and dying bodies the Northerne men began to hope for safety onely in flight Neither did they â—eeld to the prevailing Fortune of the Enemie untill their courages vvere dismayd vvith sight of so many eminent persons slaine before their eyes For the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lords Beaumont D'acres Gray and Wells with divers others of greatest reputation for Nobility and courage had already falne and in their slaughter taught the survivers what to expect The Dukes of Sommerset and Exeter seeing all things desperate the greater part of the Armie slaine the rest broken and flying poasted to Yorke to carry the fatall newes of this overthrow to the unfortunate King whose vertue yet had a patience greater than his ruine In no battle was ever powred forth so much English Blood for in this and the two precedent dayes were slaine sixe and thirty thousand seven hundred seventy sixe persons all of one nation many neere in alliance some in Blood fatally divided by faction yet all animated with the same zeale to maintaine their Princes right which being so difficult to resolve doubtlesse made the quarrell on either side how ruinous soever to their famelies not unsafe to their Consciences And it is worthy observation that in this so long and cruell conflict betweene the two houses never any stranger of name was present at our battels as if we had disdaind to conquer or perish by other weapons than our owne Kind Henry perceiving how desperate his hopes were in England with the poore remaines of his partie secured himselfe by flight into Scotland And with such hast that before King Edward got to Yorke where he hoped to have surpris'd him dismaid with the late discomsiture nothing was there left but the Citie humbly devoted to the dispose of the Conqueror But on the walls yet remaind the heads of Richard Duke of Yorke and his friends an ignominious spectacle unluckily there standing to inâ—ence him to cruelty For on sight of so barbarous an injurie he gave present command that Thomas Earle of Deâ—â—aâ—â—iâ—â— should be beheaded with three others taken in the former battle that these new heads might râ—leeve them who had stood centinell so long and that his father and friends might not want that busie part of the body to be inclosed with them in the grave An action too much savouring of the ancient Heathen the soules of Christians no way requiring their murders to be revengd or their injuries appear'd with such an offering After this dire oblation he sent part of his Forces to cleere the coast toward Scotland from the dregges of warre where to terrifie that people prone to innovation in King Henries quarrell some examples of severitie were made In the interime he with as glorious triumph and large joy as victory could beget which begot no lesse to him than absolute Soveraignety marcht toward London By the inhabitants whereof who were deepely interessed in his Fortune he was with all the solemnity of a secure gladnesse entertaind To the triumph of his entrance soone succeeded that of his Coronation perform'd with usuall ceremonies but most unusuall congratulations Immediately that no circumstance of Soveraintie might be wanting a Parlament was Summond By which his title might be reconfirm'd his partakers rewarded his enemies punisht And though private respects were his chiefe businesse desiring to disaâ—â—ll all acts made heretofore in prejudice to the house of Yorke and its adherents yet the outward pretention was the safety and quiet of the Realme For he publickly profest his onely care to bee that such wholesome lawes might be enacted as might redresse disorders crept into the state by free licence given to rapin in the former troubles By which apparence of solicitude for quieting the republique he gain'd authority among the wise and created a beleefe in all that his government in peace vvould be as fortunate as his successe in warre Having by his wisedome and providence thus won opinion upon the generality he bestowed his graces on particular persons whom blood in merit rendred deare to him His brothers George and Richard he created Dukes the elder of Clarence the younger of Glocester Iohn Lord Nevill the Earle of Warwickes brother he made Vicount Mountague Henry Bourchier brother to the Archbishop of Canterbury Earle of Essex and William Lord Fauconbrige Earle of Kent He erected divers others to the Title of Barons and honour'd many with Knighthood The conclusion of this great assembly was punishment for John Earle of Oxford Aubery Vere his sonne Sir John Tiddenham Knight William Tirrell and Walter Mountgomery Esquires were without anâ—were convict ofâ— reason and behended A rough proceeding which favord something too much of the Conqueror Bâ—sinesses thus happily setled at home to check the â—udaciousnesse of our transmarin neighbours who had throwrie injuries on our Nation weakned by discord the Earles of Esseâ— and Kent with the Lord Audley were sent with ten thousand souldiers to scowre the narrow Seas who first landing in Britaine tooke the Towne of Conquest and afterward in the Islâ— of Râ—â— pillâ—g'd that little Country and with victory returned By vvhich enâ—erprise though of nâ— signall consequence to his affaires yet King Edward gave the French to understand hoâ—â— unfaâ—â—â— it vvas to â—â—â—â—tate the English govern'd by â—â—â— active Princeâ— vvho might perhaps 〈◊〉 in person appâ—â—â—e abroade for the recovery of â—â—â—ose Provinces nothing but â—â—â—â— dissâ—â—sion â—â—ould have losâ—o As likevvise to tâ—â—rifie all 〈◊〉 states from adhering to King Henry vvho both in câ—â—rage and fortune vvas â—o â—aâ—â—e inferioâ—â— And noâ—â— vvas the prosperitie of Edwardâ—n â—n so full splendor and so darke a cloud hung over the house of Lancaster that Henry Duke of Sommâ—rset and Sir Ralph Percie for â—â—â—â—e the â—â—ineâ— of that family they had â—â— long endeavour'd to support To King Edward the submission of tvvo so eminent persons appear'd vvelcome as a victory and they by his favour were presently restored to full possession both of honour and â—â—tarâ— the same grace promist to any who mighâ—â—â— example should perswade Yet did not the indefatigable Queene loose any thing from her sprit on endeavours Hâ—qlate so sad discomfiture and revolt now of her chiefe adherents able perhaps to 〈◊〉 forâ—â—â—â— not her And having upon full reckoning perceived that she must account of no powre at home she made her addresses to all Princes abroad whom allianee reason of state or compassion of so great a disaster might move to her assistance But as it is in the fate of all women who usurpe on their husbands she had beene â—o happie in mannage of his prosperitie and Towâ— wâ—somuch morâ—â—â—capable to â—â—gole against christ forâ—â—â— and 〈◊〉 in felicityâ— Gâ—â—â— undertakings being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succesfull in 〈◊〉 whose government 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 selfe in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beene disorderly and 〈◊〉 But certainely how erronious hovvever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she â—â—â— now defective onely in thâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not ruled by ours but by a high
