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england_n	head_n	king_n	supreme_a	4,443	5	9.1068	4	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A02329	The historie of Guicciardin conteining the vvarres of Italie and other partes, continued for many yeares vnder sundry kings and princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same, deuided into twenty bookes: and also the argumentes, vvith a table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie. Reduced into English by Geffray Fenton.; Historia d'Italia. English	Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540.; Fenton, Geoffrey, Sir, 1539?-1608.	1579 (1579)	STC 12458A; ESTC S120755	1,623,689	1,210

dangerous warres wherof I wil make present discourse both for the same reasōs with the same shortnes that I haue touched thē in the narration of the yere before The beginning of these preparations and stirres grew vppon a resolution which the king of Englande made to inuade that sommer the Realme of Fraunce with a mayne army both by sea and lande And to make the victorie of this enterprise more easie he had agreed with Caesar to furnishe him of an hundred and twentie thousande duckets to make an entrie at the same tyme into Burgondy with an army of three thousande horsemen and eight thousande footmen parte Svvizzers and parte Almains He promised also to the Svvizzers a certayne proportion of money the rather to induce them to ioyne in the action with Caesar who was contented to put into their hands in pawne one parte of Burgondy vntill he had fully satisfied them of their payes Lastely also the king of Englande occupied this perswasion that his father in lawe the king Catholike cleauing to the confederation of Caesar and him which he had alwayes protested and assured would open the warre on his side at the same instante By reason whereof the reapporte of the truce made by thenglishe with the Frenche king and yet for all that the desire to make warre was nothing diminished was so yll brooked not onely by him but by all sortes of states and peoples in Englande that the Commons had done violent execution vpon the Spanishe Embassador if the kings authoritie had not resisted their furie To these things were added thoportunitie of thestate of tharchduke not so muche that he letted not his subiectes to take paye agaynst the Frenchemen as for that he promised to giue sufferaunce and passage of vittayles out of his countreys into thenglishe armie It behoued the French king to omit no sortes of prouisions agaynst so great preparations and daungerous threatning By sea he furnished a strong nauy to encounter thadmirall of Englande and by lande he leauyed men from all partes laboring specially to haue as great a strength of launceknightes as he coulde He had also affore made great instance to the Svvizzers that since they refused to ayde him in the warres of Italie at leaste that they woulde so farre fauour him as to delyuer him a proportion of footemen to helpe to defende the Crowne of Fraunce But they beeing wholly resolued to protect and assure the Duchie of Millan refused in any wyse to minister to him vnlesse he woulde eftsoones returne to the vnitie of the Churche and giue vp the Castell of Millan which was not yet rendred and also cancelling his rights interests to that estate he would promise no more to molest neither Millan not Genes Limitations no lesse vnprofitable to the French king then contrary to his honour and preiudiciall to the soueraigne dignitie of the crowne of Fraunce Likewise the French king the more to terrifie thenglish make them more intangled with their owne affayres had called into Fraunce the duke of Suffolke as Competitor and aspirant to the Crowne of Englande A deuise little helping the purposes of Fraunce and of great daunger to the race and progenie of the Duke for that in reuenge of their dealing the king of Englande by ordinarie course of the iustice of his Realme cutte off the head of his brother who tyll then had bene holden prisoner in Englande since the tyme that Phillip king of Castillo sayling into Spayne deliuered him into the handes of the king his father The French king also was not without hope to haue peace with the king Catholike for that when the king Catholike vnderstoode of the league made betwene the French and the Venetians he began to distrust muche of the defence of the duchie of Millan and sent into Fraunce one of his secretaries to practise newe offers And it was beleued that considering howmuch the greatnes of Caesar and the archduke might alter his gouernment of Castillo he could not in good pollicy stand well contented with thembasing of the realme of Fraunce Besides all these omitting no oportunities wherein occasion might be taken the french king forgat not in these actiōs to stirre vp Iames the king of Skottes his auncient confederate to th ende that he opening the warre vpon the frontiers of Englande he might with more facilitie make defence against so many mightie inuasions The Skottish king was moued to this warre by the consideration of his proper interests for that the aduersities of Fraunce could not but be daungerous to the crowne of Skotland in which regard ioyned to the respect of confederation he prepared him selfe to the action with all diligence demaunding of the Frenche king no other ayde then fiftie thousande frankes to leauye munitions and vittels Neuerthelesse the Frenche king was very slowe in gathering together his forces and prouisions bothe for that he had turned all his thoughtes to thenterprise of Millan and reaposed not a litle in the truce made with the king Catholike Lastly his accustomed negligence was