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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	great_a	lord_n	year_n	6,316	5	4.5357	4	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A88212	The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of England revived, asserted, and vindicated. Or, an epistle written the eighth day of June 1649, by Lieut. Colonel John Lilburn (arbitrary and aristocratical prisoner in the Tower of London) to Mr. William Lenthall Speaker to the remainder of those few knights, citizens, and burgesses that Col. Thomas Pride at his late purge thought convenient to leave sitting at Westminster ... who ... pretendedly stile themselves ... the Parliament of England, intrusted and authorised by the consent of all the people thereof, whose representatives by election ... they are; although they are never able to produce one bit of a law, or any piece of a commission to prove, that all the people of England, ... authorised Thomas Pride, ... to chuse them a Parliament, as indeed he hath de facto done by this pretended mock-Parliament: and therefore it cannot properly be called the nations or peoples Parliament, but Col. Pride's and his associates, whose really it is; who, although they have beheaded the King for a tyrant, yet walk in his oppressingest steps, if not worse and higher.	Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.; Lenthall, William, 1591-1662.	1649 (1649)	Wing L2131; Thomason E560_14; ESTC P1297; ESTC R204531	104,077	84

souls they have freely adventured their lives and so carried themselves in all their actions towards you that all their adversaries are not able nor ever were to lay in law my crime to their charge for the redresse of all the foresaid grievances and yet the best recompence you your selves give unto them is to toffe and tumble them yeer after yeer from Gaol to Gaol without laying any crime unto their charge denying them the benefit of their Birth-right the Law of the Land keeping thousands of pounds of their own from them and endeavouring in their long imprisonments to starve and murder them their Wives and Children by being worse then the King was to your Members who allowed them three foure and five pounds a man weekly notwithstanding their own great estates to live upon in allowing them never a penny to live upon endeavouring to protect all those unrighteous men that contrary to Law have endeavouted to murder and destory them and take away their lives and beings from the earth And all this is my own case and sufferings from you your selves Therefore Hear O Heavens and give ear O Earth and the righteous God and all just men judge betwixt ●● And therefore if there be any truth or resolutions in you to stand to any thing that you say and declare I challenge at your hands the benefis of all your Declarations and Remonstrances which are all of my side and particularly the notablest of Declarations of the 6 of May 1643 and 17 April 1646. which was made before my contest with the Lords in which you declare 2 par Book De. fo 95. 879 that although the necessity of war have given some disturbances to loyall proceedings stopped the usuall course of justice 〈◊〉 the Parliament for the preservation of this right to impose and require many great and unusual payments from the good Subjects of this Kingdom and to take extraordinary wayes for the procuring of monyes for their many pressing occasions It having pleased God to reduce our affaires into a more 〈◊〉 condition then heretofore We do declare that we will not nor any by colour of any authority derived from us shall interrupt the ordinary course of Justice in the severall Court of Judicatures of this Kingdom not intermeddle incases of private interest otherwhere determinable unlesse it be in case of male administration of Justice wherein we shall so provide that right be done and punishment inflicted as there shall be occasion according to the Law of the Kingdom and the trust reposed in us Therefore seeing that you that stile your selvs the fountain and conserva●●ry of the Law first par Book Declar. pag. 272 have declared in answer to the Kings Complaint against scandalous pamphlets which was the originall pretence of the Lords quarrelling with me that you know the King hath wayes enough in his ordinary Courts of Justice to punish such seditious 〈◊〉 and Sermons as are any way prejudiciall to his rights honour and authority pag. 208. and if the King the Superior or Creator of the Lords must be tyed in this case to the ordinary Courts of Justice according to the Laws of the Kingdom then much more the Lords the creature or inferiour to the King And therefore I hope you will not be angry with me for refusing obedience to the illegall commands of the single Lords the inferious or hinder me from obtaining Justice according to Law upon those that most barbarously executed them upon me seeing you and the Lords themselves have taught me and all the people of England disobedience to the illegall commands of the King the greater as cleerly appears by your Declarations of July the 12 July 26 1642. 1 par Book Decl. p. 201. 458. 483. The words of which last are That the Lords and Commons in Parliament do Declare That it is against the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom that any of the Subjects thereof should be commanded or compelled by the King to attend him at his pleasure but such as are bound thereunto by speciall service And if any Messengers or Officers shall by colour of any command from his Majesty or Warrant under his Majesties hand arrest take or carry away any of his Majesties Subjects to any place whatsoever contrary to their wils that it is both against the Law of the Land the Liberty of the Subject and it is to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom and any of his Majestie 's subjects so arrested may lawfully refuse to obey such Arrests and Commands To the same purpose you also were and declare in pag. 93. 