that chaunced in the time of King Richard the second whereof you heard some what in Blackheath before was giuen at this Towne by occasion that a naughtie fellowe being appointed to leuye the groates that were by Parleament taxed vpon euery Polle dishonestly intreated a young Damosel Daughter to one Iohn Tyler that dwelt in Dartford which thing when the Father heard of he fell at wordes with the Officer and from woordes to worse so that in the end he slewe him This done the Cōmon people of the Towne partly for grudge at the imposition partly for maintenance of the thing whiche they thought well done and partly to eschewe the punishment that by execution of Iustice might fall vpon them assembled their neighbours and growing to some number made this Tyler their Capitaine named him Iacke Strawe and did further as you in part heard before and may at more large read almost in euerie English Chronicle This Towne as Crayford before hath the name of the water running by cōmonly called Derent but corruptly after the opinion of Lelande who thinketh the true name to be Dorquent which in Brittish soundeth the Cleere water It springeth at Titsey in the edge of Surrey and taketh in the way Westram where Iohn Frith was borne Otford Ainsford and Darent wherto it leaueth the name and comming to this Towne carrieth Craye with it into the Thamise ¶ Grauesende in Saxon Gerefesend in Latine Limes Praetorius THe originall cause of the name of this place lyeth hidde in the vsuall name of the officer lately created in the Towne He is commonly called Portreue but the worde aunciently and truely sounded is Portgereue that is to say the Ruler of the Towne For Porte descending of the Latine woorde Portus signifieth a Porte Towne and Gereue being deriued of the Saxon verbe gereccan to rule was first called gerecfa and then gerefa and betokeneth a Ruler So that Portreue is the Ruler of the Towne and Greuesend is as much to saye as the Limit Bounde or Precinct of such a Rule or Office. Of the very same reason they of the lowe and high Germanie whence our language first discended call one ruler Burgreue another Margreue and the thirde Landsgreue And of the same cause also our Magistrat nowe called a Sherif or to speake more truely Shyrereue was at the first called Shyre gereue that is to say Custos Comitatus the Reue or Ruler of the Shyre The head officer of Maydston long since had this name yea the chiefe gouernour of the citie of London likewise before the time eyther of Maior or Baylife there was knowne by the name of Portreue as in the Saxon Chartre of King William the Conqueroure sundry examples wherof be yet extant may appeare It began thus pilliam cyng greit ƿilliam bisceop godfreges portgerefan ealle þa burHƿaren þe on lunden beon William the King greeteth William the Bishop and Godfrey the Portreue and all the Citizens that in London be c. To make short in auncient time almost euery Manor had his Reue whose authoritie was not onely to leuie the Lords rents to set to worke his seruaunts and to husbande his Demeasnes to his best profit and commoditie but also to gouerne his tenants in peace and to leade them foorth to warre when necessitie so required And although this name and so muche of the authoritie as remained was after the comming in of the Normanes transferred to another whiche they called Baylife yet in sundry places of the Realme especially in Copiholde Manors where old custome preuaileth the worde Reue is yet well inoughe knowne and vnderstanded Neyther ought it to séeme any what the more straunge bycause I call nowe Reue that whiche in olde time was Gereue for as muche as this particle Ge was in processe of time in some places chaunged in sounde to y and in some other partes cleane lost and forgotten As for example wheras the Saxons vsed to say he was Geboren they of the West countrie pronounce it he was yborne and we of the countries nearer London he was borne Thus farre the Etymon of the name Greues end hath carried me out of the Hystorie whereto I did the rather yealde bycause I had not muche to write concerning the place it selfe Howbeit I reade that in the beginning of the reigne of King Richarde the seconde whilst the Lorde Neuel was by the Kings appointmēt entred into Fraunce with a great company of English souldiours the Frenchmen entred the Thamise with their Gallies and brent diuers townes and at the last comming to Grauesend spoyled and set it on fire also The feare of the like harme to followe caused the noble King Henrie the eight to builde a platforme at the same towne and thrée or foure others in places adioyning euen at suche time as he fortified along al the coastes of the Realme vpon suche cause as we haue already opened ¶ Cliffe at Hoo written commonly in auncient Bookes Cloueshoo for CliofesHoo which is as much to say as Clifs hoo or Cliffe at Hoo. THeodore the seuenth Archebisshop of Canterburie and the first in the opinion of William Malmsb that exercised the autoritie of an Archbishop which appeared as others say in that he tooke vpō him to depose Wilfrid of Yorke called together a Synode of bishops at Hereford in which it was agreed