no litle impediment to the expedition of his busines A vice most hurtfull to th affayres of Princes to whom is seldome seene to returne theffect or sruite of their exspectation when they stande to temporise vpon euery new occasion after the resolution is set downe and things referred to action And touching the king of England he cōsumed many monthes in measuring his proportions in leauying his prouisions in rating the state maner of his payes and in distinguishing the sortes of his souldiors and their fashions of armor weapons for that his subiectes hauing bene many yeeres without warres and no lesse chaunged the maner of warfaring both their bowes and their other vsual natures of armes being become vnprofitable he was constrayned to make great prouision of forreine armors artilleries and munitions and by the same necessitie to leauye as souldiors trayned many bands of launceknights horsmen the ancient custome of the English being to fight on foote for these impedimentes thenglish army passed not the seas soner then the moneth of Iuly And after they had for many dayes runne vp into the champayne countrey neare vnto Bolleine they went to incampe affore Torvvaine A towne standing vpon the marches of Pikardy in the region of those peoples whō the Latins call Morini The person of the king of Englande passed the sea a litle after who had in his maine army fiue thousand horses of seruice and more then forty thousand footmen An army not more notable by the multitudes of souldiors consideration of their vallor then most glorious by the presence maiestie of their king in whose person appeared at that instant being in an age disposed and actiue al those tokens of honor magnanimitie which rising afterwards to their ful ripenes perfection by degrees of time study and experience made him the most renowmed and mightie prince that lyued in his age in all this part or circuite of the

without hope the last extremitie of vittells they agreed to leaue the towne the horses and liues of the souldiours saued if they were not reskewed within two dayes And it is not to bee douted that their holding out by the space of fiftie dayes was not a thing that greatlie profited the realme of Fraunce who by the benefite of the long suffering of Torvvaine had respit to temporise and prepare against many other greater afflictions which otherwise so mightie an armie of enemies would haue brought vppon them euen to the shaking of the Crowne of Fraunce A litle before Maximilian Caesar was come in persone into the Englishe armie reuiewinge and layinge out those places wherein in his youth he had with so great glorie ouerthrowne the armie of the French king Lovvys the eleuenth Who whilest he remayned in the campe the affayres of the warre tooke their chiefest direction and gouernment from him The Frenche king was not onely trauelled with thEnglishe armies but also with greater daunger he had his vexacions by the Svvizzers for the commonalties of those regions desiring with an vniuersall minde that the king should disclaime from all titles and rights which he pretended to the Duchie of Millan wherin for that he did nothing their hatred redoubled towardes him they had entred against him many actions of hostilitie and sette on fire many houses of priuate persons of Lucerna whome they suspected to beare fauor to thaffaires of the Crowne of Fraunce And proceeding continuallie against all men noted of like suspicion they had brought all the chiefetaines and principalls of them to sweare to suffer all the pensions to go in common so falling into armes by publike order they entred almost by heapes into Burgondy their numbers being xx thowsand footmen a thowsand horsemen In which action they had certeine proporcions of artillerie from Caesar who either according to his inconstancy or for ielousie he had of them refused to go thither in person notwithstanding he had promised both to the king of England to thē Being drawne into this strength power of warre they went incamped affore Dyon the chiefe towne of Burgondy wherin was Monsr Trimouille with a thowsand laūces six thowsand footmē These natures of cōmons popular peoples hauing some dout of their Capteines who began already to communicate with the french tooke vpon them the managing of thartilleries and fell to batter the towne of whose defense Trimouille douting much he had recourse to the last remedies made with thē a sodain accord without exspecting any commission from the king on whose behalfe he made this contract to renounce all the rights claimes he pretended to the Duchy of Millan to pay them six hundred thowsand crownes within a certeine tearme for thobseruation of which couenant he gaue him foure ostages persons very honorable and of great condicion And for the Svvyzzers they were bownd to no other promise then to returne to their houses A matter which tyed them not to rememe for afterwards friendes to the french king but left them at libertie to returne when they list to thinuasions of his kingdom Assoone as they were possessed of thostages they brake vp and dissolued their army immediatly alleaging for their excuse with the king of England for entring into this couenant without his consent that they receyued not in tyme conuenient the money he had promised them It was thought that this capitulacion was the cause of the sauing of the whole Realme of Fraunce for that the taking of Dyon had put into the hands of the Svvyzzers a free power to ronne vp without resistance euē to the wals of Paris And it was not vnlikely that the king of England passing the riuer of Somme would not haue taken the field to ioyne with thē A matter which the french could