95. 112. Therefore seeing the Law of the Land is so often by you declared to be the undoubted Birth-right of me as well as the greatest Lord in England or Parliament man whatsoever I earnestly crave and challenge at your hands as much for my self as you did at and from the hands of the King for the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members Sir John Hothan and the Lord Maior Pennington Alderman Foulke Col. Vean and Col. Manwaring viz. the benefit of the Law of England in the ordinary Courts of Justice which is not to be taken or imprisoned pass'd upon nor condemned but by due Processe of Law before a Justice of Peace according to the Law of the Land and not to be imprisoned but for a particular crime in Law expressed in the Commitment by those that have power in Law to commit me nor to be tried or condemned but by presentment c. before a Jury of twelve men of my Peers or equals of the same Neighbourhood where the fact was committed which is as you declare by Sir Edward Cook in 4 part Institutes fol. 41. the ancient and undoubted Birth-right of all the Subjects of England and to have my remedy at Law against all those that shall deal with me contrary to Law And that you challenged all these things for them before-mentioned you may read in your own Declarations pag. 7. 38. 39. 41. 53. 67. 77. 101. 123. 140. 162. 201. 203. 208. 210. 245. 277. 278. 459. 660. 845. All which I cannot doubt but you will grant unto me because it cannot rationally enter into my brest to conceive that you your selves can judge it consonant to Justice to set me and thousands and ten thousands of the people of the Kingdom to fight at your command for the preservation of our birth-right the Law and then for you to deny it unto us and deprive us of it and to recompence us with slavery which we are in when we lose the benefit of the Law Surely this cannot in honour and justice become you that call your selves the Conservators of the Law But if you shall avowedly deny me the benefit of the Law you frustrate your end in making Judges to be in Westminster Hall to execute the Law and put a mock upon the people and dissolve the whole frame and constitution of the civill Policy of the Government of this

and our wise just and long winded ●arliament are willing thershould so do or else almost in nine years time they would have given some satisfactory effectuall answer in those multitudes of Petitions that have year after year been preferred to them complaining of these unsufferable and destroying grievances and yet they can assume to themselves a stile of the Conservators of the Leberties of England in the firs● year of Freedom but I wonder where it is for my eyes can see none at all in any kind but rather more bondage then ever witnesse now their Treason-trap c. So English cloath being so great a drugg there that little profit could I expect by my adventure unless I laid out in the return most of my mony in such Commodities as are monopolized by new Patents Ordinances against the Laws and Liberties of England and if I so did when they come here if the Monopolizers catch them they are all lost so here is our Freedom but yet notwithstanding I did order my factor to lay out the most of my mony there in such commodities only being resolved as soon as I could here of the ships arrival in the river of Thames to boord her with half a dozen lusty resolved blades and with my own hand to give the chief Monopolizer's a b●ace of pistoll bull●ts in his guts or a prick with my Rapier or dager in case he came to take away my goods from me and then to run the hazard of a tryal at common Law to see whether by the Law of God and of England I could not justifie the preservation of my self and my goods from any that come to rob me of them and rather kill him or them that would assault me and them then suffer him or them to take away by force my livelyhood and so by consequence the life of me and my family but the counsell of States robbing me of my liberty by my close imprisonment in the Tower hath frustrated my marchandizing hopes yea and it may be thereby break me to the bargin but if they do when they have seriously cast up their gains by it they will not be six pence the richer though my wi●● and ●●tle babe● may be much more the poorer But to turn back again to my coming out of the North besides the thoughts of my future substance in some honest industr●●●● calling or other I spent some time at Westminster to see and satisfie my own understanding how the t●●e sail of things stood at the helm I mean with the three great me● of the Army viz. FAIRFAX CROMWELL and IRETON and whether I could finde out they had any real tho●●hts to prosecute their OWN AGREEMENT that so we might have a new equal and just representativ● which I upon my principles now they had laid Kingly Government aside look'd upon as the only and alone earthly sal●● to heal and cu●e the wounds of this dist●acted and dying Nation and to make it flourish once again in peace Trade and all kinde of outward prosperity and without which our wounds could never be hea●ed ●r cured by any other means that could be invented o● conti●●●d looking in my own thoughts upon the then smal sitting remnant of the last Parliament as a quite contrary inte●est to the peoples good or welfare distributive Justice and universall righteousness being their bane and that which would be the unavoydable ruine by reason of that horrible g●ilt they have contracted by their self-seeking unjust wayes upon themselves th● great bug-bear the King being now gone they would be necessarily l●d for the supportation of themselves in the evill of their wayes and continuance of their intended perpetual Greatnesse to court support and make much of the chief Supporters of all the remaining corrupt Interest in England as the Priests and their robbing Tythes the banc of industry the Laywers and their monopolizing