who would have beene as bold to have fought his quarrell and lost so good shipping and so commodious a haven Towne For they were resolv'd to see both consumed with themselves that the victory might be no triumph to the conquerour and the conquer'd might have that comfort in their ruine The proposition was accepted by the King and the Duke of Glocester whose wisdome and valor had wrought him high in the opinion of the King was sent with a generall pardon to the Rebells and authority in the Kings name to receive the Towne the Castle and all the shipping in the harbour But the King who never let any pardon be an impediment to his purpose having them in his power caused the Lawes severely to proceed against them And for the example of the rest Spicing and Quintin tvvo of the chiefe in this rebellion vvere executed at Canterbury and their heads set upon those gates vvhich at their last being at London they so furiously assaulted And that the King might not onely dravv blood but treasure from this businesse a Commission of Oier and Terminer vvas directed to the Lord Deubam and Sir John Fog to inquire against Offenders in the last rebellion and to inflict either corporall or pecuniary punishment But the Commissioners vvho understood both the necessity and intention of the State made rather choyce of the later knovving death vvould but incurre the opinion of cruelty and no way advance the Kings benefit Whereas great fines weaken as much the discontented make the Prince as secure from danger even with the reputation of clemency And that Fauconbridge the first moover of this sedition might have no more priviledge then his complices comming into South-hampton he was apprehended and put to death The inserting of his name in the former pardon though often pleaded by him serving onely to make him suffer the same execution with the rest The punishment of these succeeding so well the King proceeded against others And first against the Arch-bishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke who with his spirituall authority had set a glosse of Religion upon all the later attempts And by his working inclin'd the Commons of the North to so constant a resolution for King Henry With him the King tooke order because he found his ambition irregular and sent him to be kept prisoner in the Castle of Guisnes Where deservedly he endured a long restraint never attain'd liberty till death enlarg'd him No man afforded the poore comfort of pitty to his affliction because in his prosperity he had beene insolent and factious The manner of the attachment was according to the custome of the King unfaithfull For having admitted the Arch-bishop after Barnet field not onely into favour but a speciall familiarity as he was hunting with him neere Windsor he promist to come to the More a place in Hartford-shire which was not long before purchaste and built up most commodiously by the Arch-bishop and there to hunt with him with this caution that there might be nothing but a liberall mirth and friendly entertainement With much complacency the Arch-bishop retired to his house joyfull to see the King so free in his affection without memory of former discontents And that the entertainement might not be altogether beneath the Majesty of his person against the Kings comming beside all provision which the shortnesse of the time could make he had gather'd together of his owne and his friends plate and other rich housholdstuffe to the value of twenty thousand pound Next day expecting the presence of the King On the sudden Sir William Par knight and Master Thomas Vaughan entered the house and by vertue of a Commission to that purpose confiscated all those goods to the Kings use Who having arrested his person and sent that to prison seized upon all his estate both temporall and Ecclesiasticall The former forfeited for ever the later during the Archbishops life The crime objected against him was treason for secretly aiding the Earle of Oxford who at that time had fortefied Saint Michaels Mount in Cornewall For the poore Earle seeing the whole Island lost from the house of Lancaster in whose defence he had beene so constant and all the great favourers of the quarrell destroyd having no place of safety to shelter himselfe abroad tooke this corner of the kingdome and endeavour'd to make it good But this was but the enterprize of a desperate man for all his hope this way could be onely to prolong a wretched life without servitude As for liberty he was his owne goaler and his fortresse his prison The whole number of his Souldiers were but seventy scarce enough for his retinue Yet with these he managed his businesse so happily that though besig'd hee revictualled the place and made his defence good some moneths But when Richard Fortescue Esquire of the body to the King and then Sheriffe of the County came downe and by open offer of the Kings free pardon to all the Earles men and secret practising had wrought them to his purpose The Earle was forced to yeeld and with him the Lord Beumount two of the Earles brothers and Thomas Clifford all persons of great name and quality The King receiv'd them to mercy as farre as their lives were concernd But for their estates for now he began to husband his victories to the benefit of his treasury he confiscated them wholly not allowing the disconsolate Countesse any part of her joynture Insomuch that during the life time of King Edward for all that while was the Earle kept prisoner neere Callice in the Castle of Hames she was forced to live upon the curtesie of her friends a kinde of better sort of almes All now were reduced to order except the Earles of Richmond and Pembrooke and them the King labour'd to fetch in For now either his nature was alter'd to a strange mistrust which in his youth had beene so taxed for an uncircumspect confidence or else he began to be govern'd by a Councell of a more wary judgement and whose sight could discerne danger a farre off And certainely who compares the first and last times of the Kings government shall perceive a strange difference in the pollicy unlesse in those affaires wherein he obey'd his owne direction and in them remain'd a taint of his naturall errour Which change of governement may be ascribed to the Duke of Glocester a man whom the conscience of his owne infidelity made jealous of the faith of others who thought no enemy alive and with liberty but full of danger how weake so ever his power or pretence might be and who at this time held the sterne of the Councell while the King at pleasure wanton'd in his Cabin By his advice Commissioners were sent over to the Duke of Brittaine in whose dominions the Earles remained to expostulate the injury of giving entertainement to any evill affected to the state of England Pembrooke having been upon all occasions an open Rebell and Richmond onely
