great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that University Their strictness unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our returne to Paris THe difference between an University and an Academie standing thus Those which lived in our Fathers dayes could hardly have called Orleans an University a School of Law being the name most fit for it At this time since the coming of the Jesuites that appellation may not misbecome it they having brought with them those 〈◊〉 of learning which before were wanting in it but this hath not been of any long standing their Colledge being not yet fully finished By an inscription over the gate it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Cagliery one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris a man of large practise and by 〈◊〉 of great 〈◊〉 and who having no childe but this Colledge is 〈◊〉 to intend the fastning of his estate upon it In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters in the pursuit whereof as the rest of this 〈◊〉 are they are good proficients and much exceed all other 〈◊〉 of Fryers as having better teachers and more leasure to learn That time which the other spent at high Masses and at their Canonicall hours these men bestowed upon their books they being exempted from these duties by their order Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Musick nor spend their moneths upon the chanting out of their services They have other matters to imploy their brains upon such as are the ruin of Kingdoms and desolation of Countries It was the saying of Themistocles being requested to play a lesson on the Lute That he could not fidle but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City The like we may say of the Jesuites They are no great singers but are well skilled in making little Cities great and great ones little And certain it is that they are so far from any ability or desire this way that upon any of their solemn Festivals when their Statutes require musick they are faine to hire the singing men of the next Cathedrall As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius being the 21 of July they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the Church of St. Croix To this advantage of leasure is added the exact method of their teaching which is indeed so excellent that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor and that in such abundance that wheresoever they settle other houses become in a manner desolate or frequented only by those of the more heavie and phlegmatick constitutions Into their Schooles when they have received them they place them in that forum or Classis into which they are best fitted to enter Of these Classes the lowest is for Grammar the second for Composition or the making of Theames as we call it the third for Poetry the fourth for Oratory the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions the sixt for the Poesie and Rhetorick of that language the seventh for Logick and the eight and last for Philosophy In each of these Schooles there is a severall Reader or Institutor who only mindeth that art and the perfection of it which for that year he teacheth Tâ—…t year ended he removeth both himself and Scholars with him into the Clâ—…ssis or Schooles next beyond him till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity In this last forme which is that of Philosophy he continueth two years which once expired his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning and themselves manumitted from their labours and permitted their private studiâ—…s Nor do they only teach their Scholars an exactnesse in those several parts oâ—… Learning which they handle but they also endevour to breed in them an obstinacy of mind and a sturdy eagernesse of spirit to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions and impatient of any contrary consideration This is it which maketh all those of their education to affect victory in all the controversies of wit or knowledge with such a violence that even in their very Grammaticall disputations you shall find little boyes maintaine arguments with such a fierie impatience that you would think it above the nature of their years And all this they performe freely and for nothing the poor Paisants son being by them equally instructed with that of the Noblest By this means they get unto their Society great honour and great strength honour in furnishing their Schooles with so many persons of â—…xcellent quality or Nobility of whom afterwards they make their best advantages fâ—…r their strength also As for those of the poorer sort they have also their ends upon them for by this free and liberall education of their children the common people do infinitely affect them besides that out of that ranke of their Scholars they assume such into their fraternity whom they finde to be of a rare wit and excellent spirit or any other way fitted for their profession Thus do they make their own purposes out of all 〈◊〉 and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets or which will offer it self unto them Si locuples quis est avari sunt si pauper ambitiosi quos non oriens non occidens satiaverit soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari affectu concupiscunt Galgacus a British Captain spake it of the Souldiers of the Romans Empire we may as justly verifie it of these Souldiers of the Romish Church they being the mâ—…n whom neither the West nor East-Indies can satisfie and who with a like servencie desire the education of the needy and the wealthy Moreover by this method of teaching they do not only strengthen themselves in the affections of men a broad but also fortifie themselves within their own wals at home for by this means there is not one of their society who hath not only perfectly concocted in his head the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of knowledge but hath gained unto himself the true art of speaking and a readinesse of expressing what he knoweth without the least demurre or haesitancie the greatest happinesse of a Scholar To conclude then and say no more of them and their rare abilities for virtus in hoste probatur it is thought by men of wisdome and judgement that the planting of a Colledge of Jâ—…suites in any place is the onely sure way to reestablish that Religion which they professe and in time to eate out the contrary This notwithstanding they were at the first institution of them mightily opposed and no where more violently then in the University of Paris An University that standeth much
and Guise in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrâ—…w themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open faction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas the Prince though at this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but â—…mbled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Pâ—…ians bâ—…th weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Phyâ—…tians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty 〈◊〉 a professour of Montpellier in Langueâ—… in his â—…xcellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or â—…lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they hâ—…d gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duâ—…us sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedâ—…i adâ—…tur aliquod od perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris Thâ—… lâ—…st time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papiâ—…us a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance 〈◊〉 open Court though his Mother confessed 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Coâ—…ba reâ—…eth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had sâ—…n a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the furthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time alter the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but maliciously caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures for it but being but conj ctures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Fâ—…bure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agi to become a Catholick Third y The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navarre in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned he is believâ—…d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices iâ—… her husbands life time had found her self agrievâ—…d it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—…ian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vind core And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissâ—…ns and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for â—…ny oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conâ—…erred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we câ—…ll them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Legrand 〈◊〉 the esteem of which place recompenseth the empâ—…inesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kiâ—…s sword sheathed before