amongst them that for the more spéedie reformation of abuses that might créepe into the Churche they should all assemble once euery yeare at Cloueshoo vpon the Kalends or first day of August By vertue of which decrée Cuthbert the eleuenth Archbishop somoned the bishops of his Prouince to the same place and there amongst other things worthy note it was enacted that priests themselues should first lerne and then teach their parishoners the Lords prayer and the Articles of their beléefe in the English tongue To which decrée if you list to adde the testimonie of King Alfred who in his preface vpon the Pastoral of Gregorie that he translated saith that whē he came first to his kingdome he knew not one prieste on the South side of the riuer of Humber that vnderstoode his seruice in Latine or could translate an Epistle into English And if you wil adioyne the also which Alfric writeth in his Proeme to the Grammar that is to say that a litle before the time of Dunstane the Archebishop there was neuer an english priest the could other endite or vnderstād a latine epistle Then I doubt not but you shall euidently see howe easie it was for the Diuell and the Pope to créepe into the Churche of Englande when whole ages together the Clergie was so well fed and so euill taught But to our matter againe By vertue of the same decrée and ordinance also two other Councelles were holden at Cliffe at Hoo one vnder Kenulph the King of Mercia or midle England and the other in the reigne of Beornwulfe his successour This place would I haue coniectured
the Kings fauour their owne power pollicie and possession contemned all other and forgate them selues abusing the simplicitie of the King by euill counsel treading vnder foote the nobilitie by great disdaine and oppressing the common people by insatiable rauine extortion and tirannie So that immediatly and at once they pulled vpon their heades the heauie displeasure of the Prince the immortall hatred of the noble men and the bitter execration and curse of the common sort Whereupon the king for a season banished them the nobles neuer after liked them and the poore people not onely railed vpon them while they liued but also by deuised tales as the manner is laboured to make them hatefull to all posteritie after their death And amongst other things touching Godwyne him selfe they feygned that he was choked at Winchester or Windsore as others say for liers can not lightly agrée with a morsel of bread and that this his land in Kent sonke sodainly into the Sea. Neyther were these things continued in memory by the mouths of the vnlearned people only but committed to writing also by the hands and pens of Monkes Frears and others of the learned sort So that in course of time the matter was past all peraduenture and the things belieued for vndoubted veritie But whatsoeuer hath bene heretofore thought of these matters hauing now iust occasion offered mee to treate of the thing I wil not spare to speake that which I haue red in some credible writers and whiche I doe thinke méete to be beléeued of all indifferent readers Siluester Giraldus in his Itinerarie of Wales and many others doe write that about the end of the reigne of King William Rufus or the beginning of Henrie the first there was a sodaine and mightie inundation of the Sea by the which a great part of Flaunders and of the lowe countries thereabout was drenched and lost so that many of the inhabitants being thereby expulsed from their seates came ouer into England and made suite to the same King Henrie for some place of dwelling within his dominion The King pitying their calamitie and séeing that they might bee profitable to his Realme by instructing his people in the art of clothing wherein at that time they chiefly excelled first placed them about Carlile in the North countrie and afterwarde vpon cause remoued them to Rosse and Hauerford in Wales Now at the same tyme that this happened in Flaunders the like harme was done in sundry places bothe of England and Scotland also as Hector Boethius the Scottishe hystoriographer moste plainly writeth affirming that amongst other this place being sometyme of the possession of the Earle Godwine was then first violently ouerwhelmed with a light sande wherewith it not onely remayneth couered euer since but is become withall Nauium gurges vorago a most dreadfull gulfe and shippe swalower This thing as I cannot but marueil how it hath escaped the penns of our own countrie writers the rather for that some of them liuing about that time haue mention of that harme in the lowe countrie so I sticke not to accept it for assured trueth considering either the auctority of the writer him selfe being a diligent and learned man or the circumstances of the thing that he hathe left written beeing in it selfe both reasonable likely And thus I might wel make an end but because I haue alredy takē occasiō to accuse thē of forgerie which affirme Godwine to haue bene choked at the bourde I trust it shal be no great offence though beside purpose yet for declaration of the trueth to rehearse shortly what some credible storiers haue reported of that matter