wanting age to take armes and who shortly appeared to threaten no lesse dangerous They desired him as he respected confederacy with England and the common pollicy of Princes not to disobliege the King by comforting his enemies and succouring such who could bring nothing but ruine to their abettors Neither to preferre faith to two miserable exiles before love to a Prince who had both the power and intention to joyne with him in any warre that might tend to the safety or honour of his Dutchy They concluded with an earnest request that he would deliver up into their hands the two fugitives that such order might be taken as was safest for the present state Or if the too scrupulous observance of an oath perplex'd him that at least such care might be had that they might neither attempt confederacy abroad or a power to enable them to returne home The Duke made answer that in point of honour he could not condiscend to the Kings first demand having upon their arrivall there given them his word But for the second part he would beyond the Kings owne desire consult for the safeguard of his Majesty and restraining them from any power to attempt new enterprizes And perhaps as it would preserve his reputation clearer to the World so would it more advance the Kings purpose to let them remaine in Brittaine rather then to have them returned into England Considering at home they had a great kindred and by the slaughter of the rest were growne chiefe of the faction of Lancaster Whereas if they continued with him they should be in a free but a safe custody in a Country where they were so farre from power that they wanted acquaintance And that himselfe would narrowly looke that no discontended persons should resort to them or that they should make their addresses to any other Prince Whereupon he intreated his Majesty to consider him as a Confederate most religious in maintenance of that amity heretofore so happily begun and hitherto so faithfully maintaind With this answer the Embassadors return'd and the Duke made good his promise to the King For presently he remooved all their English servants and set Brittaines to attend them who did rather observe then serve them Men who cunningly markt not onely who made their dependancies upon them of the English or with what people they held intelligence but even their lookes and sent the Coppy of them into England oftentimes with a false interpretation Then that two together might not animate each other and enter into dangerous Councells they were kept divided and all communication either by language or letter absolutely interdicted And that both being in the same sufferance might not conspire to the same escape there was a guard set upon them who narrowly though respectively waâ—châ— them So that we may guesse this great care the King tooke for their restraint to have wrought a strange effect Richmond esteeming himselfe more considerable as he was more suspected and by the feares of the King making valuation of his owne pretences Great thoughts crept into his minde by the circumspection of such great Princes and the vulgar both abroad and at home began to beleive for they alwayes thinke there are strange depths even in the shallowes of Princes actions there was much mistery in Richmond title and danger in his liberty Whereas had he lived unsuspected by the King he had perhaps dyed unobserv'd by the world By this negotiation with Britaine having secured himselfe of these two Earles who might endanger trouble to the kingdome at home he began to looke abroad whether yet hee had never liberty to cast his eye His pleasures or dangers higherto so taking up his time that he had onely serv'd his appetite or safety But now hee had quieted all civill troubles and even rooted up the very feare of warre hereafter He therefore thought it necessary to looke first upon France a nation which had made benefit of our ruine and while we busied our thoughts and courage in destruction of each other recovered so much life they were growne dangerous Of their farther growth the King was fearefull and resolv'd if he could not make them lesse at least to keepe them at a stay Whereupon having intelligence of a marriage in agitation betweene Duke Charles brother to Lewis the Eleventh and then heire apparent to the Crowne and the daughter and sole heire of Charles Duke of Burgundy he endeavoured by all art to breake off the treaty For he considered how formidable the French would grow to our kingdome should the so large territory of the seventeene Provinces with the other dominions of the Duke be added How they would then be enabled to revenge those many injuries the fortune of our victories had done them when we should be left to our owne armes the Burgonian by whose aide we had enterd and conquerd France now prepared to warre upon us How France superiour alwayes to the English in multitude and extent of territory and defective onely in commodious Havens would by this be enlarged with a mighty Sea coast and as good men for Navigation as the world then had By which they would have absolute command at Sea and keepe us within the narrow limits of our Island If they would permit us that These considerations made the King sollicit both the Duke of Brittaine and the Count S. Paul the two earnest meditators for Duke Charles to desist from farther negotiation in the marriage Brittaine he moved to reflect upon his owne danger if Charles should survive King Lewys as by course of yeares it was probable and have so great an Empyre under his command That greater Princes like greater Rivers swallow up the lesse and after a while retaine no memory of them And if he presumed upon the friendship betweene him and Duke Charles and the many courtesies done him it was a trecherous hope that never yet kept faith That Brittaine never enjoyd all the priviledges appertaining to the Dutchy but when France was disabled to infringe them VVith the Count S. Paul he dealt another way by representing to him the neere friendship that ought to be betweene them too in respect of the so neere alliance being Vncle to his Queene By which he intreated him not to urge a businesse so prejudiciall to the safety of the Crowne of England which in a neere degree concern'd his owne blood VVithall he advised him to take care of himselfe and not to exasperate too farre King Lewys to whom the treaty of this marriage was most unpleasing in regard to the safety of his owne estate To foment discord betweene brothers being injurious to religion and unsafe to pollicy For Nature reunites them and throwes both their mallices on him who occasioned the first breach and who for the most part is yeelded up a sacrifice to the reconcilement He concluded with the madnesse of his actions who would provoke the just anger of so subtill and so revengefull a Prince for the fraile amity