he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainâ—…oigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonieall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their devotions to Mahomet The carrying of it about the streets hath no question in it a touch of the Jew this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites The other main part of it which is the Adoration is derived from the Heathens there never being a people but they which afforded divine honors to things inanimate But the people indeed I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion their consciences being perswaded that what they see passe by them is the very body of their Saviour For my part could the like belief possesse my understanding I could meet it with greater reverence then their Church can enjoyn me The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it Of standing it is so young that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread and a Bell bought to be rung before it The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons in the Councell of Vienna by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse who worshipped Jupiter as a God Cùm eundem tamen Saturno Rhea genitum confiterentur Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie who will needs impose a new God upon their people being so well acquainted with his cradle It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven The Cart stayeth and it is fit we were in it Horses we could get none for money and for love we did not expect them We are now mounted in our Chariot for so we must call it An English man would have thought it a plain Cart and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot let it sure I am it was never ordained for triumph At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses or three bodies which had once been horses and now were worne to dead images had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them it might have been hanged up at an Inne door to represent St. George on horseback so livelesse they were and as little moving yet at last they began to crawle for go they could not This converted me from my former Heresie and made me apprehend life in them but it was so little that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe and proceeded with a space so slow that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere which is 49000 years in finishing But this was not our greatest misery The rain fâ—…ll in us through our tilt which for the many holes in it one would have thought to have been a net
full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palsie Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie O were the same As dear to you as me that very word Would make you dance and caper over board Dull shipmen how they move not how their houses Grow to the planks yet stay here 's sport enough For see the sea Nymphs foot it and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish Triton doth sound his shell and to delight me Old Nereus bobleth with his Amphitrite Excellent triumphs But curs'd fates the main Quickly divides and takes them in again And leaves me dying till I come to land And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand Hail happy England hail thou sweetest Isle Within whose bounds no Paganrites defile The purer faith Christ is by Saints not mated And â—…e alone is worship'd that created In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth Not subject to his Lords rape or the stealth Of hungry Publicans In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling But is himself and by his awfull word Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake Such as outgo report and make same see They stand above her big'st Hyperbole And yet to strangers will not grutch the blisse Of salutation and an harmelesse kisse Hail then sweet England may I breath my last In thy lov'd armes and when my dayes are past And to the silence of the grave I must All I desire is thou wouldst keep my dust The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey THE SECOND JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey With the ISLES appending According to their Politie and Formes of Government both Ecclesiasticall and Civill THE SIXTH BOOK LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey c. The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this Work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our Voyage with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre WHen fiâ—…st I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship I resolved also to do somewhat for my self and iâ—… possible unto the places For my self in bettering what I could my understanding if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing to which I was a stranger At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity as being not a little emulous of this kind of living Multorum mores hominum qui vidit urbes which had seen so much of men and of their manners It was also not the last part of mine intention to do something in the honour of the Island by committing to memory their Antiquities by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government by representing as in a Tablet the choycest of their beauties and in a word by reducing these and the Achievements of the people as far as the light of Authors could direct me into the body of an History But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble The Churches naked of all Monuments and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window for fear as I conjecture of Idolatry No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends in their remembrancers whereby to ennoble them in time to come unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles The Countrey indeed exceeding pleasant and delight some but yet so small in the extent and circuit that to speak much of them were to put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant For being in themselves an abridgement only of the greater works of nature how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume Having thus failed in the most of my designes I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government in which I must needs confesse I met with much which did exceedingly affect me Their Lawes little beholding in the composition of them to Justinian and of no great affinity with the laws of England which we call Municipall or common The grand Customarie oâ— Normandy is of most credit with them and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince for the conveniency of this people Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli bâ—…ves But what had I a Priest of the Church of England to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans Had I gone forward in my purpose I deny not but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws amongst other my Collections but failing in the main of my intent I must only make such use of them as shall be necessary for this present argument An Argument not fo much as in my thoughts when fiâ—…st I resolved upon the Journey as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands or that those alterations could afford one such variety An Argument more sutable to my profession as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England your most indulgent and in you most happy mother No marvail therefore if those little Chappels even those two Tribes and a half which are on the other side of the flood most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet and by me â—…ay open their estate unto you Which that I may the better do in discharge of the trust reposed in me and for your Lordships more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following First I shall lay before your Lordship the full successe and course of our Navigation till we were setled in those Islands that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall may receive no interruption in the processe of it Next I shall briefly as in a map present your Lordship with the situation quality and story of the Islands with somewhat also of their Customes of their Government but this as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires in ordine tantum ad spiritualia the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their
faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and wiâ—…hall to hold his vâ—…ations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the liâ—…le Isâ—… of Lehu of which in the laâ—… Chapter and when the â—…ouses of Reâ—…gion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tiâ—… I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure diffeâ—…ent from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or 〈◊〉 The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tiâ—…hes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body liâ—…nced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tiâ—…hes rather were called Appropriated to digresse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annats there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowes not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disme or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Co. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman 〈◊〉 who had taken such a speciall survey of his nâ—…w 〈◊〉 that there was not one hide of Land in all the Râ—…alme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures â—…nnes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmâ—…s and Tâ—…nements were in 〈◊〉 shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomesdâ—…y bâ—…ok aâ—… that as some suppose because the judgemâ—…nt aâ—…d 〈◊〉 of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta suerit 〈◊〉 de â—…is rebus quae 〈◊〉 continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 nâ—…n poteâ—… vel impune declinari so mine Authour O hers conceive it to be corruptly called the â—…ook of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the 〈◊〉 laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his 〈◊〉 es Exchequer not to be lookâ—…ed into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a 〈◊〉 Tanta est authoritas vetustatis So grâ—…at respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Pâ—…iories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the supâ—…rstition of their Patâ—…ons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islâ—…ds were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the 〈◊〉 of some greater Abby or Monastâ—…ry in France In this condition they continued â—…ill the beginning of the Râ—…ign of Kinâ—… Henâ—… the V. who purposing a war agaiâ—…st the French thâ—…ught fit â—…o cut of all â—…lpes and succours as they had â—…om England at that time â—…ull of Priors Aliens and strangers posseâ—…d of Beneficâ—…s To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aâ—…ns and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm exceâ—…pt only Priors Conventuals such as have instiâ—uâ—ion and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Vergil ad Reip. commodum 〈◊〉 est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullus Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3. Hen. 5. cap 3. By this means the Priors Aâ—…ens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islâ—nds and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 2â—… l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Proirs of any Monastery
sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancy of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies p. 41. CHAP. III. France described The valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it Mont martre Burials in former times not pe mitted within the wals The prosâ—…cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall intermitted for a time The Town and Church of St. Denis The Legend of him and his head Of Dagobert and the Leâ—…er The reliques to be seen there Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time The Sepulchres of the French Kings and the treasury there The Kings house of Madrit The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall and fine devices in it St. Germains en lay another of the Kings houses The curious painting in it Gorramburie Window the Garden belonging to it and the excellency of the Water-works Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes and the Castle called Bisester p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris the names and antiquity of it The situation and greatnesse The chief strength and Fortifications about it The streets and buildings King James his laud ble care in beautyfying London King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town Why not actuated The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts Of the Fauxburgs in generall Of the Pest house The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Gâ—…main The Queen Mothers house there Her purpose never to reside in it The Provost of Merchants and his authority The Armes of the Town The Town-house The Grand Chastellet The Arcenall The place Royall c. The Vicounty of Paris And the Provosts seven daughters p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular that and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency the disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. p. 80. CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander's injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame The Holy water there The original making and virtue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Antients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parlament p. 90. CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisteth The digniiy and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and over the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France 〈◊〉 his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers p. 104. CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. p. 113. La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The saweiness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix 〈◊〉 an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleanâ—… raisâ—…d by Joan the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that university Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our return to Paris p. 152. PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie The office of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table
Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation nnto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of â—…hu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—…cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called 〈◊〉 day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dâ—…tive how they dâ—…ffered from the Conventuals 8 The conditiâ—…n of the e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the 〈◊〉 then aâ—…lotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzev Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Syned â—…den in Gueâ—…nzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 N place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3 Their love to Parity as wâ—…ll in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hand of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intâ—…usion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets câ—…se 8 The brethren 〈◊〉 in giving names to children 9 〈◊〉 blâ—…ng Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a thâ—…d note of the 〈◊〉 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of â—…els 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal 〈◊〉 upon the civil Courts 15 The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates p. 364. CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirms the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what 〈◊〉 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jâ—…rsey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Miniâ—…y in that Island 8 They refer themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germany what it was 13 The Interim of Jarsey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons 378. CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same p. 390. CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 〈◊〉 of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The subm ssion of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The 〈◊〉 of the whole Our return to England p 412. ERRATA Besides the errors of the Copy the Reader is of course to look for some from the Prosse which the hast made for preventing the false impressions hath more increased then any negligence of the Workman which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main p. 5. l. 13. r. â—…ocorum p. 7 l 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Hen y. p. 11. l. 17. del in p. 13 8 〈◊〉 pacâ—… ibid. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth p. 39. l 25 p. 108. 9 〈◊〉 interview p. 49. l. 3. r. then ibid l 4. r. as at ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye p. 60 l. 28. r. En lay ibid. l. 35 r. Troy s. p. 69 l 26. del now p. 95. l. 17. r born p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished p. 99. l. 20. r Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres p 123 l. 1 r. as much hugged ibid. l 26. r. I
shall hereafter shew you p. 125. l. 27. r Beu p 127. l. 14. r. Angerville p 132. l. 12. r. Angiers p. 138 l. 9. r his p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times ibid. l. 20. r quam dis 〈◊〉 p 14â—… l. 22. r. Belbis p. 147. l. 2. r. meri p. 150. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 p 153. l 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme p. 158 l. 9 r. 〈◊〉 p. 162. l. 12. r. Les Dâ—…guieres p 163. l. 20 r. Bevie ibid. l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 p. 167 l 27. r. Ancre p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo ibid. l. 19. r. fidei p 175. l. 9. r. massing p. 185 l. 27. del do ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my ibid. l. 33. r Bookes p. 199 l 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 206. l 8. r Franâ—… p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del each of p. 213 l 8. to these words al eady mentioned add and Madam Gabriele the most loved of all p. 220 l ult r. Aix p. 222. 〈◊〉 38 r. no other p. 223. l. 7. l. 32. r. investiture ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio ibid. l. 23 r. lapse p. 230. l 19. r. 〈◊〉 p. 231 l 1. r. to 〈◊〉 ibid. l 6 r. greatest action p. 235. l. 1 del 〈◊〉 p 242. l 4. r. Le Chastres p 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall p. 248. l. 27 r. 〈◊〉 p. 261. l. 24. del 〈◊〉 p. 271. l. 13 r. 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. ult r. Vitrey p. 274. l. 1. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. 28. r. 〈◊〉 p. 298. l. 5. 302. l. 16. r. Armie p. 304 l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 p. 306. l. 20. r. manner p. 312. l. 8 del a Crosse engraled O. p 314. l. 5 r. 〈◊〉 p. 320. l 8. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 p. 323. l. 34. r. once p 325. l. 7. 〈◊〉 fact p. 330. l. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 337. l. 11. r 〈◊〉 ibid. l 17 r. Painset p 354. l ult r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 368 l 35. r. propounded p. 374 l. 10. r. tactum p 381. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 p. 384. l. 3 l. 33. p. 386 l. 15. 〈◊〉 p. 385. l 17. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 34. r. St. 