also And to the end that the trueth may appeare by collation of the diuers reportes I will first shewe what the common opinion and tale of his death is and then afterward what these other men write concerning the same Ealred the Abbat of Ryuauxe who tooke paynes to pen the hystorie of the same King Edwardes whole life and of whom all others as I thinke learned this tale saith that while the King and Godwyne sate at the table accompanied with others of the Nobilitie it chaunced the Cupbearer as he brought wyne to the bourd to slip with the one foote and yet by good strength of his other legge to recouer him self without falling whiche thing the Earle earnestly marking sayde pleasantly that There one brother had wel helped another mary quoth the King so might me mine ne haddest thou bene Earle Godwine casting in his dishe the murder of his brother Alfred which was done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine as hereafter in fitte place for it shall appeare Hereat the Earle was sore moued and thinking it more then time to make his purgation tooke a morsell of bread into his hand and praying with great and vehement obtestation that it might choke him if he by any meanes caused the slaughter or consēted thereto he put the bread into his mouth and was immediatly strangled therewithall Some write that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane the holy Bishop of Worcester after a certain manner then vsed called Corsned as in the table to the Saxons lawes is to be séene But this Ealred affirmeth that after the woords spoken by the Earle the King him selfe blessed the bread with the signe of the crosse And therfore these men agrée aswel together as blessing and cursing be one like to another But letting that and them passe heare I beséech you what Alfred of Beuerley a learned man that liued in the time of King Henry the first somewhat before this Abbat Ealred saith touching this matter Godwinus graui morbo ex improuiso percussus ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens mutus in ipsa sede declinauit ac postea in camerā Regis a filijs deportatus moritur Quidam autem dicunt c. Godwine being sodainly strickē with a grieuous disease as he sate at the table with the King at Winchester fel down from his stoole and was carried by his sonnes into the Kings chamber where he dyed but some say that he was choked c. And to the same effect writeth Marianus the Scot. Simeon also the Chaunter of Durham whiche liued about the time of this Alfred or rather before him treating of this matter hath these wordes Godwinus graui morbo percussus in ipsa sede declinauit post horas quinque moritur Godwyne being taken with a grieuous disease dropped down from the place where he sate and dyed within fiue houres after Thus these men reporte another manner of his death the one vsing no mention at all of any accursed breade and the other reciting it but as a tale And for the more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat he that wil read the second booke of William Malmes De Regibus shall finde that the occasion and introduction of this matter I meane the slipping of the Kings Cupbearer and the speache that procéeded
William Becley in the reigne of King Henrie the sixt But nowe lately to repaire the losse of that dissolution Maister Roger Manwoode a man borne in the Towne and aduaunced by vertue and good learning to the degrée of a Serieant at the Lawe hathe for the increase of Godlinesse and good letters erected and endowed a faire Free Schoole there from whence there is hope that the common wealth shall reape more profite after a fewe yeares then it receaued commoditie by the Carmelites since the time of their first foundation This only is that whiche I had to say either of the present or passed estate of this place whiche done I will procéede to the narration of suche other thinges as long since happened thereaboutes partly for the illustration of the antiquitie of the towne partly for the setting forth of the cōmoditie of the hauen but chiefly for the obseruation of the order whiche I haue beegonne whiche is to pretermitte nothing woorthie note that I finde in stoarie concerning the place that I take in hand But bycause that whiche I haue to say dependeth altogether or for the greater parte vpon the Hystorie of the Danes whiche many yeares together disquieted this land it shal bée fitte aswell for the better explication of the thinges presently in hand as also for the more easie vnderstanding of other matters that must hereafter followe to disclose so compendiously as I may the first beginning procéeding and ending of the Danishe affaires warres and troubles within this Realme Aboute the yeare after Christe seuen hundreth foure score and seuen thrée vessels of the Northe East Countrie men whose ancestors had before within the compasse of one hundrethe and fourtie yeares sacked Rome in Italie foure seuerall times and whose ofspring afterward wonne Normandie from the Frenche King shewed them selues vpon the westerne shoare of England being sent before hand as it is supposed to espie the cōmoditie of the hauens the aduauntage of