the chance of warre why was not an honorable peace to bee prefer'd Especially since if wee had faild in the successe how wretchedly had our forces beene broken in opinion and how impossible on the sudden to re-inforce the Armie And if the French had declin'd the battaile into what necessities had wee falne the Summer almost paste and both Burgundie and S. Paul refusing to let us have townes to winter our men And if wee looke upon the peace it selfe nothing is in it disadvantagious to our honour or profit Considering it brought not onely a great present summe and annuall revenue but brought it from the then greatest Prince in Christendome enforc'd by feare And for convenience the marriage of the Kings daughter to the Dolphin could not be but esteemed of maine consequence why then wonne that apothegme so much reputation that reported our King to have gain'd nine battailes in which hee personally fought and never to have â—ost any but this Since in this hee overcame a Prince of farre greater power then hee ever fought with before with no disadvantage but that the victory was purchast without blood which should be esteemed an addition to the glory of it And if you cast your eye backe upon the course held in the most famed Empire and especially in the Roman which was the noblest you shall finde they never refused their friendship to any Prince who supply as Lewys of France to King Edward requested it And tooke more glory to have Kings their tributaries then their Kingdomes farm'd out to a more profitable revenue But of this enough and but enough since it tends onely to vindication of the English honour which the French vaunted so much to have suffered in this treaty In which they thinke us by their wits miserably overreacht and perhaps indeed wee were if the articles be onely judged by their feares and not by the difficulties of our army at that time and the just jealousie of the King that his confederates intended not his but their owne businesse The newes of this Peace no sooner came to the Court of the Duke of Burgundy but in all hast he poasted to the English Campe attended onely by sixteene Horse The distraction of his looke and gesture exprest the wildnesse of his thoughts so that the whole Army discovered his discontent before he utter'd it His first addresse to the King was in question of the truth of the common report that spoke a peace concluded betweene him and King Lewys Which when he was resolv'd was true hee presently broke into a most passionate fierce language Obrayding the King with inglorious sloath and the indefatigable courage of former Kings of England upon whose attempts waited ever the noblest victory He made a scornefull repetition of the mirth his enemies would make at his returne as if hee had come over with so huge an Army Merchant like to trafficke for a little mony and the contempt hee must needs become to his owne people when they should perceive the great conquests their contributions have brought home And when it was intimated to him that he and the Duke of Brittaine were included in the Peace he disdainefully rejected it protesting the love he bore the English name not care of his owne safety had perswaded King Edward to this enterprize And to show how little dependancy his Fortune held on any other and how without mediation of an allye he was able to make his owne peace he vowed to conclude none with France untill the English army had been three monthes at home After hee had throwne forth these disordered speeches in much discontent hee left the King Who wondered to heare himselfe to disdainefully intreated Having seldome beene accustomed to any language but what was pollisht to delight by flattery But they who misliked the Peace commended the spirit of the Duke overjoyed to heare their unquiet thoughts which feare restrained from utterance so freely spoken But the Count Saint Paul assertained of this accord was seized upon by a farre other passion For by dissembling with these three Princes in hope to winne into love and reputation with the more fortunate hee had offended them all so farre that hee knew not to which confidently to flye for refuge France was irreconciliable because he had beene ever in practise against the quiet and safety of that state and who both by the tyes of allyance as having marryed the sister of King Lewys his wife and loyalty as who held much Land in France and executed the place of Constable being oblieged to seeke the preservation of his Country had for many yeares nourisht treason and sometimes brought the Crowne it selfe to the hazard Then from England or Burgundy there was no probability of friendship both having beene deluded by his promises and in the last businesse at S. Quintin provoked to the highest indignation For although the English onely sustained the losse in point of safety for the present expedition yet in point of honour the Duke had his share in sufferance Hee having before the Kings passage out of England covenanted for the faith of the Count Saint Paul But certainely the misery of a petty Prince is lamentable and his estate most unsafe when there is any jealousie growing betweene his more potent neighbours For Neutrality is incompatible with his fortune in regard his Country shall then lye open to the spoyle of every army if he deny to declare himselfe and if he declare himselfe he must run the hazard of anothers Fortune And oftentimes the very scituation of his Principality enforceth him to take part not with the stronger or juster but with the nearer neighbouring as in danger of whose rage his estate is most subject But in addition to the misery of his Fortune S. Paul had the unquietnesse of minde raised up into a high ambition by the cunning of wit For he had so many and so farre fetches in his imaginations and of them some had prospered so much to his advantage that it made him presumptuous of his abilities to dissemble and therefore continue in it till at last the discovery tooke away all beliefe from his after pretentions and happily too from his reall intentions But among the greatest of his misfortunes is to be reckoned the time he lived in For had he not met with so polliticke a Prince as Lewys of France who had likewise the start of him in good lucke he questionlesse might have attained some one of those many designes he so wittily and probably contrived But in the conduct of their affaires Princes shall finde a discreet honesty not onely toward God but even to the depraved World the safest rule of humane actions For the absolute dissolution of a state was never knowne to happen by observance of faith or Religion and seldome in the time of a good Prince I meane if his goodnesse were active not over-ruled by evill Counsell to misgovernement S. Paul in this distraction of thoughts endeavoured to recover a