〈◊〉 p 387. l 32. r. interea p 393 l. 9. r. cure p 401. l. ult r. â—…ols p. 417 l 11. del 〈◊〉 p. 415. l 3. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l 25. r. be said unto him ibid. l. 38 r. 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. 8 r 〈◊〉 p. 422. l. 13. r. change p. 423. l. 3. r. sic ibid. l. 24. r. pool THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces and chief Cities of it The Temper Humors and Affections of the people generally And an exact account of the Publick Government in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State By PET. HEYLYN London Printed 1656. A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE NORMANDY OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance The beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England ON Tuesday the 28 of June just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France and the French had seen the choise beauties of England we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover The Port we aimed at Dieppe in Normandy The hour three in the afternoon The winde faire and high able had it continued in that point to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings Two hours before night it came about to the Westward and the tide also not befriending us our passage became tediâ—…us and troublesome The next day being dedicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind this brought us out of the sight of England and the floud ensuing compelled us to our Anchor I had now leasure to see Gods wonders in the deep wonders indeed to us which had never before seen them but too much familiarity had made them no other then the Sailers playfellowes The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest which formost Precedencie and supereminencie was equally desired and each enjoyed it in succession The winde more covetous in appearance to play with the water then disturb it did only rock the billow and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle or that the Winde straining it self to a Treble and the Seas by a Diapason supplying the Base had tuned a Caranto to our ship For so orderly they rose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers This nimblenesse of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them was not to all our company alike pleasing what in me moved only a reverend and awfull pleasure was to others an occasion of sicknesse their heads gidie their joynts enâ—…bled their stomachs loathing sustenance and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken in their mouths nothing might have been so frequent as that of Horaâ—…e Illi robur aes triplex Circa pectus erat qui fragilem truâ—… Commisit pelago ratem Hard was his heart as brasse which first did venture In a weak ship on the rough Seas to enter Whether it be that the noisome smels which arise from the saltnesse and tartnesse of that region of waters poysoneth the brain or that the ungoverned and unequall motion of the ship stirreth and unsetleth the stomach or both we may conjecture with the Philosophers rather then determine This I am sure of that the Cabbins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons whilest I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches Here did I see the Scalie nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brimme of the waters rejoycing in the sight and warmth of the day and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it They danced about our Vessell as if it had been a moving May pole and that with such delightfull decorum that you never saw a measure better troden with lesse art And now I know not what wave bigger then the rest tossed up our ship so high that I once more saw the coast of England An object which took such hold on my senses that I forgot that harmlesse company which sported below me to bestow on my dearest mother this and for ought I could assure my self my last farewell England adiew thy most unworthy sonne Leaves thee and grieves to see what he hath done What he hath done in leaving thee the best Of mothers and more glorious then the rest Thy sister-nations Had'st thou been unkind Yet might he trust thee safer then the wind Had'st thou been weak yet far more strength in thee
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
comparison of the rest or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns Inne The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks as mean and curtailed I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne and how small a trifle that is we shall tell you presently But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only all France is troubled with the same want the same want of encouragement in learning neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times having been in England and seen Cambridge to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance Unum Collegium Cantabrigiense confidenter dicam superat vel decem nostra It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings in which sense he spake it but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues Yet I was given to understand that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges one of an especiall quality and so indeed it is if rightly considered There are said to be in it 20 Students places or fellowships as we call them The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens or Livres paid unto him after six years by his successor Vendere jure potest emerat ille prius A pretty market The Colledge of Sorbonne which is indeed the glory of â—…is University was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the â—…hamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved It consisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity neither can any of another profession nor any of the same profession not so graduated be admitted into it At this time their number is about 70 their allowance a pint of wine their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart and a certain quantity of bread daily Meat they have none allowed them unless they pay for it but the pay is not much for five Sols which amounteâ—…h to six pence English a day they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their chambers These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity the Rector and other officers of the University having nothing to do in it To them alone belongeth the â—…mination of the â—…udents in the faculty the approbatioâ—… and the bestâ—…ing of the honour and to their Lectures do all such assidâ—… usly repair as are that way minded All of them in their 〈◊〉 discharge this office of reading and that by sixâ—…s in a day thâ—…e of them making good the Pulpit in the â—…noon and as many in the aâ—…noon These Doctors are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris the principal pillars of the French Liberty whereof inâ—…d they are excâ—…ding jealous as well in matterâ—… Ecclesiastical as Civil When Gerson Chancellor of Paris he died Anno 1429. had published a book in approbation of the Councell oâ—… 〈◊〉 where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope the Soâ—…ne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine Afterwards when Iewis the 11. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction the Sorlonnisis in behalf of the Church Gallâ—…an and the University of Paris Magnis obsistebant animis saith Sleidan in his Commentaries a Papa provocabant ad â—…cilium The Câ—…uncell unto which they appealed was that of Bâ—…sil where that sanction was made so that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis that the Councell was above the Pope And not lâ—…ng since anno viz 1613. casually meeting with a book written by â—…nus entituled Coâ—…troversia Anglicana de potesâ—…te regis papae they called an assembly and condemned it For though the main of it was against the power and suâ—…macy of the Kings of England yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Châ—…stian Kings by the bie which occasioned the Sentence So jealous are they of the least circumstances in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered As for the Government of the University it hath for its chief directâ—…ur a Rector with a Chancellor four Procurators or Proctors and as many others whom they call â—…es Intraâ—… to assist him besides the Regents Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts who are by the consent of the rest selected to read the publick Lectures of Logiâ—…k and Philosophy Their name they derive a regendo eo quod in artibus rexerint These are divided into four Nations viz. 1 The Norman 2 The Picarde 3 The German And 4 The French Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces under the third the Sâ—…udents of all forein natioâ—…s which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge It was heretofore called natio Aâ—…glica but the English being thought unworthy of the honour because of their separation from the Church of Roâ—…e the name and credit of it was given to the Germans That of the French is again subdivided into two parts that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris and that which containeth the rest of Gallia These four Nations for notwithstanding the subdivision above mâ—…ioned the French is reckoned but as one choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators so called quia negotia nationis suae procurant They choose four other officers whom they call les Iâ—…trantes in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations Aâ—…d here it is to be observed that in the French Nation the Procurator and Intrant is one year of the Diocese of Paris and the following year of the rest of France the reason why that Nation is subdivided These four Intâ—…antes thus named have amongst them the election of the Rector who is their supreme Mâ—…gistrate The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus of the Colledge of Harcourte a Master of the Arts for a Doctor is not capable of the Office The honour lasteth only three moneths which time expired the Intrantes proceed to a new election though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man haâ—…h the lease renued Within the confines of the University he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud and at the publique exercises of learning before the Cardinals otherwise he giveth them the 〈◊〉 Bâ—…t to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion It was not two moneths before my being there that there hapned a shrewd controvâ—…e abâ—…ut it For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning to consult about some Church affairs and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house when the first day of their sitting came a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them began his oration with Reverendissime Rector vos amplissimi praesules Here the Archbishop of Râ—…n a man of an high spirit