pleadings and all their old and base inslaving corruptions in the execution of the Laws as bad in a manner as the old bondage of Egypt and of old and illegall Charter-mongers the inhaunsers engrossers and Monopolizers of Trade and all the base bondages thereunto belonging the peoples freedoms and liberties being the onely thing now dreaded by them ●● the only engine to pull down all the steps they have long laid for their elective Kingship and the single injoyment amongst themselves alone and their vassals slaves and creatures of all the great places thereunto belonging and thereupon depending which yet they must not immediately do but go about it gradually and first get the power of seeming legall authority into a narrower compasse then it was in their purged House of Commons that so that might rule counsel and direct their mock Parliament and the Councel of the Army ●ight rule that by means of which what with the service of Irelan● c. they might so mo●●lize their Army that it in due time might totally become slavish by obeying without dispute what ever their great Officers command them and so unanimously elect and impose upon the people their present generall for their King as the onely fit able and best deserving man in England for that soveraign Place provided under-hand he would ingage too high and mighty Oliver and his Son in law Henry Ireton to be sure to do a● they would have him and in his Kingship to promote those that they would have advanced that so one of them might not fail after his decease to succeed him and so in time with their long continued power and wils keep it in their Line as the onely deserving Family in this Nation who saved it from its enemies for their own ends in the day of its distresse whose battels it fought pretendedly for the Liberties of England crying out Jehu like 1 Kings 10. 16. Co●e See my zeal therefore in cutting off the Kings head c. and razing out his Family And undoubtedly it is of the Lord for he hath prospered me in it and so he did Judas in betraying Christ and no●e hath been able to stand before me When as alas all this successe may be no more but the rod of God to chastise a then more wicked Family designed by God to that destruction for the transgressions sin or blood thereof Yet for all this the heart may be no more upright then John's was which vantingly lifted up by his great su●c●ss took no beed at all to walk in the Law of JUSTICE TRUTH and OBEDIENCE the Lord God of Israel with all his heart but followed after MANS INVENTIONS and DEVICES JEROBOAM'S wickedness to win the golden calfs in DAN and BETHEL for which wickedness and pride of his spirit after all his success in fulfilling the express will and command of God in cutting of from the earth Ahabs family for the transcendent wickedness thereof yet God begun to plague him and in those daies cut ISRAEL sho●● ye and afterward for the pride and wickedness of his posterity unto whom to the

Kingdom into the originall law of Nature and leave every man to judge within his own brest what is just and righteous and thereby 〈◊〉 me whether I will or no to do that in reference to you which you in your great straits did in reference to the King viz. Appeal to the righ●●● Judge of all the would and the judgment of the people to decide the controversie betwixt you as appears in your own Declarations 1. part Book Doc. p. 192 196 214. 263. 278. 464 491 495. 496 498. 629. 636. 666. 690. 639. 701. 908. and if I perish I perish For what greater tyranny can there be in the world ●● what greater straits can a man be put to then to delayed justice which is worse than to be denyed for above seven yeers together by those that have raised a bloudy war and pretended for justice and then after I have spent above 1000 li. in endeavouring to obtain Justice and my own at your 〈◊〉 and after I have served you faithfully and adventured my life in the field for you and undergone multitudes of other hardships and hazzards at 〈◊〉 for you and carried my self in all my actions towards you unspotted and that upon you own declared principles and after all this to be toss'd and tumbled by you from Gaol to Gaol year after year for nothing but my honesty and can come to no legall tryall although I have endeavoured it with all my might and to have by you thousands of pounds of my own kept from me and not a penny in all my captivitie allowed me to live upon but in the eye of reason exposed to famish and sterve or to eat my Wife and Children O monstrous and unnaturall cruelty which I will maintain upon my life it not to be parallell'd in all Queen Marie's dayes nor in the worst of King Charles his Reign So my Lord I have done with my PLEA and take leave to remain a true hearted Englishman JOHN LILBURN NOw Master Speaker having finished my Plea to the Committee of Indemnity I must acquaint you that I brought it to the said Committee with whom I had some verball expostulations after which I began to open my Plea having it fair writ in my hand which the Committee no sooner saw but presently they left me according to my desire to the ordinary course of the Law where I was necessitated at present to cease prosecution of Woll●ston because I was continually in expectation of my Liberty from the Lords and therefore judged it but wisdom in me not to provoke them and also for perfecting of my Ordinance for my long sought dear bought and hard suffered for reparatious from old Sir H. Vane and the rest of my cruel Star-Chamber Judges which Ordinance with much adoe was as last concluded though to little purpose as before truly is noted in p. 15 16. And for my Liberty I was chiefly beholding for that to my friends in London who in seven dayes got eight or nine thousand hands to a Petition for me in the day of your straits by the Cavaleers and presented it to your House which my true friend and faithfull and couragious fellow sufferer Sir Iohn Maynard took the advantage of and improved