the Embassadors who had forgot by their mony to make him an instrument in effecting this treason This villaine for hee was fittest for the businesse so ordered the matter that while hee entertaind the Embassadors in a most serious discourse the Earle was carried into Sanctuary and no notice given them till he was beyond their reach Which when they understood finding themselves defrauded of so great a bargaine and even of the money layd out in the purchase indignation transported them into bitter language against Landois But he excused himselfe of the practise and layd the whole fault of the misfortune upon their negligence desiring that their carelesnesse in loosing a prey might not be cast as a crime upon that respect he had shewed them in his visit And when the Embassadors importun'd him by his authoritie to force the Earle from the place hee pretended religion to the Sanctuary which if he should out of honour to the English but offer to violate so great was the veneration the people hold it in that they would tumultuously rise to prevent so bold a sacriledge Hee advisd them therefore to give over this game lost past play and prepare their excuse as cunning as possible to satisfie their King And for his part to show the zeale hee bore to the affaires of England hee would take such order and he knew it would stand with the approbation of his Master that the Sanctuary should be severely guarded whence if the Earle endeavourd an escape it should be into some place of safetie where hee should be strictly imprisond till the King of England were pleased otherwise to dispose of him With this plausible discourse Landois left the Embassadours to saile over whom the winde now too late servd to carry backe But the King notwithstanding the fairest colours they could lay upon the businesse and promise on the Dukes part to keepe the Earle safe from escape cast upon them a sower looke Misfortune to a Minister of state procuring for the most part as much disgrace as if he had beene perfidious in the practise Frustrated of his hope to gaine Richmond into his power but yet in part freed of all danger threatning from him the King to give a lustre to that peace he had setled began to addict himselfe to a profuse hospitality A magnificent way of greatnesse in which the Monarchs of this Kingdome have in all ages exceeded all the Princes of Europe And upon all solemne times when cessation from labour licenceth the vulgar to admire the glorious outside of a state he showed a particular bravery to the eye by presenting as well martiall exercises in Iusts Tiltings Turnaments Barriers and the like as the softer entertainements of wit full of an elegant curiosity for that time subject to too much tumult and noyse to give birth to the best inventions But of all solemnities the feast of Saint George Patron of the noblest Order of the World was celebrated with most splendor and pompe Of which our common Cronicles are so liberall in the relation that they spare my pen the labour Among these delicacies of peace the King forgot not to please his lust the bastard of an idle security And indeed impossible almost it was that his appetite flatter'd daily with all the curiosities of luxury should containe it selfe severely within the bounds of modesty For as by his other actions wee may judge how little trouble his conscience put him to and therefore not easie to be frighted from sinne by Religion so on the part of his body they who familiarly knew him affirme that never man was framed by Nature more apt to the exercise of love and whom amorous Courtship did lesse missebecome But Almighty God tooke not his naturall pronenesse to lust for an excuse but severely punisht him in his Sonnes Who were both dispossest of the Kingdome and their lives by their unnaturall Vncle There being so much apparence of right in the Vsurper by their Fathers incontenency that even an Act of Parlament was made to bastardize them And this sad judgement was provoked by the disorder of his lust to which how can wee wonder if so easily he declin'd since Majesty seldome admits of any instructions to a severe correction of the appetite Ambition to extend their dominions hath beene ever recorded the noblest vertue in Princes Who to lessen a neighbor state too mighty in the growth of Empire or in hope to conquer some territory to which the conveniency not the justice makes good the title without scruple hazard large armies of their people And confidently boast the victory though the warre were grounded upon injustice While King Edward lived at home glorious in his quiet this doctrine was listened to by Charles Duke of Burgundy in following which he made so many injurious and unfortunate attempts For after his peace concluded with France he directed his whole power to the destruction of the Duke of Lorraine A Prince who in favour of King Lewys to whose fortune he had devoted his service defied the Duke of Burgundy when he lay at the siege of Nuze And though this designe against Lorraine might carry with it all probability of successe considering the narrownesse of the Dutchy Yet as it ought in judgment to have beene weighed with the supports of France and other confederates in Germany it might beare a face of much more difficulty For it had not onely beene a perpetuall dishonour to King Lewys but even a disadvantage to his affaires to permit a free spoile of so neare an adjoyning countrey to the Duke of Burgundie whom for the present a blind revenge transported beyond reason and made him warre with all crueltie not onely against the Duke of Lorrain where the victory might in some measure recompence the cost but against the Switzers because they had sided with Lorrain and made some irruption into the territories of the Burgonian The Switzers a poore people unknowne to the world confin'd to a miserable life among their cold and barren mountaines onely proud in opinion they had of their libertie which was rather maintain'd by the fortune of the countrey inaccessible almost to an invading army then by the valour of the people Against these he led his forces rejecting all those submisse and deprecatory Embassies sent by them and that free acknowledgement of their povertie when they protested all the wealth of their Countrey sum'd up to the highest value would not be able to buy the Spurres and Bridle-bits in his Campe. Fortune in the beginning of this enterprise flatterd him to a continuance of the warre with prosperous successe intending by that glorious baite onely to angle him to destruction For soone the chance of warre turn'd and in three battailes in one yeare the unfortunate Duke was overthrowne In the last of which fought before Nancy hee was slaine A Prince who by his alliance and continuall intercourse of businesse had much relation to the English Whose honour and recovery of whose
of Armes and never so forward to any quarrell as against the French from whom they ever reaped victory and treasure And concerning money the strength of an Army the Exchequer was full enough without any burdensome imposition to beginne the warre It was therefore questionlesse a surfet brought this great Prince so suddainly to his end For who observes well the scope of his pleasure findes it to have beene placed much in wantonnesse and riot the two mightie destroyers of nature And commonly those excesses with which wee solace life we ruine it Hee dyed upon the ninth of April 1483. at his Palace of Westminster and was interred at Windsor Sixtus the fourth being Pope Fredericke the third Emperour Fardinand and Isobella King and Queene of Arragon and Castile Iohn the second King of Portugall Iames the third of Scotland and Lewys the eleventh of France Betweene whom and King Edward as there was much intercourse in businesse so was there great concurrence in fortune Both began and ended their raignes in the same yeares both were held in jealousie by the precedent Kings Edward by King Henry Lewys by his father Charles the seventh both had titles disputable to the Crowne The house of Lancaster usurpiug against Edward the house of England clayming against Lewys Both were perplext with civill warre and both successefull