arriual the wealthe and force of the inhabitants to the end to prepare the way for greater powers then were appoin to followe These had no sooner set some of their men on lande but the Reeue or officer or Beorhtricke or Brictricke then King of the West Saxons had knowledge therof who came vnto them and demaunding the cause of their arriual would haue carried them to the Kings presence but they in their resistance slewe him wherevpon the people of the Countrie adioyning addressed themselues to reuenge and assembling in great numbers beate them backe to their ships not without the losse of some of their company And this was the first attempt that euer the Danes for so our hystories cal by one general name the Danes Norwais Gottes Vandals others of that part made vpon England after whiche tyme what horrible inuasions miseries calamities and oppressions followed shall appeare anone Not long after this enterprise a fewe ships of them made the lyke assay in Scotland and within short space after that also some other of them entred Tynemouth Hauen in the North parte of England and taking some small booties retourned to their vessels Now by this experiment they had gained sufficient knowledge of that for whiche they first came therefore thinking it fit tyme to assay further they rigged vp a greater numbre of ships armed more store of chosen souldiers entred the Riuer of Thamise with fiue and thirtie sayle landed in despight of the people fired spoyled herried and preuailed so farre that Egbert who then had the Monarchie ouer all England was faine to come with all his power to the reliefe and rescue But suche was the will of God for the punishement of Idolatrie and superstition which then ouerwhelmed this Realme that the Danes in stead of being discomfited by the Kings repaire were merueilously encouraged by his misfortune For after that they had once gotten the better in the field against him they were so embouldened therby that notwithstanding he afterward and some other valiant Princes following by great prowesse abated their furie in parte yet adioyning themselues to the Britons that then were in great emnitie with the Saxons and swarming hither out of their owne Countrie in such flightes that the number of the slaine was continually supplied with greate aduauntage they neuer ceassed to infeste the Realme by the space of thrée hundreth yeares and more during the reignes of fiftéene seuerall Kings till at the last they had made Etheldred flye ouer into Normandie leaue them his Kingdome During all whiche time howe mightely their forces increased vnder Hinguar Hubba Halfden Guthrum Aulaf and Hasten their Nauie being rysen from thrée ships to thrée hundrethe and fiftie at the least howe pitiously the East West Southe and Northe parts of the Realme were wasted the townes Cities religious houses and Monasteries of eache quarter being consumed with flames howe miserably the common people were afflictted men women and children on all sides going to wracke by their tempestuous furie howe marueilously the Kings were amased the arriualles of these their enemies being no lesse sudaine then violent howe barbarously the monuments of good learning were defaced the same suffering more by the immanitie of this one brutishe Nation then by all the warres and conquestes of the Pictes Scots Romanes and Saxons and finally how furiously fire and swoord famine and pestilence raged in euery place God and men Heauen and the elements conspiring as it were the fatall destruction of the Realme I may not here stand to prosecute particularly but leauing eache thing to fitte place I will procéede with King Etheldred and so to my purpose This man aboue all other was so distressed by their continual inuasions that since he wanted force to make his longer defence he thought it best to giue money for their continuall peace And therefore charging his people with importable tributes he first gaue them at fiue seuerall payes 113000. l. afterward promised thē 48000. yearely hoping that for asmuch as they seemed by the manner of their warre rather to séeke his coyne then his kingdome to rob then to rule at the least this way to haue satisfied their hunger but like as the stone called Syphinus the more it is moisted the harder it waxeth so no giftes could quenche the golden thirste of these gréedie raueners but the more was brought to appease them the more stonie and inexorable they shewed thēselues neuer ceassing euen against promises othes hostages to execute their accustomed crueltie Herevpon King Etheldred hauing nowe exhausted the whole treasure of his Realme and therefore more vnable then euer he was either by power or praier to help himself or to relieue his subiectes determined by a fine policie as he thought to deliuer bothe the one and the other For whiche purpose by the aduise of one Huna the generall of his armie he wrote letters to eache part of the Realme commaunding that vpon S. Brices day which is the morowe after Sainct
