat which resteth in a third proportion being neither able of himselfe nor willing to giue eare to others that are more sufficient A prince can neuer want meanes to replenish his owne Court with men fit for his seruice if he will be carefull to seeke them out where they are esteeme them and acknowledge their deserts by good effects Let him rather make the first motion and not depriue himselfe by daintinesse of a worthie seruant for that prince is rather proud than politicke who persuadeth himselfe for that his treasures are greater than other mens therefore euerie man should creepe before
the possibility the honour and safety or any other important consideration whatsoeuer But discoursing now of the easinesse of this conquest in regard of that of the Netherlands I will proue said he that the difficulties be the same to inuade England and the Netherlands First of all I presuppose that a sufficient army beeing leauied a royal enterprise is sooner brought to perfection when as they are attempted both by sea and land the which King Philip may do with greater aduantage in the enterprise of England then in that of the Nertherlands for as the voiage by sea is shorter and more easie so he may more commodiously inuade England by land hauing meanes to land part of his army safely in Scotland as we will hereafter shew whereas if he should send an army by land into the Low countries the way would be long to passe from Spaine through Italy and Germany and it would be exceeding chargeable and dangerous The second reason is that it is more commodious neerer and more safe to passe into England for that from the straight of Gibraltar thether is all open sea without any let but to go into the Low countries hee must of necessity passe by England the which by all reason of state should let the King of Spaine vnderstand in his passage that neither friends nor foes are welcome when they come with a great power wherefore there is no doubt that whosoeuer wil muade the Netherlands hee must breake this barre or make plaine this mountaine of England which crosseth him in his passage My third reason said he is grounded vpon a firme maximy of the Art of warre that thou must neuer seeke to inuade any place and leaue any thing behind to disturbe thee wherefore it were a rash enterprise to attempt the Low countries and leaue England behind who beeing full of iealousie may sodainely set vpon the Catholike Kings army in the hottest of their warre against the Netherlanders The forth that going to conquer the Low countries they must fight with braue old souldiers bred vp in the warre See here his error and ignorance but on the other side the English are without Art or practise of warre they cannot vse the harguebuse nor any other offenciue armes but onely bowes and arrowes the which are of no force against corselets and head-peeces as wee vse so as said he there is the like comparison to bee made betwixt the English and the Dutch souldiers as is betwixt idlenesse and exercise or an armed and disarmed man And what an aduantage it is to fight with vnskilful souldiers it it apparent by the example of Miltiades in the fields of Marathon who with lesse then 10000. braue men put to flight that mighty but vnwarlike army of Xerxes being aboue 600000. men The fifth that there is more difficulty in that of the Netherlands for that they will keepe themselues more close so as they must bee wonne by inches and a whole army must be imployed in the seege of a towne and so of the rest the which happely wil be of no great importance but that they wil stay in course of his victory that seekes the winne them But contrarywise England hath not any towne to stay the violence a victorious enemy hauing once set footing into the Island the which wil be no difficult thing for the King of Spaine to effect So as England being without any forts but vpon the frontiers and the Low countries ful of forts both within and without there is no doubt but the enterprise of that is more easie then this as it is more easie to vanquish them that make no resistance Whereof the Low countries are a familiar example where notwithstanding that the King had great garrisons yet they many times found so great crosses as they were often vanquished by the opposition of those forts whereas there being no place in Portugal able to resist the enemies forces the Spaniards entred into the heart of the realme they being not able to make resistance The sixth reason is that forts and townes of strength are to an inuading army but incombers after they be wonne for that the greatest part of the army is drawne away into garrisons whereby it is much weakened The seuenth reason said hee seemeth sufficient in this case to proue the truth of my opinion If the King of Spaine sends an army to purge the rebellious humors of the Netherlanders it is to bee feared that this Phisicke