of years had never seen the inside of them or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called Nâ—…li me tangere In this unluckie roome do they hold their disputations unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation and after two or three arguments urged commend tâ—…e sufficiency of the Respondent and pronounce him worthy of his degree That done they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they siâ—…ed the Candidati that it is necessary to the Common-wealth of learning that industry should be honoured and that on that ground they have thought it fitting post 〈◊〉 solamen post vigilias requietem post dolorem gaudia for so as I remember goeth the â—…orm to recompense the labours of N.N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate with a great deal of the like sormall foolery Et ad hunâ—… modum fiunt Doctores From the study of the Law proceed we unto that of the Language which is said to be beâ—…ter spoken here then in any part of France and certainly the people hereof speak it more distinctly then the rest I cannot say more â—…legantly Yet parâ—…ly for this reasâ—…n partly because of the study of the Law and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French But in the greaâ—…est 〈◊〉 it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University then the University This Corporation consisteth oâ—… a Procurator a Qâ—…tor an Aâ—…or two Bibliothecarii 12 Counsellors They have all of 〈◊〉 their dâ—…stinct jurisdiction and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third moneth The Consulship of Râ—…me was never so welcome to Cicero as the office of Prâ—…urator is to a Dutch Gentleman he for the time of his commanâ—… ordering the affaires of all his Nation and to say truth being much respâ—…cted by those of the Town It is his office to admit of the young comers to receive the moneys due at their admission and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Questor at the expiring oâ—… his charge The office of Assâ—…ssor is like that of a Clerk of the Councels and the Secretary mixt For he registreth the Acts of their Councâ—… writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings at their new coming to the Crown and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town he entertaineth him with a speach The Bibliothecarii looke to the Libtary in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their severall turns A prety room it is very plentifully furnished with choise books and that at small charge for it is here the custome that every one of the Nation at his departure must leave with them one book of what kind or price it best pleaseth him Besides each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet to be expended according as the necâ—…ssitie of the â—…ate requires which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Librâ—…ry Next unto this citè des Lettres as one of the French writers calleth Paris is their Councell house an â—…andsome square Chambâ—… and well furnished In this they hold their Consultations and in this preserve their Records and Priviledges the keeping of the one and 〈◊〉 the other being meerly in the hands of the 〈◊〉 About the Table they have five chairs for the five principall Officers those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on stools the armes of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats If it happen that any of them die there they all accompany him to his grave in a manner mixt so orderly of grief and state that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnized And to say truth of them they are a hearty and a loving Nation not to one another only but to strangers and especially to us of England Only I would wish that in their speech and complement they would not use the Latine tongue or else speak it more congruously You shall hardly finde a man amongst them which cannot make a 〈◊〉 to expresse himself in that lanâ—…age nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly Galleriam Compagniam 〈◊〉 and the like are as usuall in their common discourse as to drink at three of the clock and as familiar as their 〈◊〉 Had they bent their studies that way I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes their tongues so naturally 〈◊〉 upon those words which are necessary to a Dâ—…ration But amongst the rest I took notice of one Mr. Gebour a man of that various mixture of words that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of languages Cras main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nous irons ad magnam Galleriam was one of his most remarkable speeches when we were at Paris but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold If ever he should chance to die in a 〈◊〉 place where his Countrey could not be known but by his tongue it could not possible be but that more Nations would strive for him then ever did for Homer I had before read of the confusion of Babel in him I came acquainted with it yet this use might be made of him and his hotch-pot of languages that a good Chymicall Physitian would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone In a word to go no more upon the particular I never knew a people that spake more words and lesse Latine Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans compounded if at the least it be lawfull to call it an University as I think it be not The name of Academie would beseem it better and God grant as Sanco Panco said of his wife it be able to disebarge that calling I know that those names are indifferently used but not properly For an Academie the name is derived from a place neer Athens called Academia where Plato first taught Philosophy in its strict and proper sense is such a study where some one or two Arts are professed as Law at Orleans and Bononia and Physick at Montpelier and Padua an University is so called Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae as the name importeth where learning is professed in the generality and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it the first the Germans call Schola illustris the latter Generale studium very opposite titles and in which there is little of a German CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not 〈◊〉
upon its liberty and priviledges to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their own houses without reference to any publick exercise or examination In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them in the end whereof are these words and they are worth the reading Uidetur haec societas in nâ—…gotio fidei periculosa pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa monasticae religionis eversiva magis ad destructionsm quam ad aedificationem a censure too full of vineger and bitternesse Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them might be incorporated into the University and enjoy the immunities of it Upon the Universities deniall of their desire there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits and Stephen Pasquier for the other party In the end they were admitted though upon terms of wondrous strictnesse Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict then ever Into Paris they were not readmitted untill anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation Per varios casus tot discrimina rerum As Aenâ—…as and his companions came into Latium In this University they have at this instant three houses one of the Novices a second of Institutors which they call the Colledge and a third of professed Jesuites which they style their Monastery or the professed house of St. Lewis In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schooles to be of their order and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism and their mysteries of iniquity They there teach them not Grammaticall constructions or composition but instruct them in the paths of virtue courage and obedience according to such examples as their Authors afford them This they say of themselves and their friends for them But he that made the funerall Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise Latini sermonis obtentu saith he impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant Bonarum