of this gallant brought to shame and confusion his Pecockes feathers pulled his black féete bewraied his fraude vnfoulded his might abated and him selfe in the ende suffered to sayle ouer with sorowe and ignominie Besides this Pryorie of S. Martines which was valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by yeare there was lately in Douer also an Hospitall rated at fiftie nyne poundes An other house of the same sorte called Domus Dei or Maison Dieu reputed worth one hundreth and twentie pounds And long since a house of Templers as they call it the which together with al other of the same kind throughout the Realme was suppressed in the reigne of King Edwarde the seconde The foundation of any of these I haue not hitherto founde out and therefore can not deliuer therof any certaintie at all Onely as touching this Temple I dare affirme that it was erected after the time of Conquest for as muche as I am sure that the order it selfe was inuented after that Godfrey of Bolein had wonne Ierusalem whiche was after the cōming in of the Conquerour To these also may be added for neighbourhoode sake if you will the Monasterie of S. Radegundes on the hyll two myles off valued at fourescore and eightéene pounds by yeare And here hauing perused the Towne Castle and religious buildings I woulde make an ende of Douer saue that Mathewe Parise putteth me in mynde of one thing not vnworthy rehearsall that was done in this Temple I meane the sealing of that submission whiche King Iohn made to Pandulphe the Popes Legate wherin he yealded his Realme tributarie and him selfe an obedienciarie and vassall to the Bishop of Rome And bycause this was almost the last acte of the whole Tragedie and can not well be vnderstoode without some recourse to the former parts and beginning and for that some men of late time haue taken great holde of this matter to aduaunce the Popes authoritie withall I will shortly after my manner recount the thing as it was done and leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader After the death of Hubert the Archebishop of Canterbury the Monkes of Christes Church agréed among them selues to chose for their Bishop Reginald the Subpryor of their house King Iohn hauing no notice of this election wherein no doubt he receiued greate wrong since they ought to haue of him their Conge deslier recommended vnto them Iohn Graye the Bishop of Norwiche a man that for his wisedome and learning he fauoured muche Some part of the Monkes taking soudaine offence at Reginalde for that he had disclosed a secrete out of their house and being glad to satisfie the Kings desire elected this Graye for their Bishop also Hereof grewe a great suite at Rome betwéen the more part of the Monkes on the one side and the Suffraganes of Canterbury and the lesse number of the Monkes on the other side The Pope vpon the hearing of the cause at the first ratifieth the election of Iohn Graye Howbeit afterwarde he refuseth bothe the electes and preferreth Stephan Langton whom the Monkes bycause the matter was not before litigious enough elected also Nowe King Iohn hearing that not only the election of Graye contrarie to the Popes owne former determination was made frustrate but that there was also thruste into his place a man familiarly entertained by the Frenche King his great enemie disliked much of the choice forbad Stephan the elect to enter the Realme The Pope againe who as Mathewe Parise writeth sought chiefly in this his choice Virum strenuum a stoute man that is in plaine speache a man that could exact of the Clergie kéep in awe the Laitie and encounter the King and Nobilitie séeing his champion thus reiected beginneth to startle for anger first therefore he moueth the King by minacing letters to admitte Stephan not so preuailing he enterditeth him his whole Realme And finally bothe prouoketh al Potentates to make open warre vpon him and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce full and frée remission of all his sinnes and the kingdome of England it self to inuade him this done he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops nobilitie and cōmōs of the Realme loosing thē by the plenitude of his Apos to like power from al duetie of allegiaunce toward their Prince By this meanes diuine seruice ceassed the King of Fraunce armed the Bishops conspired the nobilitie made defection and the common people wauered vncertaine to what part to incline To be short King Iohn was so pressed with suspition feare of domesticall forreigne enemies on al sides that notwithstāding he was of great and noble courage and séemed to haue forces sufficient for resistance also if he might haue trusted his souldiers yet he was in the end compelled to set his seale to a Chartre of submissiō wherby he acknowleged himselfe to holde the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre promised to pay yerely for the same and for Ireland 1000. Markes to the holy father his successours for euer this Chartre because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Golde was then commonly called Aurea Bulla the Bull of Golde Thus omitting the residue of this storie no lesse tragical and troublesome then that which I haue alreadie recited I report me to all indifferent men what cause Paulus Iouius or any other popishe