not let for that neither the duke of Gueldres being thē come nor in the armie aboue six thowsand launceknights they were constrayned to keepe them selues inclosed within townes But the king was not a litle discontented with the resolucion complayning not a litle against Monsr Trymouille both for the summe of money he had promised and much more that he had bound him to the resignation of his titles interests as anaction of too great preiudice farre vnworthy his greatnes the glory of the crowne of Fraunce for which cause albeit the daūger had bene great if the Svvyzzers in their wrath had eftsoones returned to assaile him yet reapposing much in the approch of the winter and in the difficultie that they could not reassemble so soone being with all resolute to ronne all fortunes rather then to depriue himselfe of his rightes in that Duchie which he loued dearely he determined not to ratifie thaggreement yea rather he beganne to propownd to them newe offers which much lesse that they did harken vnto seeing they did cōstantly reiect them with these bluddy threats that if the ratification came not within a certeine tyme they would cut of the heades of thostages Torvvaine being taken whereunto thArchduke aspyred by pretence of his auncient right and the king of England chalenged it to be his by the iust prerogatiue of conquest and warre Caesar and he fell to this point for thauoiding of discord to cast downe the wals to the ground notwithstanding such violence was forbidden by the capitulacions made with them of Torvvaine immediatly after Caesar went from tharmy giuing this iudgement vpon thexperience trial he had seene that in matters of warre thenglish were more resolute then wel a duised lesse suttle politike then wel disciplined trained From Torvvain the king of England went to incamp before Tornay A towne very stronge and riche and of great deuocion of long tyme to the crowne of Fraunce but so inuironed with the contreyes of thArchduke that it was impossible to the french to reskewe it so long as they were not maisters of the fielde The french king was not a litle glad of this enterprise fearing least the ennemie caried with victorie and wealth would not transferre his forces into the body and partes of his Realme of more importance A feare which put him into no small perplexities for notwithstanding he had now areared a mighty armie wherein besides the fiue hundred launces which he had bestowed in garrison in S. Qu●ntyn were two thowsand launces eight thowsand light horsemen Albanois ten thowsand laūceknights a thowsand Svvyzzers eight thowsand footemen of his owne nation yet it was farre inferior to the power and multitudes of thenglish armie which by the continuall slocking of souldiours was as the reaport went resupplyed to the number of foure skore thowsande fighting men By the consideracion of which inequalitie of forces the french king who had no great hope to be able to defende Boleyne and those partes of the contrey that are beyonde the riuer of Somme which he feared thEnglish would oppresse looked how to defend Abeuille

to Millan The armie of the league breakes vp from before Millan The castell of Millan is rendred to thimperialls Many enterprises are dressed against the Pope The confederats send their armies by sea to Genes Rome is surprised by the Colonnois the Pope makes truce with thimperialls which hurteth the deuises of Lombardie The Duke of Ferrara confederats with the Emperour THE SEVENTEENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin NOtwithstanding the pledge of the two children of Fraunce of whom the eldest being heire apparant to so great a succession was one was added to the oth and faith that passed betwene the Emperour and the frenche king for confirmacion of the accorde solemnly made at Madrill and notwithstanding for the full perfection of th assurance the king had contracted thEmperours sister in his owne person Yet by his deliuerie both straunge for the maner and seuere for the assurance and pawnes that were enforced all the Princes of Christendom drew into no small exspectacion what would be the issue of thinges And as during his captiuitie the eyes of men stoode fixed vpon thEmperour to behold vnder what raunsome he would restore him to libertie so being deliuered they began now to turne all their thoughtes and contemplacions vpon the king for that they discerned sundrie and great effects depending vpon his deliberacion either to obserue or not obserue the capitulacion of Madrill for as in obseruing the contract they saw a destinie of present seruitude to hang ouer the regions of Italy both for the authoritie and greatnes of thEmprour which went increasing and for the imbecillitie of the prouinces to whome was left neither fortune nor vertue to make head against so great a course of victory So in not performing the articles of thaccord they saw the Emprour would be driuen either to put vp in forgetfulnes the conspiracies and enterprises dressed against him by the Duke of Myllan and to restore to him that Duchie least the Pope and Venetians tooke occasion to conioyne with the French king by which meane he should stand in hazard to lose the great profits he hoped to reape by his victorie or els making his indignacion against the Duke of Myllan more mighty together with his desire to haue no impediment of the French in Italy he should be compelled to assure the accord made with the king conuerting into certeyne payments of money all his obligacions and promisses to restore Burgonie or lastly neither yelding to the one nor the other he would be driuen to suffer to be brought against him by so many enemies a warre very greeuous