the utmost of his interest and thereby became principally instrumentall both in your House and in the House of Lords for my Liberty then unto whom I must and do returne the chiefest thanks for it But now Sir seeing my life for nothing but my honesty and because I will not be a slave to mens lusts is so strongly sought for to be taken away by those that have made the largest pretences and promises that can be made in the world to deliver this Nation from thraldom bondage vassallage and slavery and seeing they are such painted Sepulchers that they are like to cozen all the honest men in England with religious cheaters such as Master Edmond Rozer with whom as teacher to the Congregation where I was a Member I walked many yeares in fellowship and Master William Kiffin who was once my servant and unto both whom the indearedest of my affections run out unto to either of which I never gave a provocation to nor wronged in all my dayes to my knowledge neither of which although the first of them and I have been familiar together for almost twenty years I am confident of it in reference to my actings to the sons of men are able to my face to say black is my eye yet for these men so high and mighty in their pretence of religion and in their former familiarity and friendship to me to persecute me bitterly and write reproachfull books c against me and in the day of my calamity when the great men of the Nation make deep furrows upon my back for nothing when I am as it were in the Kennell and my hands and feet tied then to beat buffe● wound me and pursue my very life O the height not only of unchristianity but even of unmanhood it selfe such actions differing nothing in beastlinesse and brutishnesse from the brutest of Beasts themselves if it had been enemies as David did in the like case Ps 55. 12 13 14. that had done it I could have born it but for my familiar bosome indeared friends to deal thus with me and that in the day of my adversity when my life is hunted for like a Partridge upon the mountains in this they are more unnaturall then the very Pagans and heathens themselves for saith Isaiah cha 21. 14. The Inhabitants of the land of Tema brought water to him that was thirsty they prevented with their bread him that fled and for their mal●ing a frothy light giddy headed fellow of me in their late book called Walwyns wyles easily deluded and drawn aside being of no depth in my self I am confident there is no two men in England that know me whose consciences are more perswaded of the falsity of that their own assertion in every particular then M. Rozer and Master Kiffin are if they would speak the truth from their very hearts the whole stream of my actions extraordinarily well known to both of them for these twelve or thirteen years together being as a large demonstration that I understand the things I goe about and am not to be biased with favour flattery frowns nor hard usage but act singly and nakedly upon my own principles that I beleeve God distills into my soul I beleeve as the actions of any man upon the face of the earth are having never forsaken nor changed my principles from better to worse the space of one hour from the day 〈…〉 fatherly discovering and distinct and assured making known of his turnall everlasting and unchangable loving kindnesse in the Lord Jesus unto my soul to this day although I am confident it is now above 13 years since I know God at my 〈◊〉 and reconciled father that had particularly wasted and clensed my soul with the 〈◊〉 bloud of Jesus Christ and

shall m●ch rather wish That the Authority of this Kingdom in Parliament rightly constituted that is freely equally and successively chosen according to its orteinall intention may ever st●nd and ●ave its ●ourse And ther●fore we shall apply our selves chiefly to such things ●● by having Parliaments setled in such a right constitution nay give most hope● of Justice and Right●ousnesse to flow down equally to all in that its Ancient ch●●nell without any overtures tending either to OVERTHROW that ●●undation of Order and Government in this Kingdom or TO INGROSS THAT POWER FOR PERPETUITY INTO THE HANDS OF ANY PARTICULAR PERSONS OR PARTY WHATSOEVER And for that purpose though as we have found it doubted by many men minding sincerely the publique good but not weighing so fully the consequences of things it may and is not unlike to prove that the ending of this Parliament and the election of a New the constitution of succeeding Parliaments as to the persons Elected may prove for the worse many weyes ye● since neither in the present purging of this Parliament nor in the Election of a New we can promise to our selves or the Kingdom and asurance of Justice or other positive good from the bands of men but those who for present appear most righteous and most for common good having an unlimited power fixed in them du●ing life or pleasure in time may become corrupt or settle into parties or factions or on the otherside in case ●f new Elections those that should succeed may prove as bad or worse then the former We therefore humbly co●ceive that of two inconveniences the lesse being to be chosen the main thing to be intended in this case and beyond whi●h humane providence cannot reach as to any assurance of positive good seem to be this viz to provide that however unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament men in present or future may prove or whatever ill they may doe to particular parties or to the whole in particular ●●ngs during their respective termes or periods yet they shall not have the temptation of an ●●●imited power fixt in them during the●r owne pleasures whereby to perpetuate injustice or oppression upon any without end or remedy or to advance and uphold any one particular party faction or interest whatsoever to the oppression or prejudice of the Community and the enslaving of the Kingdom unto all posterity but that t●e people may have an equall