litterarum praetextu pessimas edocent artes Dum ingenia excolunt animas perdunt c. In their Colledge they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans A Colledge first given unto them by Mr. William Pratt Bishop of Clermount whose house it was but much beautifyed by themselves after his decease For with the mony which he gave unto them by his will which amounted as it was thought to 60000 crowns they added to it the Court called De Langres in St. James street anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the Colledge by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes When they are here their studies both for time and quality is ad 〈◊〉 though generally their only studie in it is Policy and the advantage of their cause And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affaires of Christendom out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism which tend to the ruine of the Protestants and the desolation of their Countries I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris either only or principally wheresoever they settle they have a house of this nature out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospell Being sent once by their Superiors a necessity is layed upon them of obâ—…dience be the imployment never so dangerous And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order of any whatsoever not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont reading about the fall of the Angels ended his Lecture with these words Denique in quibuscunque for then was the warning given and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule as to speak out his sentence But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only and Universities only to oppose their fortunes they have also the most accomplisht malice that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live can fasten upon them Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessions some because of the excellency of their learning some hate them for their power some for the shrewdnesse of their brains all together making good that saying of Paterculus that Semper eminentis fortunae comes est invidia True indeed it is that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall affairs of Câ—…urt and state but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can upon those of the other Orders The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi then those doe of the rest of the Clergy A great crime in those men who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections Neither is the affection born to them abroad greater then that at home amongst those I mean of the opposite party who being so often troubled and crumped by them have little cause to afford them a liking and much lesse a welcome Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen although at first they were destinate to that service It was well known how odious that name was amongst us and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse sent hither in their places the Oratorians or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii a race of men never as yet offensive to the English further then the generall defence of the Romish cause and so lesse subject to envie and exception They were first instituted by Philip Nerius not long after the Jesuits and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end that by their incessant Sermons to the people of the lives of Saints and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities they might get a new reputation and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites Baronius that great and excellent Historian and Bozius that deadly enemie to the Soveraignity of Princeâ—… were of the first foundation of this
of the Citadell there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City The watchmen receive no pay of the King but discharge that duty amongst themselves and in turns every house finding one for that service twelve nights in the year The weapons which they use are pikes only and muskeâ—… there being not one piâ—…ce of Ordinance all about the Town or on the wals of it The Governor of this Town as it hath reference to the King is a Bâ—…illy who hath belonging to him all the auâ—…hority which belongeth to a siege 〈◊〉 Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall and particular seven Counsellors a publiâ—…k Notary and other infâ—…rior Officers and Magistrates As it is a Corporation the chief Governor of it is a Maior and next to him the Eschevins or Sheâ—…iffs as protectoâ—…s of the inhabitants and their liberties besides those of the Common-councell Another circumstance there is which ennobleth this Town of Amiens which is that it is a Visdamate or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility who is called the Visdame of Amiens This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune Governor of the Citadell together with the Lordship of Piquigni both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens and Lord of Piquigni anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother who also obtained for him of the King the title of Duke his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet by which name he was known here in England at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James This honour of Visdame is for ought I could ever see used only in France True it is that in some old 〈◊〉 Charters we meet 〈◊〉 this title of Vice-dominus As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lâ—…shire dated in the year 948. there iâ—… there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus but with us and at those times this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord and not as an honorary attribute in which sense it is now used in France Besides that with us it was frequently though falsly used for Vice comes Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame there are found no small resemblances For as they which did 〈◊〉 vicem Comitis were called Vicecomites or Vicounts so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus And as Viscounâ—…s from officers of the Earls became honorary so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop and became Signieural or honorary also The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops in matter of secular administration for which cause though they have altered their tenure they take â—…ll of them their denomination from the chieâ—…town of some Bishoprick Neither is there any of them who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine Mr. Glover otherwise alled Somerset Herald in his Discourse of Nobility published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury putteth it down for absolute that here are four only viz. of Amiens of Chaâ—…tres of Chalons and of Gerberâ—…y in Beauvais but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers there being besides those divers others as of Rheimes Mans and the like But the particular and exact number of them together with the place denominating I leave to the French Heralds unto whose prosession it principally belongeth CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dâ—…me in Amiens The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the â—…utside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick THere is yet one thing which addâ—…th more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the 〈◊〉 or the Citadel which is the Churâ—…h of Nostre Dame A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven a second in Paris a third in this City a fourth in Bouâ—…gne all Cathedrall so alsâ—… a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and another in Estampes the principal Church in those Towns also had I seen more oâ—… their Towns I had met with more of her Temples for of so many I have heard of that it there be more then two Churches in a Town one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her and that one of the fairest of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour ne gry quidem there was not so much as a word stirring neither could I marvail at it considring the honours done to her and those to her son betwixt which there is so great a disproportion that you would have imâ—…gined that Mary and not Jesus had been our Saviour For one Pater noster the people are enjoyned ten Aâ—…e Maries and to recompense one 〈◊〉 to Christs Sepulchre at 〈◊〉 you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto and whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated only four â—…stivals to our Saviour which are those of his birth circumcision resurrection and ascension all which the Enâ—…ish Church also observeth for the Virgins sake they have more then doubled the number Thus do they solemnize the seasts of her purification and annuntiation at the times which we also do of her visitation of Elizabeth in July of her dedication and assumption in August of her nativity in September of her presentation in November and of her conception in the womb of her mother in December To her have they appropriated set formes of Prayers prescribed in the two books called one Officium and the other Rosarium bâ—…atae Mariae virginis whereas her son must be contented with those oraisons which are in the common Masse-book Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent then those of her son And in her Chappel are more vowes paid thâ—…n before the Crucifix But I cannot blame the vulgar when the great mastâ—…rs of their souls are thus also besoâ—…ed The Officium before mentioned published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her Gaude Maria virgo tu sola omnes haereses 〈◊〉 in universo mundo Catharinus in the Councel of Trent calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam and he was moâ—…st if compaâ—…ed with others In one of their Councels Christs name is quite forgotten and the name of our Lady 〈◊〉 in the place of it For thus it beginneth Autoritate Dei patâ—…is beatae virginis omnium sanctorum but most horrible is that of one of their