almost by his owne confession since to auoid it he was reduced to this straite to let the king goe with so great a daunger But the world stoode not long in doubt of the will and intencion of the French king for that assoone as he was got into Bayonne being required by a gentleman of the Viceroys to ratifie thaccord according to thobligacion of his word being come into a place free and assured he deferred it from one day to an other interposing reasons and excuses generall wherein to th ende to hold still the Emprour in hope he sent to aduertise him by a man especiall that he forbare for the present to accomplish the ratificacion not by omission or willing negligence but vpon this necessitie that before he proceeded really to such an act he was to labor to reappease and reduce the mindes of his subiects ill contented with the obligacions he had made tending to the diminucion of the crowne of Fraunce Neuerthelesse he would in his time resolue all difficulties and obserue with fidelitie all that he had promised to him both in substance and circumstance By this dealing no lesse doubtfull for the manner then daungerous in meaning might easily be comprehended what were his intencions the same being more manifestly detected at the arriuall of the Messengers sent to him not many dayes after by the Pope and Venetians In whome was no great neede of industrie or labor to sownd out the plaine coursse of his inclinacion for after he had receiued them with many demonstracions and offices of Court he enterteyned them seuerally and a part with sondry speeches of compassion such as tended to manifest complaints against the inhumanitie of thEmprour who he said did neuer administer to him during his captiuitie any one office apperteyning to the ranke of a Prince Nor at any time shewed him selfe touched with that affection and commiseracion which one Prince ought to expresse vpon the calamities of an other And much lesse would vse any coursse of common comfort either to relieue the heauines of his condicion with any propertie of apt consolacion or once to enter into consideracion that the same accident that had falne vppon him might also be as heauily heaped vppon his owne heade In this complaint he alleaged the example of Edvvard king of England called of some Edvvard Longe shanke To whome when was presented as prisoner Iohn king of the French men taken by the Prince of VVales his sonne in the battel of Poytiers he did not only receiue him with greate comfort compassion of his afflicted case but also all the tyme of his imprisonment within the Realme of England he let him go at libertie vnder a free gard he had daily famillier cōuersation with him he would oftentymes haue him to accompany him on hunting to communicate in the open ayre and solace of the field and was not curious to call him to eate with him at his table And by these humanities muche lesse that he loste his prisoner or raunged him to an accorde lesse fauorable but of the contrarie by the operation of those graces and good offices there grewe betwene them suche a familiaritie and confidence that the French king after he had continued many yeres in Fraunce made a voluntary voyage into Englande to honor and gratifie vnder that propertie of office the liberalitie and franknes of the king He alleaged that as there was onely remembraunce of two kings of Fraunce that had bene taken prisoners in battell king Iohn and him selfe So the diuersitie of thexamples was also worthy of singular memorie seeing vpon the one was exercised all facilitie and mildues of the victor and to the other were ministred all those rigours and seuerities which tyrantes in the height and pride of their fortune are wont to vse That muche lesse that he boare towardes others a disposition eyther more peasible or better qualified seing he gathered by the construction of his speeches vsed at Madrill that following the humor of his ambition he employed his thoughts most how to subdue vnder seruitude the imperie of the Church the potētacies of Italie all other Princes of Christendome In which regard he wished the Pope and Venetians to prouide for their proper safety wherein he offred him selfe with great affection to be concurrant with them in the quarrell of their common safetie and to establishe agaynst

THE HISTORIE of Guicciardin CONTEINING THE VVARRES OF ITALIE AND OTHER PARTES CONTInued for many yeares vnder sundry Kings and Princes together with the variations and accidents of the same And also the Argumentes vvith a Table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie Reduced into English by GEFFRAY FENTON ▪ Mon heur viendra ANCHORA · SPEI · Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dvvelling in the Blackfriers by Ludgate 1579. TO THE QVEENES MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE OVR MOST REDOVTED MOST HAPPIE AND TRVE SOVERAIGNE LADIE ELIZABETH BY THE grace of God Queene of England Fraunce and Ireland principall defender of the faith and next vnder God the onely absolute and full supreame head ouer all causes Ecclesiasticall and temporall through her Maiesties dominions Geffray Fenton prayeth a perpetuall increasing of the spirite of Gods holy feare and a continuall going on and confirmation of that godly course vvherein vvith so long peace and happines her Maiestie hath gouerned the subiects and peoples of her Realmes and seuerall iurisdictions IT is not vvithout reason nor contrarie to example that I presume to offer vp to the peculiar and graue vievv of your Maiestie these my compositions and labors for that the generall argument being historicall a doctrine vvherein your Maiestie farre aboue all other