will rather stirre vp the good humors then euacuat the bad breeding a disease full of corrupt matter whereas now the good matter hauing the predominant power wee may hope that in time it will vanquish the violence of the disease whereas by this course the humors of Malcontents may bee corrupted and they drawne to desire innouations we know that by the composition made betwixt the King and his subiects the Malcontents they haue taken vpon them the burthen of this warre so as the Spaniards and other strange souldiers might bee drawne out of the Low countries If then an army should bee sent out of Spaine to subdue the Netherlanders or they should but heare it were so resolued they would easily vnderstand that the victors would prescribe a Law to the vanquished and the Malcontents would not only loose that great desire they had to beare that great burthen of the warre and the reward which they expected from his Maiesty but they would feare to loose their preuiledges and liberties in regard whereof they haue made cruell warre against themselues By this then and many other reasons it apeeres how dangerous it is to exasperates the mindes of friend with so sharpe a medicine If the Malcontents should ioyne themselues with the aduerse partie and oppose against the Spaniards that warre would proue more difficult then euer for the Catholike King not only for that the Kings forces should be diminished but also for that the enemy should be fortified So as we haue hetherto proued that it is more easie and more commodious to inuade England then the Netherlands Now we will shew said hee not by way of comparison but in respect of it selfe how much it doth import the Catholike King and how easie it is for him to inuade England It is not to bee doubted but the Phisicke is best which not onely cures the member that is greeued but also takes away the cause of the disease If then the Catholike King seeke to conquer the Low countries hee may well close vp the wound of their rebellion but he shall neuer euacuat the corrupt humors which haue fed the disease seeing that England hath alwaies norrished the rebellions of the Low countries And admit it were cured of this present indisposition what health can it bee called when as the body is still subiect to these peccant humors wherefore England is first to be attempted that afterwards wee may with safety digest or euacuat all concurrent humors But to intreat more plainely of the facility of
this enterprise I denie not but that England is a mighty Kingdome and the greatest Island that the ancients haue made mention of conteyning in circuit with Scotland two thousand miles yet late writers haue made it two hundred lesse That it is well fortified with a wall which the sea makes about it whereby it is so defended as if Scotland were vnder that iurisdiction it were not to bee inuaded by land Notwithstanding the glory which that nation hath gotten by armes is rather to be attributed to the ancient and not to them that are now for as it often happens that the minde being great with the imagination of great matters doth still retaine the same imaginations although that matters change euen so it happens here that we doe measure the forces of England not by the present Estate but as they haue beene when as they had in their possession Normandy Brittan Gascony and other florishing Prouinces of France yea they commanded in a manner absolutly ouer all France and Henry the sixth was crowned King in Paris But hee that will looke into the present Estate of England may easily iudge that it is great rather by the reputation of her ancient fame then by the quality of her present forces and that it is no more that England which was fearefull to the greatest Princes of Europe And without doubt it hath beene obserued that not long since there haue so many disgraces fallne vpon that Island Ignorance and mallice of the writer as at one instant it not onely purchased the hatred of men but of God euer since it fell into Schisme So as since the change of their religion England hath suffred great shipwrackes whereof wee may see the effects hauing lost that support whereon depended their reputation and safety that is the Authority and command which they had at sea for that in former times this Island did maintaine many ships and did continually entertaine a good fleet at sea yea sometimes their preparations were admirable as amongst others when as Henry the sixth went almost with eight hundred great ships against Charles the sixth the French King making a bridge ouer the Ocean but the state and condition of that Island is changed for since Henry the seuenth and Henry the eight they could not maintaine those hundred Ordinary ships which they were wont to keepe in a redinesse for the safety of that state but the Island is growne to that extremity as they haue beene constrained not onely to