parasite hathe by colour of this Bull to claime for the Pope superioritie Dominion ouer the King of this Realme since Iohn without the assent of the estates I meane his nobilitie and commons could not in such a gifte either binde his successours or charge the kingdome And for plaine declaration that his submission proceaded not with their consent I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston a Frier Preacher in the time of King Edward the third the which he wrote concerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland that in the reigne of Henrie the third whiche next of all succeaded King Iohn there were sent from the King the nobilitie and the commons of England these Noble men Hughe Bigod Iohn Fitz Geffray William Cantlowe Phillip Basset and a Lawier named William Powicke to the generall Counsel then assembled at Lions in Fraunce of purpose and with commission to require that the saide Bull sealed by King Iohn might be cancelled for as muche as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realme and the same Authour writeth that the Pope for that tyme did put them of by colour of more waightie affaires whiche the Counsel had then in hand I know that it may wel be thought néedlesse to labour further in confuting a litle so weightles for it is true that Aristotle saith Stultum est absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere It is but a follie to labour ouer curiously in refelling of absurdities And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Douer and procéede particularly to the rest of the places that lye on
to haue lien in the hart of England both bycause it séemeth likely that the common place of méeting should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the Realme and for that it is manifest by the hystorie that it was in the domini of the King of Mercia whiche I feare not to call midle England But for as much as I once read a note made by one Talbot a Prebendarie of Norwiche and a diligent trauayler in the Englishe hystorie vpon the margine of an auncient written copie of William Malmsburies booke De Pontificibus in whiche he expounded Clouesho to be Cliffe at Hoo neare Rochester and for that I doe not finde the expresse name Cloueshoo in all the catalogue of that precinct whiche was sometime the kingdome of Mercia although there be diuers places therin that beare the name of Cliffe as wel as this I am contented to subscribe to Talbots opinioÌ„ but with this protestation that if at any time hereafter I finde a better I will be no longer bounde to followe him And thus haue I now visited the places of chief note that lye in the skirtes of the Diocese whervnto if I had added a fewe other that be within the body of the same I would no lesse gladly then I must necessarily finishe and close vp this winters trauayle Swanscombe called in Saxon Spegenscomb that is the camp of Sweyn the Dane that encamped at Grenehithe hard by AS the whole Shyre of Kent oweth to Swanscomb euerlasting name for the fruition of her auncient franchises obtained there So I for the more honourable memorie of the place can gladly afoord it roome both at the beginning and towarde the ende of my labour The matter for the whiche it is especially renowmed is already bewrayed in the discourse of the auncient estate of this Shyre wherevnto I will referre you And at this time make note of a thing or twaine besides and so passe ouer to the residue The Manor of Swanscombe is holden of Rochester Castle and oweth seruice towarde the defence of the same being as it were one of the principall Captaines to whome that charge was of auncient time committed and hauing subiect vnto it sundry Knightes fees as petie Captaines or inferiour souldiours bound to serue vnder her banner there The Churche at Swanscombe was muche haunted in times past for Sainct Hildeferthes helpe a Bishop by coniecture of his picture yet standing in the vpper windowe of the Southe I le although his name is not read in all the Catalogue of the Sarons to whom suche as were distracted ranne for restitution of their wits as thicke as men were wont to sayle to Anticyra for Hellâ—borus This cure was perfourmed by warmth close kéepeing and good diet meanes not onely not straunge or miraculous but méere naturall ordinarie and resonable And therefore as one the one side they might truely be thought mad men and altered in their wits that frequented this pylgrymage for any opinion of extraordinarie woorking So on the other side S. Hildeferth of all the Saintes that I knowe might best be spared séeing we haue the keper of Bethleem who ceaseth not euen tyll this day to woorke mightely in the same kinde of Myracle ¶ Mepham aunciently written MeapaHam SImon Mepham the Archebishop that performed the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward the third had both his name natiuity of this towne although Polydore Virgil hath no mencion of the man at all in his hystorie or catalogue of Archebishops either not finding or forgetting that euer there was any suche It is probable also that the same Bishop built the church at Mepham for the vse of the poore which