Princes hath a most singular insight iudgement and the particular partes conteining discourse of state and gouernment in vvhich God hath expressed in the person of your Maiestie a most rare and diuine example to all other Kings of the earth for matter of pollicie and sound administration All lavv of reason of equitie and of other impression vvhat so euer do chalenge to appropriate the addresse and iustification of this vvorke to your Maiestie only in vvhom for your inspired science spirit to iudge of Monuments and euents of times and for the felicitie of your gouernment in seasons so perillous conspiring all Kings and Kingdomes and nations rounde about you rise vp to reuerence in your fourme of gouerning that propertie of vvisdome and vertue vvhich it seemes God hath restrayned to your Maiestie onely vvithout participation to any of them And in that regarde they holde you that sacred and fixed Starre vvhose light God vvill not haue put out though the deuises of men on all sides are busie to dravv clovvdes and darke vayles to obscure it I am also encoraged to make this oblation to your Maiestie by the example of many notable vvriters both of the primitiue times and in all ages and posterities succeeding suche as for the grauitie and fidelitie of their penne and style vvere cherished vvith the greatest Princes of those dayes and vnder the authoritie and countenance of their names their vvorks vvere vvith reputation and credite insinuated into many peoples nations and regiments The same being an effect due to the vertue and pietie of great Princes for that as it is God that giueth vvisdome and science to men So it is authoritie that chiefly shovveth it to the vvorld euen as the earth norisheth the roote of a tree but the confortable Sunne doth much to bring foorth the blossoms So many are the testimonies and examples of this and so familiar vvith your Maiestie is the doctrine of histories and information of times that by so much lesse neede I to stande vpon authorities of antiquitie or declarations relatiue by hovv much more is knovven to be happily laied vp in your Maiesties brest and effectually expressed in the forme of your gouernment and reigne all that vvhich learning and bookes can set dovvne by rule and precept your Maiestie being the onely consecrated Lampe from vvhom all other dominions about you do dravv their light or rather that terrestriall Sunne vpon vvhose influence God hath appoynted to depend the motions of all the Regions and Climats of the vvhole common vveale of Christendome A calling and authoritie vvhich all other Potentates do honor in you vvith so much the more merite and reuerence by hovvmuch amid so many occasions and oportunities to ambition they proue your equitie pietie and moderation of minde to exceede all examples of former Princes and times and farre surmount all humaine exspectation for that hauing as it vvere a soueraigne povver ouer them theirs you do notvvithstanding dispose of things according to the lavv of measure and right In regard of vvhich diuine properties accompanied vvith your Maiesties other vertues vvhich God hath made infinite in you and your felicitie vvhich is the revvarde and effect of the same I may vvith good comelinesse resemble the gratious reigne of your Maiestie touching these regions of Christendome to the happy time dayes of Caesar Augustus Emprour of Rome vvho after a long and generall combustion and harrying of the vvhole vvorlde vvith blood and vvarres did so reforme and reduce the Regions confining his Empire that vvith the Scepter and seate of peace he much more preuayled then euer he could haue done vvith the svvord By his clemencie he brought to submission his neighbours that stoode out agaynst him and by his constancie helde them assured being once reconciled His vvisdome seemed an Oracle to the Nations about him to dispose of their counsels and svvaigh their enterprises And touching quarrels and controuersies of state eyther for his grauitie and iustice the only arbitration and resolution vvas referred to him or at least for the avve that vvas had of him the factions durst not burst out to further limits then he liked of Lastely it vvas an approued Monarchie of God for that Christ the sonne of God amid such an vniuersall malice of man and mankinde vvas contented to shevv himselfe in flesh in the dayes of his reigne Euen so though the singular persons be chaunged yet the effects and blessings of this time do nothing vary vnder the happy rule of your Maiestie vvhom God hath raised and established a soueraigne Empresse ouer seuerall nations and languages and vvith the frutes of a firme and continued peace hath plentifully enriched the peoples of your Dominions restored Religion and the Church of Christ to dvvell a nevv amongst vs made your authoritie avvefull to all your neighbours and borderers and lastly hath erected your seate vpon a high hill or sanctuarie and put into your hands the ballance of povver and iustice to peaze and counterpeaze at your vvill the actions and counsels of all the Christian kingdomes of your time VVherin sure according to the course your Maiestie holdeth much lesse that eyther for the present or in posterities to come can be iustly obiected any matter of imputation agaynst you seeing of the contrarie most of them that be vvise and true obseruers of your dealings do daily confesse and publish that in your Maiestie hath bene orderly fulfilled all lavves and offices of a deuoute Nevvtralitie For that like as amidde their heauy afflictions vvherein successiuely hath bene offred you no small causes to ambition your Maiestie hath neuer stopped or cutte from them the refuge of