diminish but also to sel the greatest part of those ships which did secure them from forraine inuasions so much doth want presse those Princes more their owne safeties But the better to explaine that which I haue spoken of the easinesse of the enterprise VVeakenesse of England compared with the power of Spaine I wil said hee propound two things the one of him that is inuaded the other of him that doth inuade whereby it shall appeere that the one is as vnable to defend as the other is powerful to offend If wee consider England which is to bee inuaded without doubt it is not able to resist the King of Spaines forces if hee will inuade it with such prouisions as he may and the importance of the action doth require the which will appeere by diuers reasons The first for that as I haue said the Island of England is at this day in great want and if in this weakenesse shee should seeke to make head against the power of a mighty Potentate it were as much as if she should seeke to support Heauen beeing nei Alcides nor Atlas Secondly VVant of ships in England in respect of this necessity he said that the crowne of England could not entertaine that number of shipping which was wont to be appointed for the gard of the realme and if they should seeke to make any prouision it were to draw force from weakenesse or to prescribe a Law to time and nature seeking in great want and in a short time to make those prouisions which require a great treasure and many yeeres Moreouer to beginne to make preparation of those things which King Philip hath in a readinesse were to put themselues in defence when as the enemy held his sword ouer their heads It were vaine for any one to say that the English in daunger may vse priuat mens shippes for the publike seruice this remedie would come to late when the daunger is at hand neither could those ships bee easily called together from remoate places neither doe priuate men willingly imploy their commodities to publike vse Wherefore it it necessary that the deseignes of Princes in great enterprises flow from the fountaine of their owne power Thirdly for that the English doe altogether want or are very defectiue of horsmen which is a chiefe ground of warre for speaking of men at armes they haue scarce any knowledge of them and as for light-horses they doe not much import vnlesse the number supply the defect of the quallity Besides all the horses of that Island being continually put to pasture are full of diseases and weake which proceeds partly from the temper of that aire Fourthly that the Kings of England haue either through negligence or disability omitted to make prouisions for the war like vnto al other Princes that they may be readie against any sodaine tumult that may rise either within or without their states for that in former times their whole care was for prouision by sea so as the land-seruice was neglected as if in an Island there were not any need to goe to field against strangers or that warre could not bee mannaged at land with sea prouisions Fiftly Behold the lying vanity of the Spaniards it is most certaine that the English are by nature desirous of innouations and change for who so shall read ouer their History hee shall finde that seditions conspiracies treasons and such like haue made their dwelling in their Iland Sixthly for that the English in respect of their ancient greatnesse are more desirous to anoy others then to be anoyed themselues when they shal see themselues charged by braue enemies they wil be daunted To see Fortune turne her face is a fearefull spectacle for them that are not accustomed therevnto Seuenthly for that England beginning to decline by the iust iudgement of God euery man knowes how easie it is to cast it downe a declyning being nothing else but a way to ruine So that mighty Empire of the Romaines when it began once to decline it fell sodainely and drew with it a great ruine Eightly for that the English nation haue not in a manner any Commanders to mannage their warre which defect beeing ioyned with the insufficiency of the souldiars of that realme it will prooue that the army of Lyons commanded by a Hart wil be little esteemed one of the Harts led by a Cony wil be ridiculous the which will happily fall out in England Lastly admit that England were furnished with