William Courtney one of his Successours repaired fowre score yeares after and annexed therunto fowre new houses for the same ende and purpose Besides these notes it hath chaunced mée to sée an antiquitie of Mepham whiche both for the profite and pleasure that I conceiued therof I think méete to insert thoughe happely some other man may say that I doe therein and in many others also nothinge els but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui Neuerthelesse to the ende that it may appeare what the auncient forme and phrase of a Testament was how the Husbande and the wife ioyned in making their Testamentes how landes were deuisable by testament in olde time by what wordes estates of inheritaunce were wont to be created how the Lordes consent was thought requisite to the testament of the tenaunt and how it was procured by a guift of Heriot which as Bracton sayeth was done at the first Magis de gratia quam de iure Furthermore that you may sée how this Towne of Mepham and sundry others came at the first to Christes church Saint Augustines and Rochester and finally that you may know as well what aduauncement to Gentrie was then in vse as also what weapons iewels and ornaments were at that time worne and occupied I wyll set before your eye the last will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife which was a man of great wealth and possessions within this Shire and had his abideing at Mepham more then sixe hundreth yeares agoe Ãis This is is ByrHtrices Birtricks and and AelfsÆ¿yðe Elfswithes His his Æ¿ifes wyues niHsta last cÆ¿ide þe Hi cÆ¿aedon on MeapaHam on Heora maga testament declaration whiche they declared at Mepham in their kinsfolks geÆ¿itnesse hearing witnesse ê§ Æ¿aes Æ¿ulfstan Vcca that was Wulstan Vcca and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie His his broðor brother and and sired Syred Aelfrides Elfrides suna sonne and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie se the blaca blacke and and Æ¿ine wyne preost the priest and and Aelfgar Elsgar on of MeapaHam Mepham and and Æ¿ulfeH Wulfey ordeges Ordeys suna sonne and and AelfeH Elfey His his broðor brother and and byrHtÆ¿ara Birtwar Aelfrices laf Elfrices widowe and and bryHtric Britric Hise maeg her cousine and Aelfstan bisceop Elfstane the Bishop Aerest His cyne Hlaford aenne First to his naturall Lord beaH on HundeaHtotigan one bracelet of foure score mancysen Markes of goldes golde and and ane one Handsecs hatchet dagger handknife of on as eal sÆ¿a miclan muche and and feoÆ¿er Horse and foure horses tÆ¿a geraedede two of them trapped and and tÆ¿a two sÆ¿rd swordes gefetelsode trimmed and and tÆ¿egen two Hafocas hawkes and and ealle all His his Heador Hundas houndes hedgehoundes And þaere And to the Lords wife Hlaefdian Ladie aenne one beaH bracelet on of þrittigan thirtie mancusan markes of goldes golde and and aenne one stedan horse stede palfrey to to forespraece intreate ê§ se cÆ¿yde standan moste that this testament stande maye And And for for His his saÆ¿le soule and and His his yldrena elders auncestors into Sct. Andree to Sainct Androes Rochester tÆ¿a two sulung plowland aet at denetune Dentun And Hio for Hire saÆ¿le and Hyre yldrena And they bothe for their soules and their elders tÆ¿a aet langafelda two at Longfield ploughlande And And þider in
at the Sea. The College The value of the Religious houses in this Shyre The Citie when it began The olde Schole at Canterbury The decay of Canterbury and other places Continuall contention betweene the two great houses in Canterbury Christes-Churche in Canterbury Thomas Becket the Archbishop his hystorie Saint Augustines The deade in old time were buried out of the Cities Popishe braules S. Maries in Canterbury The Saints and Reliques at CaÌ„terbury S. August Thomas Becket had two heads S. Gregories in Canterbury S. Laurenceâ— Hospitall S Iames Hospitall S. Sepulchers White friars S. Mildredâ— The Bishops Palaice S. Martines was a Bishops See. S. Sepulchres by CaÌ„terbury The Monkes coÌ„tend with the Archbishop and do preuaile The vanitie of Man and the subtilty of the Deuill be the cause of Idolatrie Saint Thomas Beckets Relique The olde manner of nameing men Maude the Empresse true Heire to the Crowne Bartholmew Badelesmere Thomas Colpeper The Pryory at Leeds By what meanes the Archebishops chair came to 〈…〉 The Deanrie of shorâ—ham A Popishe myracle Monkes contend for the electioÌ„ of the Bishop SaÌ„int Cuthbertes feast why holdeÌ„ double Bishops Sees are translated from Villages to Cities The Catalogue of Rochester Bishops The Harborowe of the Nauie Royall The benefites that God hathe giuen this Realme in the Reigne oâ— Queene Elizabeth A barbarous crueltie executed vpon Straungers Excessiue drinking and how it came into England Great troupes of seruing men came in with the Normanes The cause of the Conquest of Enlande Harold the King. The vncurtesie of the English natioÌ„ toward straungers Busyris was a tirant that sacrificed straungers and was therefore slaine by Hercules Our Lady the Rode of ChethaÌ„ Gillingham Horsted borne in Ailesford Hengist Horsa two famous Capitaines A religious