Lewys infested by an insolent Nobilitie Edward by a Saint-like Competitor Lewys victorious by act Edward by courage Both were rebeld against by their owne brothers Lewes by Charles Duke of Berry Edward by George Duke of Clarence And both tooke a severe revenge Lewys freeing himselfe from so bosome an enemie by poysoning Charles Edward by drowning Clarence Both ended this life with apparence of much zeale Edward religiously Lewys something superstiously Both left their sonnes yet children to inherit who dyed issulesse and left the Crowne to their greatest enemies Edward the fift to his Vncle Richard Duke of Glocester Charles the eight to his kinsman Lewys Duke of Orleans But who lookes upon the lives of these two Princes on the other side may as in a table which presents severall faces perceive as great disparitie But I am onely to give you the picture of King Edward without flattery or detraction which is rare in history considering authors fashion for the most part Idaeas in their mindes and according to them not to the truth of action forme a Pince which though happily iâ— winne applause to the writer is a high abuse to the reader BUt this King was if we compare his with the lives of Princes in generall worthy to be â—â—â—berd among the best And whom though not an extraordinary vertue yet a singular fortune made conspicuous He was borne at Roane in Normandy his father at that time Regent in France The â—o satall division betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster with him in a manner having both their birth and growth For as he the faction of his family gatherd strength His education was according to to the best provision for his honour and safetie in armes A strict and religious discipline in all probabilitie likely to have softned him too much to mercy and a love of quiet He had a great extent of wit which certainly bee owed to nature That age bettering men little by learning which howsoever he had wanted leisure to have receiv'd The Trumpet sounding still too loud in his eare to have admitted the sober counsailes of Philosophy And his wit lay not in the slights of cunning and deceit but in a sharpe apprehensition yet not too much whetted by suspition In counsaile he was judicious with little difficultie dispatching much His understanding open to cleare doubts not darke and cloudie and apt to create new His wisedome look'd still directly upon truth which appeares by the manage of his affaires both in peace and warre In neither of which as farre as concernd the pollitique part he committed any maine errour T is true he was over-reacht in peace by King Lewys abused concerning the marriage of his daughter In warre by the Earle of Warwicke when upon confidence of a finall accord he was surpriz'd But both these misfortunes I impute to want of faith in his enemies not of iudgement in him Though to speake impartially his too great presumption on the oath of a dissembling Prince and want of circumspection a reconciliation being but in treatie cannot scape without reprehension His nature certainly was both noble and honest which if rectified by the strait rule of vertue had rendred him sit for example whereas he is onely now for observation For prosperitie raisd him but to a complacencie in his fortune not to a disdaine of others losses or a pride of his owne acquisitions And when he had most securitie in his Kingdome and consequently most allurements to tyrannie then showed he himselfe most familiar and indulgent An admirable temperance in a Prince who so well knew his owne strength and whom the love of riot necessitated to a love of treasure which commonly is supplyed by oppression of the Subject The heavie fine upon Sr. Thomas Cooke and displacing the chiefe justice blemisheth him with violence and a vorice But that severitie and the other when hee began to looke into the Poenall Lawes were but short tempests or rather small overcastings during the glorious calme of his government And what soever injurie the subject endured was not imputed to the King But to Tipâ—oft Earle of Worcester and some under informers Or else to the Queene and her necessitous kindred The world either judiciously or else favourably diverting all envie from his memory Great judgement in leading his armies and courage in fighting personally speakes him both a daring Souldier and an expert Commander And the many battailes hee fought in all which he triumpht delivers him as much to be â—â—mired for his militarie discipline as his happy successe Fortune not deserving to have all his mightie victories ascribed to her gift Valour and good conduct share at the least with her in the fate of warre But as in armes he appeares most glorious to posteritie so likewise most unhappy For all those bloody conquests hee obtaind were against his owne nation And the greatest adversaries he over came neere in consanguinitie to him so that he may more properly be sayd to have let himselfe blood then his enemies or rather for preservation of his owne body to have cut off his principall and most necessary limmes For beside those many Princes of the house of Sommerset Buckingham Excester Oxford Devonshire Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury and finally the tree it selfe and the onely branch Henry the sixt and his Sonne Prince Edward He slew even the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague Two brothers who having lost their father in his quarrell hazarded their lives and those mightie possessions and honours which peaceably they might have enjoyed onely to advance his title But this was rather his fate then his fault and into this Sea
〈◊〉 For wiâ—â— the King of Scotland with 〈◊〉 is in the neerest place of safety she lâ—â—â—â—â—er hâ—â—â—â—â—nd to confirme a secure friendship she contracted a neere alliance by promising the young Prince her sonne in marriage to his lister And that this marriage might not seeme a gift but a bargaine shee â—â—â—ght the Lady by 〈◊〉 of Barwicke into the Scotâ—â—ands â—â—â— strongest Fort 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 in the North. But the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ever â—â—â—â—â—â—er son their 〈◊〉 and forâ—â— to â—opâ—â—ghaâ—e what otherwise they would with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perswaded to receive With Lewes the Eleventh the French King she prevail'd little though neere to him 〈◊〉 confanguinity for the discontent of his Nobility held him incontinuall suspition Otherwise she had title to promise her selfe large supplies from so potent and politicke a Prince whose interest it must no reasâ—â— have beene by fomenting discord at home to hinder us from any attempt abroad After â—uch 〈◊〉 she obtain'd that he declared himselfe â—â—â— King Henry By prohibiting all favorers of the house of Yorke accesse into the French dominions and opening them to all those of the party of Lancaster A negative kinde of helpe which rather showed there yet was Sanctuary left for Henries unhappie friends than any considerable ayde to be expected Phillip Duke of Burgundie though a mighty Prince and neere allyed to Lancaster whose wives mother was Philippa daughter to John