hope or possibility if they have made an ●ll choice at one time to mend it in another and the Members of the House themselves may be in a capacity to taste subjection as well as rule and may be so inclined to consider of other mens cases as what may come to be their own Thus we speake in relation to the House of Commons as being intrusted on the Peoples behalfe for their interest in that great and supreme power of the Common wealth viz. the Legislative power with the power of finall Judgement which being in its own nature so arbitrary and in a manner unlimited unlesse in point of 〈◊〉 is most un●it and dangerous as ●o the peoples interest to be 〈◊〉 in the 〈…〉 the sa●e men during life or their own pleasures Neither by the originall 〈◊〉 of this State was it of ought to continue so nor does it wherever it is 〈◊〉 continues soe render that sta●e any better then a mee● tyranny or the people subjected to it any better then vassals But in all States where there is any f●●● of common freedom and partic●larly in this State of England as it is most evid●●● 〈…〉 many positive laws and ancient constant custome the people have a right to 〈…〉 successive Elections unto that great and supream trust at certain 〈…〉 time which is so essentiall and fundamentall to their freedom as it is ●●not or not to be denied them or witheld from them and without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England Yet in this we could not be understood in the least to blame 〈◊〉 worthies of both Houses whose zeale to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation did 〈◊〉 that Act for the continuance of this Parliament wherby it was secured from 〈◊〉 dissolved at the Kings pleasure as former Parliaments had been or reduced to 〈◊〉 a certain●y as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the Liberties of this Nation immediately before so highly invaded and then also so 〈◊〉 ●●dangered and those we take to be the princip●ll ends and grounds for which 〈…〉 exigency of time and affairs it was procured and to which we acknowledge it hath happily been made use of but we cannot thinke it was by those Worthies intended or ought to be made use of to the perpetuating of th●●●●pream trust and power into the persons of any during their owne 〈◊〉 or deb arring of the people from their right of elections totally new But it here it should be objected although the King be dead yet the Parliament 〈◊〉 altered the Government into a Common-wealth and so may if they please cha●●e the Constitution of Parliaments To which I answer Fi●st that those company of men at Westminster that g●●e Commission to the High Court of Justice to try and behead the King c. were ●o more a Parliament by Law nor a Representative of the people by the rules of Justice and Reason then such a company of men are a Parliament or Representative of the People that a company of armed Theeves chuse and set apart to try judge 〈◊〉 hang o● behead any man that they please or can prevail over by the power of their swords to bring before them by force of arms to have their lives taken away by pre●●●ce of Justice grounded upon rules meerly flowing from their wils and swords for I would fain know any Law in England that authoriseth a company of Servants to punish o● correct their Masters or to give a Law unto them or to throw them at their pleasure out of their power and set themselves down in it which is the Armies case wi●●●●e Parliament especially at THO. PRIDES late Purge which I call and will 〈◊〉 to be an abs●lute dissolution of the very essence and being of the House of 〈◊〉 and I would fain see any Law or Reason in Writing or Print to justifie th●● a 〈◊〉 upon my other a●●●unt then in hindering them from raising a new Warr and fro● destroying he peoples Liberties by their eternall sitting seeing they keep their power ●●●ger by fa● then their Masters or impowers the people intended they should and also employ it to their mischief by hindering them I mean those that had not acted agai●●● the Liberties of the Parliament entering into a mutuall engagement to appoint 〈◊〉 whereby to chuse seeing they cannot all meet in one place themselves and i●power new Trustees Commissioners or Represento●s to make equall and just Lawes to bi●● all and provide for their future well-being there being

Corporation although the King the root and 〈◊〉 of them be destroyed and although I am not onely a Native and free Denizen of England and served many yeers to learn a Trade in London yet in any considerable Corporation in England can I not with indrustry be suffered to follow a Trade or Merchandizing to get me bread unlesse I be a Free man thereof yea Newcastle the chiefest place in my eye being nigh the aboad of my Father and kindred is so grand i●haunsing a Monopol●zer that it monopoliseth the River of Time yea and the 〈◊〉 for seven miles distance although it can produce neither Law nor Reason therefore 〈◊〉 onely a large bribing purse of the whole Corporation which they in that Town say is so heavie it will break any private particular mans back which yet I should 〈◊〉 have feared had there been any equall Law to have been had from the Administration thereof in any of the Courts of Justice in England being as well able at least in my own thoughts to plead my own case in Law at any Bar against an inhaunsing Corporation or a Patentee Monopolizer both of which are against the fundamentall Law● and Liberties of England as is notably proved by Cook in his exposition of the 〈◊〉 of Monopolies 3 part Instit fol. 181. 182. c. as any Lawer in England it being 〈◊〉 undoubted right both by Law See 28. Ed. 1. chap. 11. and the Statute that abolished the Star-chamber and Reason to plead mine own cause or any of my friends that will 〈◊〉 and trust me 〈◊〉 any Barristers in the Nation which I will publickly dispute with 〈…〉 any day in the week and for the unjustnesse of Corporations and Monopolies 〈◊〉 are both sons of one father read my forementioned Book called Innocency and Truth j●stified from the 46 page to the 63. and my book called Londons Liberties in 〈…〉 covered but especially pag. 21. 