within these walles at this instant aboue two thousand fighting men which are strong and able besides which some hauing been sicke and hurt recouer daily the greatest part of these consisting of old Soldiers which fal not but by the sword and those that were new being now both trained to their arms and acquainted with the clymate are more able to endure than at the first our means as good as they haue beene any time these two moneths such as Spaniards can wel indure and able to suffice vs three moneths more wee lodge in good warme houses haue store of munition and which is best of all stand well assured that our succour will be here shortly To bee plaine wee preserue our men and reserue our strength the best we may hoping to front you in a breach which if our hearts faile vs not wee haue hands and brests enow to stop against treble your forces but I wil giue the Viceroy this right that his men are passing good yet spent and tyred with the miseries of a Winter seege which hee hath obstinately maintained beyond my expectation but with such caution and vpon so good gard as hauing nicely watched all aduantages I could neuer fasten a salley yet vpon him but with losse to my selfe wherein I must confesse my hopes were deceiued that grounding vpon some error in his approaches I promised vnto my selfe the defear of at least a thousand men at one blow But when wee meet vpon a breach I am confident vpon good reasons to lay fiue hundred of your best men on the ground and rest hopefull that the losse of those will make a great hole in an army which hath already suffered so much extremity But to conclude our businesse the king my master sent me to assist the Condees Oneale and Odonnel presuming on their promise that I should within few daies after the arriuall of our forces haue ioyned with them I expected them long in vaine sustained the Viceroys armie saw them drawne to the greatest head they could possibly make lodged within two miles of Kinsale fortified with certaine companies of Spaniards euerie houre promising to releeue vs and beeing ioyned together to force your campe At last wee saw them broken with a handful of men and dispersed into diuers parts of the world Odonnel into Spain Oneale into the farthest parts of the North so as now I finde no such Condees in rerum natura as I came to ioine with and therefore haue mooued this accord the rather to disingage the king my master from assisting a people so vnable in thēselues as the whole burthen of the warre must lie vpon him and so prefidious as perhaps they might be drawne in the end to betray him Vpon relation made by Sir William Godolphin to the Lord deputy Councel of these offers made by D. Iohn it was thoght good for many important reason to proceed roundly to an accord there being nothing propounded by him that admitted any exception but that he demanded to carrie away his ordnance 1601 munition treasure which did not so much import as it should breake off the treatie which concerned the common good and safety of the kingdom whereupon a composition was made vpon these articles following 1 That said D. Iohn d' Aguilar shall quit the places which he holds in this kingdome as well the towne of Kinsale Articles of the accord at Kinsale as those which are held by the Spaniards or other souldiers vnder his command in Castell-hauen Baltemore and in the Castell of Beerhauen or other places to the Lord deputie or to whome he shall appoint giuing him safe transportation sufficient shipping and victuals for his said Souldiers with the which the said D. Iohn may passe with them into Spaine if he may at one time if not at two shippings 2 That the Souldiers which are at this present vnder the command of the said D. Iohn in this kingdome shall not beare armes against the Queenes Maiesty of England whensoeuer supplies shall come from Spaine vntill the said Souldiers be vnshipped in some of the Ports of Spaine being sent away as soone as may be by the Lord Deputy as hee promiseth vpon his faith and honour 3 For the accomplishment whereof the Lord deputy offereth to giue free pasport to the said D. Iohn and his army as well Spaniards as other nations whatsoeuer that are vnder his command and that he may depart with his armes munition money ensignes displaied artillerie and any other prouisions for warre or other things both that which is in Castel-hauen Kinsale and other places 4 That they shall haue ships and victuals sufficient for their money after such rates as they vse here to pay That all the Souldiers and the said things may be shipt if it bee possible at one time if not at two and that to bee within the time aboue mentioned 5 That if by contrarie winds or any other accidents there shall come into any of the ports of Ireland or England any of those ships wherein the said Soldiers shall passe they shall bee intreated as friends and may ride safely in the harbour be victualled for their mony shal moreouer haue such things as shal be needful to furnish thē for their voiage 6 That during the time they shall stay for shipping victuals shall be giuen to D. Iohns people at reasonable rates 7 That there shall be cessation of armes of either side security giuen that no wrong be offered to any one 8 That the ships wherein the said Souldiers shall be transported for Spaine may passe safely by any of the queenes Maiesties ships of England and so shal the said Queenes and her subiects by those that shal go