Skirmish betwene the Monkes of Rochester and the Brethren of Stroude Friendsbury clubbes Eslingham Appropriations of benefices The Citie The Castle S. Andrews Church in Rochester Priests had wiues in England of olde time Saint William of Rochester Saint Bartholmewes Hospitall Rochester Bridge both the olde the newe Syr Robert Knolles a valiant Capitaine The Hospitall The beginning of this scoffing by word Kentishe tailes Angle Queene Many kinges at once in Kent The olde manner of Signing Sealing of deedes Fernham The Danes compelled to take the Thamise The Danes are chased from Otforde Earle Edrie an infamus traytour A noble example of Kinge Edmunde Ironside The names of Townes ending in ing The Abbay The Solaces of Solâ— life The Castle The Cleargie was law lesse The Pryorie at Tun-Bridge The Low the of Tunbridge 42. H. 3. The Archebishop hath an Earle to his Butler The Rooâ—â— of Asherst was a growing Idole The masters of the nauie Royal. Alphey the Archbishop was cruelly slaine A popish minde 32. Shyres in England Great suÌ„mâ— of money paied to the Danes The Priorie of Shene The frierie The Palaice The rebellion of Iack Straw The rebellion of Iack Cade The rebellion of the black smith Lord Richard Lucy The ancient manner of the triall of right to Landes Wager of Lawe Hengist Horsa The beginning of the Kentishe Kingdome Orpenton the course of Cray water Mesopotamia signifieth a couÌ„try encompassed with riuers Rochester castle beseiged Princes may wooe by picture and marye by proctor The Abbay The old maner of Tourneament The occasion of Iacke Strawes his rebellion The courâ—â— of the riuer of Derent The name of Portreue whereof it commeth The name of Sherife London had a Portreue The office of a Reue. A learned age in which priestes had more latine theÌ„ english and yet almost no latine at all The order of this description The Manour The church of S. Hildeferthe The auncient forme of a Testament The auncient estate of a Gentleman and by what meanes gentle was obteyned in the olde time The degres of Freemen Earl Thein and Churle Alderman ShiremaÌ„ c were names of offices Wisdom is more profitable when it is ioyned with riches Merchandize and Husbandrie 1. The worship of many Gods. Saint Edith and her offering The olde newe Romanes agre in many points of religion S. Thomas Beckets spiteful miracles S. Bartilmew of Otford and his offering The Palaice at Otford Cardinall Morton Erasmus doth misreporte the cause of the contention between the King and Thomas Becket The Manor of WinghaÌ„ Reigate Castle in Surrey The Schole and Almes house The Town The name Gauelkind wherof it arose To shift laÌ„d is an olde terme The antiquitie of Gauelkind custome The diuisioÌ„ of this discourse What lands be of Gauel kind nature Some Knight fee is Gauelkinde Auncient Knight fee is not of the nature of Gauelkynd The change of Gauelkind tenure is no chaÌ„ge of the nature of Gauelkind A contrarie vsage changeth not the nature of Gauelkinde HeaHbeorg in Saxon is a high defence and the customs of NormaÌ„die that cal fieâ—e or fee de Haubert whiche oweth to defend the laÌ„d by full armes that is by horse haubert target sword or helme and it consisteth of 300. acres of land which is the same as I suppose that we called a whole Knights fee * The custome of Gauelkind is vniuersall in Kent The reason of Gauelkinde Custome What thinges shal ensue the nature of the land Rent Remainder Voucher Condition Attaint and Error No battail nor graund Assise in gauelkinde Forfaiture in Felonie Cessauit in Gauelkind Tenant by the Courtesie Tenant in Dâ—wer The difference betweene coÌ„mon Lawe and Custome therin Dower of chattels Partition of chattels Partition of chattels London Partition of Gauelkinde lands Astrâ— what it meaneth Gardein after the cusâ—ome Sale is at 15. yearâ—â— Sale good at 15. yeares No villains in Kent Apparance Câ—men Chase and driue out Attaint Chaunging of wayes Goppies These wordes betweene the starres were taken out of an other olde copie Free men Esechator Giue and sell landes without licence Plede by writte or pleinte Appeare by Borsholder No eschete for felonie but of goods only Dower of the one half Flying for felony causeth forfeiture Partition amoÌ„gst the heirs males The Astre Curt in other copies One suite for all the parceners Partition of goods Custodie of the heire in Gauelkind Sale at xv yeres of age Dower of the one half Forfaiture of Dower Tenant by the courtesie of the one halfe The discent of Gauelkind changed Forfaiture by Ceslauit or Gâ—uelate No oathe but for fealtie Essoignes No battail nor graunâ— assise in Guelkinde landes A Table conteining the principall places and matters handeled in this Booke A Angles or Englishmen Page 2 Archebishopricke of Canterbury Page 62 Archebishops contend for the primacie Page 65 Archebishops all named Page 70 Armour Page 112. 211. Apledore Page 146. 162 Aile or Eile a Riuer Page 177. Correction of adulterie Page 180. Appropriations Page 292 Ailesforde Page 321. Asheherst Page 333. Adington Page 258. Aldington Page 149. B Brytones or Welshmen Page 1. 12. Borsholder what he is Page 22 Bridges of stone Page