of Gaunt by age and a passionate love to quiet was become altogether unactive Neither had Charles Earle of Charolois his sonne though of a daring Spirit and an affecter of businesse leisure to looke over into our Island being engaged to domestick troubles and suspitious of the designes of the French King With Charolois the Duke of Britaine held a strong confederacie and both of them intelligence with the discontented Lords of France The warre which was afterward so knowne by the name of the Weale-Publique being at that time among them privately in contrivance so that all these neighboring Princes to whom the affaires of England might seeme considerable were wholly taken up with attention to their owne The Emperor Frederick the third was more remote and so cautious from entring into the quarrels of other men that by any Art even with losse he would decline his owne Moreover he justly stood in continuall feare of the growing Fortune of the Turke who having lately subverted the Easterne threatned now ruine to the Westerne Empire and questionlesse had not the great God of Armies miraculously given a stop to his victories Christendome had now beene onely severall Provinces slaved to his tyrannie For pride and emulation had then turn'd our Armes upon our selves and left our bodies naked to the scourge of the common enemie Spaine was far off divided betweene a Christian and Mahometan government each labouring the extirpation of the other so that they had liberty to be Actors in no Tragoedie but their owne And indeede no conflict is so fierce and irreconciliable as when Religion animates to warre and makes it pietie to be cruell To her Father therefore who enjoyed the specious title of King of Sicily Naples and Hierusalem but possession of none of them the afflicted Queene was forc't to make a sad retreate A poore contemptible Lord living now to see his sonne in Law once the greatest Monarch of the Christian world a Prince as meerely titular as himselfe As if it had beene the Fate of these two that the one could say he might have beene the other that once he was a King Leaving therefore forraigne states intentive to their owne designes with her sonne whom to move compassion she had carried up and downe the Queene return'd to Scotland by her long but unsuccesfull labour having gathered together five hundred French a number so small and so unworthy the name of an Armie that it was but a competent retinue for so great a Princesse With these neverthelesse she sayld to Timmouth whence she was repulst by the inhabitants soone as shee landed and forc't againe to put to Sea But there for where may the unfortunate meete with friendship she found the winds her enemies whose unruly force drave her at length disorderly to Barwicke Heere some thinne regiments of Scots resorted to her in company of whom she entred Northumberland her husband 〈◊〉 in the Froâ—â— that the name and presence of King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invite the people to their ancient service and 〈◊〉 Authority to the designeâ— Bâ—â— soone thâ—â—e 〈◊〉 her error for hope not compassion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 danger and the Commonalty fate still 〈◊〉 by rising they understood themselves onely 〈◊〉 to shaâ—â— in the Kings misfortune For having upon a just aâ—câ—ouâ—â— discoverd how warâ—â— iâ— oâ—ely necessary to the most desperate and that in the 〈◊〉 it leaves them to nothing but bâ—ggâ—ry and â—â—â—â—â—shment they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the love of 〈◊〉 and every man betookâ— himselfe to industry And for the Nobility the King had â—â—on theâ—â—â—â—thâ—t by the reputation of his fortune or teâ—râ—â— of his courage so that â—â—mâ—maâ—â—o 〈◊〉 to change subjection Onely Hâ—â—â—â—y Duke of Sommerset and Sir Ralph Percie who â—ot long before had forsooke King Hâ—nâ—y in his tempest noâ—â— upon a false hope of fairer weather stâ—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is a ridiculous â—â—â—â—ing in Historians to ascribe the action of great men â—â—râ—etually to pollicie since iâ—resolution prevailes equally â—â—â—â—â— them as with the vulgar And why might â—â—â—â— desperation be gâ—t submission in these â—â—â—â— boâ—â—ing Edward and a vaine apparence of a reâ—urâ—e of fortune to King Hentiâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this lastrevolt Vpon this so weake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Margaret perceiving 〈◊〉 friendship 〈◊〉 husbands native Country destroy'd it as if an enemie's And â—anting forcâ— to râ—ach the prosperitie of her Competitor â—â—ll â—â—â—elly 〈◊〉 the Common people 〈◊〉 â—itherto beene onely subject to his Fortune bâ—aâ—ing iâ—waâ—dly a 〈◊〉 passionate love to the famely of Lancaster But this oâ—â—rageous carriage of the Armie chang'd absolutely their affections to the Queene Who was questionlesse by necessitie compel'd to things unlawfull whereby to prevent the disbanding of her Forces which were onely payd and kept together by a licencious spoyle To oppose against this attempt which onely betray'd the weaknesse of the Enemie King Edward sent downe the Lord Mountague himselfe staying behind to raise an Armie befitting the greatnesse of his name and present quarrell Giving likewise order that his Navie should guard the Seas to hinder any succours to the Queene from forraigne confederates But this was an unnecessary caution tâ— no state abroad being so desperate as to imbarque itselfe iâ— the broken seat of her Fortune Mountague at Land had a braver occasion to shew his courage who having in the Bishoprick of Durâ—sme gathered convenient Forces marcht directly against King Henry By the way the Lords Hungerford and Rosse and Sir Ralph Percie presented themselves to hinder his farther course but perceiving the good order and courage of his Armie all fled but the
of blood hee saild not voluntarily but violently driven by the tempests of his fortune And for the crueltie laid to him in the death of the Duke of Clarence he was certainly wrought to it by practise and the mis-information of an envious faction in Court The horrour of which fratricide possest him to the last houre of his life frequently complaining against the unhappy severitie of his justice and against the hard nature of his Councellors who would not interpose one word to him for mercy whereby so blacke a deede might have beene prevented But howsoever wee may wash away much of this blood from his memory yet there continue many foule staines upon it since publique mischiefes seldome happen but that the Prince though not actually nocent as in some degree guiltie As these so many confusions at home were the misfortune of his time so was abroad that so scandalous losse of the Easterne Empire to the Turke For though King Edward were not the occasion of so great ruine to the Christian Commonwealth and that this happened before hee attained the soveraigntie his father being head of the faction yet the civill warres of England raisd upon the quarrell which he was soone after to maintaine and the universall division among Princes of the West gave courage to the Infidells and denyed succours to the miserable Emperour