from hence and the said ships being ariued in Spaine shall return as soone as they haue vnshipt their men without any impediment giuen thē by his Maiestie or any other person in his name but rather they shall shew them fauour and help them if they need any thing and for securitie thereof they shall deliuer into the Lord deputies hands three Captaines such as he shall chose 9 For assurance of the performance of these articles D. Iohn promiseth that hee will confirme and sweare to accomplish this agreement whereunto some of the captaines vnder his charge shall in like maner sweare 10 That the said D. Iohn shall remain within the realme of Ireland where the Lord deputy shal appoint vntill the last shipping vpon his Lordships word if it happen that his soldiers be shipt all at once the said D. Iohn may go in the same fleet without any let but rather the Lord deputy shall giue him a good ship wherein he may passe and if his men go in two shippings then he shall go in the last 11 And in like maner the said Lord deputy shal confirm sweare the same giue his word in the Q. Maiesties behalf his own to keep accomplish this accord that the chiefe
vpon their defence onely this fight continued the whole day in the which some of the Spanish ships were sunke and some being spoiled and not able to follow the fleete were taken by the States men and carried to Flessingue I omit the repitition of euery particularity because you may reade them in the Duch History The Duke of Medina seeing that he had done what hee had in charge thought it best now to retire holding it better to hazard a dangerous passage by the North of Ireland then to stay stil vpon the coast of Flanders with apparent danger hauing no means to ioyne with the Duke of Parma wherevpon they packt on all their sailes hauing a greater will to flie then to fight whom the English followed for a while but seeing them bend their course Northward they left them and retired into England It seemes that God did miraculously defend the English for in all their seuerall fights they lost not one ship nor a man of account and not aboue a hundred common persons Thus the Spanish fleet hauing lost ten or twelue of their best ships with foure or fiue thousand men besides those that were sicke and wounded whose number was great distrest with wants and despayring of all helpe from the Duke of Parma who prepared for their returne they sought to get into Spaine behind Scotland and Ireland expecting smal releefe in Scotland and that Norway could not supply their wants they tooke all the fishermen they could meet withall to serue them for Pilots and fearing the want of fresh water they cast their horses ouer-board and so they sailed Northwards till they came to 62. degrees Then the Duke of Medina commanded the whole fleet to bend their course for Spaine or Portugal and himselfe with about 25. saile that were best prouided of fresh water kept out at sea and so got into Spaine Don Martin de Ricalde the Admiral with some forty ships sailed neerer Ireland hoping to refresh then selues there but a great storme arysing about the second of September they were disperst and many of them were driuen vpon that coast Ships cast away vpon the coast of Ireland and there cast away some sunke some broken some runne on sands and some burnt by the Spaniards themselues to the number of seuenteene great ships some write they lost vpon sixe and thirty or eight and thirty ships in which I take it they comprehend some that were lost vpon the coast of Norway and that sunke at sea Yet it was constantly reported that of all that great fleet of a hundred thirty foure saile that went out of Lisbone there returned but fifty three ships great and smal Of them perished in Ireland there were specially named a Galleasse two great Venetian ships called La Ratta and Balanzara and the Galleon called our Lady of Rosa of a thousand tunne in the which D. Michel d' Oquendo General of the squadron of Guipuscoa was in which ship there perished by the confession of the Pilot fiue hundred men Others write that heremained in Flanders after his lang at Calis and not any one was saued but himself among others besides the General Oquendo there died as he said the Prince of Ascoly held to bee the King of Spaines base son Matut a Commander of the souldiers Villafranca captaine of the said ship with many Knights and Aduenturers of account Moreouer hee confest that there was in that ship 50. canons all brasse for the field 25. peeces of brasse and iron belonging to the ship 50. tuns of sack 15000. ducats in gold with much plate and rich furniture After the Duke of Medin as returne with the remainder of his fleet into Spaine many died of sicknesse or of the wounds which they had receiued Many taxed the Duke for this vnfortunate successe but he like a iudicious Prince who had vnwillingly vndertaken that charge