the tediousnesse of the way The first thing we met with observable was the Town and Castle of Piquigni The Town poor and beggerly and so unlikely to have named the Province as Mercator would have it besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names The Castle situate on the top of the hill is now a place of more pleasure then sâ—…rength as having command over an open and goodly Countrey which lyeth below it It belongeth as we have said to the Vidamate of Amiens and so doth the Town also This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it but in whose reign and under whose conduct they could not tell us Being thus routed they fled to this Town into which their enemies followed with them intending to put them all to the sword but at last their fury being allaied they proposed that mercy to them which those of Gilead did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni were all of them put to the sword thus far the Tradition The Truth of story by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI upon the concluding of their nine years truce A circumstance of no great moment of it self had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England being Bishop of Ely made an oration to both Kings beginning with a prophesie which said that in this place of Piquigni an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms on this ground which himself also is the only man that relateth he hath built two observations the one I have not the originall by me That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies the other That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies How far those times were guilty of that humor I cannot say though sure I am that we are not the only men that were so affected Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories I remember not the particular hath vindicated that quarrell for us and fastned the same imputation on the French So true is that of the Tragedian Quod quisque fecit patitur authorem scelus repetit And now being past Piquigni I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens The fairest Fabrick and most rich to see That ere was guilty of mortalitie No present Structure like it nor can fame In all its bed-rols boast an equall name Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extoll their huge Pyramides Let them grow silent of their Pharus and Conceale the other triumph of their Land And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise This Church alone doth them as much excell As they the lowest Cottages where do dwell The least of men as they those urnes which keep The smallest ashes which are laid to sleep Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night Nor let a cloud of darknesse mask thy light That renownd Temple which the Greeks did call The worlds seventh wonder and the fair'st of all That pile so famous that the world did see Two only great and high thy fame and thee Is neither burnt and perisht Ephesus Survives the follies of Erostratus Onâ—…y thy name in Europe to advance It was transported to the Realm of France And here it stands 〈◊〉 robb'd of any grace Which there it had nor altred save in place Cast thy beams on it and t will 〈◊〉 be prov'd Thy Temple wâ—…s not 〈◊〉 but remov'd Nor are thy rites so chang'd but thou'â—… aver This Christian is thy old Idolater But oh goâ—…d God! how long shall thy decree Permit this Temple to Idolatrie How long shall they profane this Church and make Tâ—…se sacred wals and pavements to partake Of their loud sins and here that Doctrine teach 'Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach Reduce them Lord unto thee make them see How ill this building and their â—…ites agree Or make them know though they be still the same This house was purpos'd only to thy name The next place of note that the water conveied us to was the Town and Castle of Pont d' Arme a place now scarce visible in the ruines and belonging to one Mr. Quercy It took name as they say from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army but this I cannot justifie Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville a Town conveniently seated on the Some which runneth through it It is of greater circuite within the wals then the City of Amiens and hath four Parish Churches more then it but is not so beautifull nor so populous For the houses here are of an older stampe and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground I went round about the wals and observed the thinness of the houses the largeness of the fields which are of that capacity and extent that for ought I could apprehend the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages The wals are of earth within and stone without of an unequall breadth and in some places ruinous A Castle it once had of which there is now scarce any thing remaining In stead of which and in places more convenient they built out three Bastions very large and capacious and such well manned need not yeeld upon a summons There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall at that place where the Countrey is most plain upon which good Oâ—dinance would have good command but at this time there were none upon it Without the wals it is diversly strengthned having in some places a deep ditch without water in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the benefit of the river in others only a moorish and fennie levell more dangerous to the enemie and secure to the Town then either of the rest and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison But the chief strength of it is five Companies of Swiss 100 in a company proper tall fellowes in appearance and such as one would imagine fit for the service It was my chance to see them begin their watch to which imployment they advanced with so good order and such a shew of stomach as if they had not gone to guaâ—…d a Town but possesse one Their watch was at Porte de Beyes and Porte St. Valery the first lying near un Hesdin a frontier Town of Artoys the other five leagues only from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery From â—…hose places most danger was feared and therefore there kept
most of their Souldiers and all their Ordinâ—nce Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè a Grison by birth and reported for a good Souldier Besides him they have no military Commander the Maior of the Town contrary to the nature 〈◊〉 Towns of war being there in highest authority A 〈◊〉 granted unto the Maiors hereof not long since as a reward due to one of their integrities who uâ—â—â—â—standing that the Governour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch-duke apprehended him and sent him to the Court where he received his punishment This Abbeville and so I leave it and in it my bevie of French lasses is so called quasi Abbatis Villa as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it And yet before I leave this Town I must needs take notice of an Adventure which might have proved prjudiciall to me if my good fortune had not overcome all contrary accidents My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens but presently they betook themselves to the Post-house without the Town that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorow France as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorow Venice resolved to satisfie my self in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation Which having done and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities I betook my self to the Corps du guard where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town and to observe the situation strength and defences of it But so it hapned that before I came to the gate which led towards the Post-house I found it newly locked up by the Captain of the watch for that night and thought I might have found passage at the next gate had I hastned towards it yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards being all proper fellowes and well appointed that before I came to that gate it was locked up also which being the two only gates on that side of the River deprived me of all ordinary means to come that night to my Companions who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets within which I seemed to be imprisoned but could meet none that could informe me how to free my self out of that restraint at last I met with an old Burger of a comely presence who I thought promised better satisfaction then the rest had given me who being acquainted with my desire of uniting my self with my companions and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me directed me to the house of the Provost who as he told me had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorow the Town by which I might finde a way out of it if I could wooe him to make use of his priviledge in that point which he thought hard if not impossible to be effected Well to the Provosts house I went whom I found at home acquaâ—…nted him that I came with Letters from the Court of England that I was returning thither