opprest by an over potent enemy Whereby a Citie was prophaned in which the Christian faith had flourisht without interruption for a thousand yeares But as the Sea is sayd to gaine in another if it looseth in this place So about this time religion by the singular pietie and valour of Ferdinand and Isabella wonne ground upon the Moores in Spaine whence not long after they were totally and I hope for ever expeld But when the Warre licenc'd the King to attend his government we finde the administration of Lawes just and equall and many new statutes enacted wholesome against diseases crept into the State So that he appeard dilligent both to heale up any wound the tumults of his raigne had given the commonwealth and provident for the health of future ages And certainly no Prince could husband the benefits of peace better for the outward magnificence For his glory was much in hospitalitie and a pompous celebration of the principall feasts of our redemption In which way of bravery setling much of his happinesse hee had beene doubtlesse the most fortunate of any King of the Norman line had hee not faild in expectation of his daughters marriage His buildings were few but sumptuous for that time or more properly but reparations Which are yet to bee seene at the Tower of London his house of Eltham the Castles of Nottingham and Dover But above all at Windsor where he built the new Chappell finisht after by Sr. Riginald Bray Knight of the Order and indowed the Colledge with mightie revenues which hee gave not but transferd thither taking from Kings Colledge in Cambridge and Eaton Colledge a thousand pound by the yeare to inrich this at Windsor But our buildings like our children are obnoxious to death and time scornes their folly who place a perpetuitie in either And indeed the safer kinde of fate happened to King Edward in both these felicities His posteritie like his edifices lost in other names For his two sonnes before they had survived their father the ceremonious time of mourning were themselves inhumanly murderd and as obscurely buried His eldest daughter the Lady Elizabeth was married to the Earle of Richmond knowne by the name of Henry the seventh Whose heire in a strait line not liable to any doubt or question is his most sacred Majestie now glorious in government of this Realme The younger daughters were bestowed one in a monasterie others upon inferiour Lords Cicily married John Vicount Wells Anne Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Briget was profest Nunne at Dartford Mary was contracted to the King of Denmarke but died before consummation Margaret died an Infant Katherine married William Courtney Earle of Devonshire But of none of these younger Princesses at this day remaines any thing but their memory All dying issulesse but the Lady Katherine whose posteritie faild likewise in the third descent Henry her sonne Marquesse of Exceter suffered by attainder in the raigne of his Cosen German Henry the Eight being not long before designd heire apparent an honour fatall in England and his sonne Edward untimely came to his death at Padua in Italy in the raigne of Queene Mary by whose favour hee had regaind his fathers honours and possessions So that all the cleare streame from the spring of Yorke flowes in the house of Scotland The troubled and impure runnes in many veines of the English Gentry For by the Lady Elizabeth Lucy he had an illigitimate Sonne named Arthur who by his wives right was Vicount Lile and dying without issue Male left to his three daughters and their posteritie some tincture of the blood royall This disease of his blood was the crime which procured both to his government and memory many hard censures For though some excuse his lust as a sinne though blacke to the eye of heaven yet no way generally injurious In regard the incontinency of one man could not be so diffusive as to wrong a multitude Neverthelesse who observes the revolutions of Kingdomes shall finde no one iniquitie in Princes so punisht The dishonour of one Lady abused extending the disgrace of severall families and mightie factions knitting together for revenge In the whole stocke of injuries none being so cruell to humane nature and which with lesse patience can bee dissembled His frequent perjurie a sinne which strikes like a Sword with two edges both against divine and humane faith was the crime which renderd him most odious to the societie of man For impiously hee appeard in this to brave heaven slighting all solemne covenants made with God and foolishly preferring before a holy promise a little profit or the satisfaction of his revenge Which crime however for the present it might stand him in some benefit yet certainly it might have indangerd him to much losse in all after enterprises which depended upon faith The deaths of Wells and Dimock of Fauconbridge of Sommerset Lord Prior of St. Iohns and others were the wounds perjury gave his soule the scarres of which remaine yet foule upon his fame But perhaps hee thought no faith was to be held with an enemy Or promist not with intention of performance An impious equivocation but then in practise with his neighbour Princes both of France and Burgundy So that the custome may in some sort seeme to priviledge the fault In his youth he was so uncircumspect and even when he had the strongest arguments for jealousie so overconfident that it engaged him to extreame difficulties and endangerd absolute ruine But his fortune almost miraculously made up all those breaches which had beene by his carelesnesse and presumption laid open and delighting something wantonly to boast her power and favour to him raisd him then highest when all the world and almost his owne hopes forsooke him For presently upon the slaughter of his father at the battell of Wakefield and the overthrow of his great supporter the Earle of Warwick at that of Saint Alban Shee inthrond him in the Kingdome Making the Queene and all the favourers of Lancaster when doubly victorious retire as overcome and the universall acclamations of the people set the regall Diadem upon his head whose fathers head at that time like a Traytors was fixt upon the Walls of Yorke scornd with a paper Crowne And afterward when from a mightie Prince hee was become a miserable Exile forc'd by the treason of his chiefest Councellors and powers of his greatest enemie to flie into Burgundy where hee likewise met with but a dissembled amitie Shee restored him to what at first shee gave And whereas his Forces were so weake upon his returne into England that despayring more hee humbly onely desired to be invested in his fathers Dutchy and vowed never to attempt the Crowne Shee violently forc'd it on him protesting by the mouthes of the Nobilitie who resorted to him at Nottingham not to afford him safetie if hee refused the soveraingtie By which amorous way of threatning shee in a manner wooed him to accept what hee durst not then hope to recover And had the appetite of glory more prevail'd with him then the sence of pleasure as farre as we may conjecture of his fortune hee might have extended his victories over the world which are now straitned with the narrow limits of our Island FINIS