laied the blame vpon his Pilots and the Duke of Parma who was not ready to ioyne with him so as the King allowed of his reasons and gaue him leaue to goe home and rest himselfe There died many Commanders and men of account after their returne as D. Iohn Martinez de Ricalde D. Diego Floris de Baldes D. Alonso de Lieua D. Diego de Maldonado D. Francisco de Bouadillo D. George Manriquez al of the counsell of warre And many were taken prisoners some in Ireland as D. Alonso de Luson a Collonel two of the house of Cordoua and D. Roderigo de Lasso and some in Zeland as D. Diego de Pimentel a Collonel Finally the losse was such as there was not any great house in Spaine but had some particular cause to mourne for some one of their bloud The Duke of Parma was much blamed by the Spaniards that were in the Low countries but he excused himselfe for that as he said the Spanish fleet came to soone and to free himselfe he caused some to be hanged which had not discharged their duties After the ruine of this great Spanish fleet An. 1589. there fel a great iarre betwixt the Lord of Champagni and Mounsieur Richardot who was much fauored by the Duke of Parma these two hauing run contrary courses in their treaty of peace in Flanders with the Queene of Englands Commissioners So as after this bad successe Champaigny taxed the Duke of Parma of negligence writing many letters of the like tenor into Spaine where of the Infanta Isabella the Kings eldest daughter affecting the Duke well did still aduertise him who seeing his reputation and seruice thus called in question sent Richardot President of Arthois Richardot sent into Spaine by the Duke of Parma into Spaine to the King to make answere to all obiections and slanders wherewith they had incensed him seeking to bring him in disgrace and to get his gouernment from him accusing him that hee had not done his duty concerning the Spanish fleete and that hee had receiued a great affront before Berghen vp Zoome for that hee would not beleeue the counsell of such as would haue disswaded him from that enterprise but Richardot gaue good satisfaction to the King and his Councell and returned with a Commission for the continuance of his gouernment in despight of his enemies The King of Spaine beeing aduertised of the vnfortunate successe of his fleet and army which he had sent to inuade England after the returne of such as were remayning of that miserable wracke hee beganne to examine euery mans merits and who had deserued reward and who punishment in this action to preserue vnto himselfe with the feare of some and the loue of others the authority of a wife Prince wherevpon hee rewarded the heires of Don Alphonso de Lieua who as they said was drowned with a thousand persons vpon the coast of Ireland He did punish seuerely Fernando Lopes who was campe Master generall and Antonio de Gueuara Pouruoier generall was depriued of his Office for his misdemeanors In the meane time they had newes
in Spaine of a great army preparing in England to send into Portugall Prouision for defence of Portugal for the restoring of Don Antonio wherevpon the King made prouision for the defence thereof sending the Earle of Fuentes for Generall into Portugall with good troupes hee augmented the number of their horse giuing the charge to D. Alphonso Vargas he made D. Francis de Padiglia Camp-master General Andreas d' Alua Pouruoier and Iohn Maldonado Auditor The prouisions for this enterprise beeing made Voiage of Portugal they went from Plimouth in Aprill Sir Iohn Norris and Sir Francis Drake being Generalls they had with them sixe of the Queenes twenty ships of warre and as some write a hundred and forty for transportation hauing when they tooke shipping a eleuen thousand souldiers and two thousand fiue hundred marriners within sixe daies after their departure from England being the twentith day of Aprill the army landed in a bay within a mile off the Groine without impeach from whence they marched presently towards the towne approching within halfe a mile they were incountred by the enemy who beeing charged retired to their gates and then the Generall lodged the army in the villages and houses thereabouts Generall Norris hauing viewed the towne before daie resolued for to attempt it by scaladoe and to land some Artillerie to beate the shippes and gallies which did play vpon their troupes Groine the base towne surprized the which was effectually performed so as the Gallies were forced presently to abandon the roade and goe to Farrol and then they prepared with all speed to surprize the base towne the which was done the next day after they entring it in three seuerall places where after good resistance in one place they were forced to abandon it they all retyring into the high towne the which they might easily doe for that the English knew not their passages The rest that were not put to the