22. 36. 38. 41. 43. 44 45. to 58. And my second part of it called Londons Charters pag. 36. 37. to 64. So being for the foregoing reasons block'd off from following a Trade any where else but in or about London where I had the choi●● of three things First Either to set up a Shop in the City which I was staved off from for these Reasons First Because the Court of Aldermen are so oppressive in their Government of the City setting up their own wills humours and irrational ridiculous Customs above both the Law Reason and their own Charters which I knowing so well as I do and which is pretty well anatomized in my foresaid Books I should never bear and so ●e continually in broils which was my earnest desire to avoid Secondly A man cannot well keep any considerable Trade i● a Shop but he m●st trust much which I man many times hazard the losse of especially in these impo●●ishing times or else to L●w for it which I never loved never having had two S●its in my life that I can remember not onely for the j●ngling part of it but also for the tedious chargeable intricate hazardous uncertainty of the proceedings therein as the Judges on purpose have made it to get money for being often in company with an able and a very honest man for a Lawyer with other understanding friends where we 〈◊〉 ●ouble discourses of the abuses of the Law which were particularly instanced to be many I took special notice of two things he often averred to his praise I spe●● it besides the proceeding for the most part in an unknown tongue and an unlegible hand as write c. which two things were these that he would make good First According to the practice in Westminster Hall If a man lent another man 100 l. 500 l. or 1000 l. c. and had as good security as any in England can give yet when the day of payment comes if the party be a crafty b●ffling man and have a good purse he shall keep a man in the Courts in Westminster Hall three or four yeers in suit let him do the worst he could before he could get his money nay nor never shall get it neither unlesse he have a purse also able in some reasonable measure to bold pace with him but in case in any of that time by sicknesse losse or other c●sua●ties he happen to fall poor and so not able in money to pay fees c. it s lost for ever besides all this the h●zards he runs are sufficient by being betrayed bought and sold by his Solicitor or Atturney c. Besides the danger of common Knights of the post to swear the money 's paid c. Secondly He did averre that he would make it good before the Speaker at the Bar of the House of Commons upon his life that for the Chancery which trades men upon book accounts c. are subject often to use and there is not a decree of 100l from one yeares end to the other made in that Court but jumbling all the decrees together one with another some suits holding 10 15 20 30 yeares nay some above but first and last it costs the P●●intief 500l for eveey hundred pound decreed one with another O brave honest and reforming Parliament who in three dayes might mend all this easily and plainly by a County record by which a Suit never need to be of a months continuance and for which th●y have often been Petitioned but yet will not but suffer it to continue worse then they found it for all their great promises in their first Remonstances c. to the contrary yea and give their Judges their places freely and 1000l per annum out of the Co●mon-wealths mony besides all their illegall and unf●domable fees whereas in the Kings time they had but 200 l. per annum sallery and their fees and most commonly paid 5 6 7 8 9000 l for their places an yet were every whit as just as these are for any thing that over I could hear of to to the contrary and I think I have enquired as diligently into both as any one private man in England hath done so for these reasons I durst not meddle with a shop in London And then in the next place having multitudes of acquaintance both in City and Country I had thoughts out of the Cities Freedom to turn Soap-boyler being a good trade and most vendible for ready mony and in it I met with these discouragements viz. First That there are new Monopolies upon some of the principall materials that makes them double prised to what they used to be which most commonly are all imported from beyond seas as oyl tallow and pot-ashes for which is paid both custome and Excise yea and for the very coles that boyles them 4 or 5s in a Chaldron and scarce any thing free from Excise that belongs to it or to the backs or bellies of the men that work it but the very water and yet notwithstanding when it is boyled and all hazard run as

spoyling or breaking of vessels falling of the price of sope or none vending of it besides many other ac●identall casualties yet out of the very s●et of his brows and the industry and labour of the very fingers ends there must Excise be paid of so much a Barrell and that which is worst of all is this my House which used to be my Castle and so it is by Law night or day must be at the Knave Excise mans pleasure to search and break open for unsealed soape when he pleaseth nay notwithstanding all this I must be had to take my oath after they will not trust me but have searched what they can at the Excis● Office that I have made no more but so and so and it may be I judge such an Oath altogether unlawfull and therefore cannot take it and therefore to prison without any more adoe I goe and must be fined at the will of the chief Excisers and pay a noble a day to the Serjeant at Armes besides his mans fees and if I do take my oath can forswear my self I hazard the Pillory for perjury besides the wounding of my conscience but if I be consciencious that I cannot set my conscience upon the tenter-hooks by forswearing of my self then I am destroyed in my trade by others that will undersell me by this stealing Excise and swearing soundly to the contrary too judging i● with Cromwell as Major Huntington in his impeachment of him declares no sinne in may be to deceive the de●●iver or oppress●●y and all this lyes upon us in the first year of Englands Freedom by the Conservators of the Liberties thereof who yet ●ealously and for the peoples welfare chopt of the Kings head for tyranny oppression although his ●oynes were never so heavy as their little finger is O brave unerring unsinning and everlasting none such Parliamen And therefore last of all I had thoughts towards Winter to buy of my Unkle at S●●derland to lay up some coals at my habitation in Winchester-house to fell in January and February and in the mea●●ime to lay out my mony in some adventure for Holland and there I met with these difficulties First although I was as wary as any man in England could be to see that Master Devenish title to the house was good in Law and so I might justly and quietly expect the injoyment of my bargaine from him And thereby I see First his deeds and the Parliaments Ordinances thereupon and Secondly I went and spoke with Master Iohn Cook the Lawyer who drew up the conveyances betwixt Master Devenish and Master Young of whom Master Devenish for his life bought all Winchester House in Southwa●k by all which but especially from M●ster Cooks owne mouth I cleerly and evidently found Master Levenish had as good a right in all Winchester house for Master Youngs life both by Law and Ordinance as its possible for any man in England to have to the cloaths he wears or any thing else that he possesseth although he takes the advice of twenty Lawyers in the buying and purchasing of them which incouraged me to strike a bargaine with him for three years for as much of the House as I am to pay annually almost 20l. and yet since a Committee of Members with the Trustees of Bishops Lands will needs turne me and the honest man by force of Armes out of his Legall possession without any valuable consideration or rendring at the least any reason wherefore but only their Soveraigne wills and pleasures O BRAVE PARLIAMENT JUSTICE without all doubt this is the liberty of the people and the Law of the Land that we have been contesting and fighting for these seven yeers together or at least as much as they intend now they have conquered us with our own mony and our own hands we shall possesse and enjoy this unrighteous molestation which with their illegall imprisoning of me hath spoyled a coal-Merchant of me for the present And in the second place as my adventuring to Holland when I came to inquire after the nature of that I found these difficulties therin First A strict Mon●poly that none whatsoever shall ship any white cloth for that place but the Monopolisers themselves and Secondly a general monopoly upon woollen commodities whatsoever that unlesse you do as good as tell a lye I found merchants still continued to be the chief customers who it ●seems have a trick to steal whole ship loads of custome for their own use by mean● of which they undersell any other merchant yea and thereby break the backs of new beginners for being at my first inquiring thereinto with Master William Kiffin my quondam servant though now my prof●st and blood thirsty enemy he told me a little before he was one day at the Custome-house and the chief men there had catcht a poor man that had stolne some custome for which they were about fining and punishing him why Master faith he to one of them in Kiffins hearing as he averred to me will you be so angry with me and so harsh to punish me for a small ●oy when I am but your own scholler for I am sure it s but the other day fin●e by your own directions I help● you to steal in a manner a whole ship load of uncustomed good● and you being so well pleased with that my thinks you should not be so angry with me for stealing a little custome for my self But then Fourthly The Prince was Master of the Sea then so that I durst not venture it in a English bottom some of which had laid in the Thames divers weeks loaded and du●st not stirre out for want of convoy which they had fought much for then to the Parliament but could get none and to ship it in a Dutbh bottom it did not only give the traid of shipping to the Dutch and so destaoy our English Ma●iners but also by law to ship it in Du●th bottom it is consiscated or at least must pay the custome of Aliens or strangers as appeares by the statutes of 5 R 2. ch 3 6 K 2 cha 8. 4 H. 7 ●b 10. 5. 6. E. 6 cha 18. 1 H. 13. But having bought some cloth and stuffs I was necessitated to run the hazard of ●hipping them in Dutch bottom but English woollen commoditie being so great a drug in Holland as they are by reafon of the merchant monopolisers alias mercha●t adventurers that ingrosse the trade to themselves and buy their cloth here at what rates they please and sell it in Holland as dear a list and so care not how little they vend so they get mony enough by that they sell and disable all others from trayding by meanes of which the poor people here that depend upon cloth-making wanting work are necessitated to leave the land of their nativity and goe to Holland to make cloth for the dutchmen to get bread to keep them alive whereby they have almost got the English cloth making traid