sword in the fury fled to the rockes in the Island where they did hide themselues in caues whereas many were daily found out D. Iohn de Luna a man of great command hauing hidden himselfe in a house came forth the next morning and yeelded himselfe Iohn de Vera a Commissary of the victuals was also taken that night who confessed that at the entry of the English into the towne there were fiue hundred Spainards in seuen companies as it seemed returned weake from the voyage of England all vnder D. Iohn de Luna the captaines names were D. Diego Baçan base sonne to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. D. Antonio de Herera D. Pedro Manriques brother to the Earle of Paredes D. Ieronimo Mouray of the Order of Saint Iohn hee was in the fort D. Gomes de Caruajal captaine Mouçon and Caucasa de Socas And that the day that the English landed there came from Retenzas the companies of D. Iohn de Mosale and of D. Pedro Ponce de Leon. He confessed moreouer that there was order giuen for the baking of 300000. of biscuit that there was two thousand pipes of wine in the towne and a hundred and fifty in the ships That there was lately come 300000. ducats from the Marquis of Seralba That there was a thousand Iarres of oyle with great store of beanes pease wheat and fish That there were three thousand kintals of beefe and not twenty daies before there entred three barkes laden with mach and harguebuses There were some others taken and there were slaine by the common souldiers about fiue hundred At their first entry into the towne the souldiers finding three sellars full of wine distempred themselues so as many beeing drunke were hurt from the high towne and this disorder was the cause of a great mortality which fell in the English army There was aboundance of victuals and prouision for shipping and warre which the Commissary confest to be for a new voyage into England After the taking of the base towne there came some two thousand men out of the country downe to the very gates as resolutly as if they would haue entred but the English that were in gard making head against them they fled away disordredly hauing lost some eighteene of their men The Generall attempted the high towne both by mine and battery and going to the assault the loose rubish vnder their feete failed them so as they could not stand They had diuers men hurt in their retreat and they lost some twenty or thirty vnder the ruines of a tower which fell The day after that the English had offred an assault Succors come to releeue the Groyne the General vnderstood by a prisoner that the Earle of Andrada had gathered an army together of eight thousand men at Puente de Burgos six miles from the towne which was but the beginning of an army there being a greater leauy ready to come vnder the conduct of the Earle of Altemira either to releeue the Groyne or to incampe neere vnto the place where the English should imbarke and to hinder there shipping for to that end the Marquis of Seralba had written vnto them both the first night of their landing as the Commissary had confest or else to stop their passage into the country whether they went daily by troupes and burnt spoiled and tooke great booties The Generall resolued the next day to goe and visit these forces leading nine Regiments with him In the foreward were the regiments of Sir Edward Norrys Master of the Ordinance Sir Roger Williams and Collonel Sydneys In the battaile that of the Generall of Collonel Lane and Collonel Medkerke And in the reereward Sir Henry Norrys Collonel Huntleys and Collonel Brets Regiments leauing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake for the garde of the Ordinance Vpon the sixth day of May in the morning they discouered the enemy within halfe a mile off their campe against whom the shot of the foreward skirmished and forced them to retire vnto their bridge which was of stone built vpon Arches ouer a creeke that came from the sea At the foote whereof on the other side the enemy lay verie strongly intrenched who beeing with his shot at the further end of the bridge Sir Edward Norris who ledde the foreward and marched in the head of the pikes past the bridge without any stay at all beeing accompanied by Colonell Sydney Captaine Hinder Captain Fulford and others The way was euen but they must passe thorough a storme of small shot for the bridge was flanked on both sides with their shot at the farther end there was a barricado but they that had it in gard seeing the proud approch of the English Sir Edward Norris nurt forsooke it where Sir Edward Norris entred and charging the first he encountred with his pike ouer-thrusting himselfe hee fell and was sore hurt on the head at the sword but was honorably rescued by the Generall his brother Colonell Sidney and some other Gentlemen Captaine Hinder hauing his cask shot off had fiue wounds in the