severall A●pli●●tions to some of their Judges and some Parliament men for them and particularly with Colonel Temple Governour of the Fort near Graves End and del● with him upon their own Principals as the most probablest to doe the Prisoners good and to save their lives which I confest● I much laboured for and my Discourse with him 〈◊〉 to this ●ffect at the House doore Sir I beseech you let me a●k you one question What 's that saith he It is whether you think you● House intend in good earnest to ●ake away the lives of the Lord Capel c or whether they have only caused them to be condemned in terrorum without all controversie said he they intend to take away their lives and it is but just they should and doe not you believe so No indeed Sir doe I not and ●● you please I will give you some part of my Reasons therefore I pray let me have them Well then Sir said I to say nothing of the Jurisdiction of the Court by which they were tryed which is very questionable to me no● of the power of a Parliament to erect such a one nor yet of the questionablenesse of the legality of your single House nor of the clearnesse of the letter of th● Law o● their sides which now the King being g●ne might put you o●● of feare of the future power of these men and make you now 〈◊〉 at your mercy and you out of fear of present hurt by them seriousl● to we●g● the Qua●●ell betwix● you and the● in an equall and just balance which if you do I am sure you will 〈◊〉 it very disp●●eable in Law and something in Reason too considering many of you● late actions especially if you consider you● ever avowedly nor throughly stated your Cause but begun it upon Commissions for King and Parliament force ●● people to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy Protestation and two Covenants ●● all which you force the people to swear to maintain the Kings Person Crown and Greatnesse and this 〈◊〉 the Wars begun letting all Writs and Processe of Law 〈◊〉 in his Name and thereby your selves m●ke him as it were Alpha and Omega to the p●ople yea and in severall of your Declarations fince the quarrell you call him the fountain of Honour and averr he can do no wrong See 1 part Book Decl. pag. 199. 304. All which doings of yours are enough to make men si●● with the King especially those that have great Estates if it be for nothing but safetie's s●ke alone But I will la● all these aside and argue with you more closely upon principles that you cannot dispute against 1. And therefore in the first place The Law of England p●●lished by your selves saith expresl● No man of England in things concerning lif● shall be judged tw●●● for one fact but if once judiciall● tryed and acquitted he never more by Law can be questioned again for that crime though indeed and in truth he be never so guilty of it and though it be never so criminous in it self otherwise there would never be end nor safety And for the proof thereof I then ●ired ● YERS Case at the Sessions of the Peace holden at Norwich in the 32 yeer of Q●een Elizabeth and the Judge● opinions thereupon which is notably recorded in Cooks 3 put Institutes chap. 104. of falsifying of Attainders fol. 230. And my own Case at Oxford which was to this effect Being at the Fight at Brainford which was upon the 12 of Novemb. 1642 taken prisoner in Arms against the King and his party I was carried captive to Oxford Castle where not long after my arrivall the Lord Dunsmore the Lord Matrevers the Lord Newark and the Lord A●d●ver came to the Castle to me from the King as they said and proffered me from himself great matters so I would crave his ●●don for the treason I had committed against him in being in arms against him and fo●sake the traiterous Parliament and return to my obedience as they called it to the King but being then as able in my own thoughts as any private man in England to argue the equi●● and Justice of the Parliaments Cause I was then knowingly ingaged in by the hopes of the performance of their many gallant promises to make people of England free and happy their then only declared a●m and end ●nd in whose quarrell I would then have laid down a thousand lives if I had had them and for the greatest part of an hour together by din● of Argument grounded upon Law and Reason sc●●ning and 〈◊〉 all 〈…〉 of Honour Riches and Greatnesse I ●eld them in play so ho●ly that they ●●ll 〈…〉 with me and gave up their disputing bu●●lers t●●eatning to hang me 〈◊〉 for a grand Traitor without any more adoe At which I laughed and desired their 〈◊〉 to tell me which way they would go to work to take away my life now they had given me quarter Well say they We have two strings to our bow And in the first place we will arraigne you for a Traytor for being the chief or Generall of the Preuti●●t that c●●e d●●● to Westminster and White Hall and forced the House of P●ers and drove away the King from his Parliament and so begun the Warrs Unto which I replyed Al●sse my Lords you will be far mistaken there And I cannot but wonder that your Lordships should so undervalue your own Honours and Reputations as so much as once now to mention this Why Sirrah said one of them Why my Lord Because your Lordships may remember that the 3 of May 1641. the King caused Warrants to issue out to apprehend me as a Traytor for this very thing and others depending upon it and as a traytor I was apprehended by his Messengers one of which that night kept me prisoner as a Traitor and the next morning I being 4 of May 1641 as a Traytor I was brought by him to White Hall where a● I remember old Sir Henry Vane and Mr. Nicholas were appointed by the King himself to carry my Impeachment to the House of Peers at whose B●r I that day appeared not then understanding their Jurisdiction and was there that day in your way arraigned for my life and one Littleton the Lord Keepers Kinsman swore most bi●terly against me but upon further examination of witnesses and hearing with patie●●● my own Defence for my self I was by your who●e House who look●d upon them●elves as the highest Judicatory in England honourably and nobly 〈◊〉 a● 〈◊〉 ●●nocent and f●●e of the Kings accusation of which my Lords said I then let me plainly tell y●u if I were guilty you were a company of ●●righteous and unjust Judges for freeing me from that Accusation but my Lords being judicially tryed therefore and acquitted by your selves who if my memory fail me not I ●aw all at that Tryall and by your whole House then extraordinary 〈◊〉 as ever I saw i● who judge your selves the highest Judicature in England