with my dispatches that my companions being lesse curious then my self had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town that it would be a great reproach to me if I should not be in England as soon as they and therefore humbly did beseech him in as good French as I could that he would be my means to set me on the other side of the River without the Town which I understood to be in his power To this request he yeelded with a great deal of chearfulnesse assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman which said he pâ—…esently dispatched a servant for his Bayliffe deâ—…eaw or Water Bailiffe being a sworn officer of the Town to attend upon him and in the mean time entertained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queens reception News being brought that the Water Bailiffe was coming forwards he conducted me into a low Parlor very handsomely furnished where I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me consisting of cold bake-meats choise Marmelets and most excellent Wines and which I looked upon as the greater favour his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment We had scarce ended this refreshment when the Bâ—…iliff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate whether out of civility to me or compliance with the trust reposed in him I determine not which was done accordingly one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge July the last we took Post-horse for Bologne if at the least we may call those Post-horses which we rid on As lean they were as Envie is in the Poet Maâ—…es in 〈◊〉 â—…oto being most true of them Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred but the very spur-gâ—…ls had made â—…uch caâ—…ements thrâ—…ugh their skins that it had been no great dâ—…fficulty to have surveyâ—…d their entraiâ—…s A strange kind of Câ—…ll in my mine opinion and such as had neither flesh on their bones nor skin on their flâ—…sh nor hair on their skin sure I am they were not so â—…lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid neither could we say of them Fâ—…ammiferis implent hinnitibus auras All the â—…eighing we could hear from the proudest of them was only an old dry cough which I 'le assure you did much comfort me for by that noise I first learned there was life in them Upon such Anatomies of horses or to sâ—…eak more properly upon such severall heaps of bones when I and my Companion mounted and when we expected however they seemed outwardly to see somewhat of the Post in them my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace or like Envie in Ovid Surgit humi pigre passuque incedit inerti Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were eâ—…eemed too blessed yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches If good nature or a sight of their journeyes end did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop we were sure
with a violent tempest makâ—…th it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the imâ—… thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and saâ—…ty of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisonâ—…d True it is that Henry VIII did erâ—…ct Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we wâ—…re 〈◊〉 garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story 〈◊〉 gloriâ—…sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neiâ—…her will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a â—…ull view of my dearest England from which sor want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pâ—…st-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently sâ—…ut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the 〈◊〉 â—…ondition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' esâ—…ue not to be 〈◊〉 he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our â—…alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came â—…lfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty 〈◊〉 then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odâ—…ombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not 〈◊〉 distant and some old women dry 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a bank adjoyning the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then 〈◊〉 But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmiâ—…ies That done I turned my face toward England whâ—…ch afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dâ—…ver Castle Eâ—…stward to the West of 〈◊〉 an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bâ—…num est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there lâ—…nger if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indâ—…ed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatâ—…st part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distâ—…nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I conâ—…esse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Bâ—…gage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 hâ—…rses True it is thâ—…t his dâ—…signes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with 〈◊〉 he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure câ—…ncerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much â—…arvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affâ—…ction and duty to his
Qâ—…een seeing that it is as his late Majâ—…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fiâ—…h to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desiâ—…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they beâ—…ought him that he wâ—…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogns and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incautus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater thâ—…n he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the nâ—xt morning we took boat â—or England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon hiâ—… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commoditâ—… much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to requiâ—…e as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France agâ—…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill Statâ—… The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of Kiâ—…g Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisâ—…ers all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise
are yet in their Nurses armes or else under their Regents in Colledges nay more that the abuse goeth before their being Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks and Abbacies before they were born He made also another complaint that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church To these complaints he gave them indeed a very gracious hearing but it was no further then an hearing being never followed by redresse The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility by the speedy preferring of their children and so the clergie departed with a great deal of envy and a little satisfaction Like enough it were that the Pope would in part redresse this injury especially in the point of jurisdiction if he were able But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Câ—…untrey neither can he fly at all but as far as they please to suffer him For his temporall power they never could be induced to acknowledge it as we see in their stories anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of theiâ—…s tendred to the Queen Mother affirmed the supremacie of the Pope to be an Erroneous Doctrine and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings Anno 1517. when the Councell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs Dated the 12 of March the same year Leo decimus saith the Apology in quodamcoetu non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato contra fidem Catholicam c. Sacrum Bisiliense concilium damnavit In which councell of Basil the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned Neither did the Kâ—…ngs of France forget to mâ—…intain their own authority And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII had in a peremptory Letter written to Philip le Bell King of France styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in tempâ—…ralibus quam in spiritualibus the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus alâ—…ui nâ—…n subesse c. The like answer though in modester termes was sent to another of the Popes by St. Lewis a man of a most milde and sweet disposition yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance though more in shew for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy the French Church would never receive it By this means the Bishops keep in their hands their own full authority whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them It was truely said by St. Gregory and they well knew it Lib. 7. Epist. 70. Si unus universalis est restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis Further the University of Paris in their Declaration anno 1610 above mentioned plainly affirme that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris alwayes maintained that the Pope hath the power of a Monaâ—…ch in the spirituall government of the Church To look upon higher times when the Councell of Câ—…nstance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell John Gâ—…rson Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis as one calleth him defended that decree and intituâ—…eth them 〈◊〉 admodum esse adulatores qui 〈◊〉 istam in Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 quasi nullis legâ—…m teneatur vinculis quasi neque paâ—…ere â—…beat coâ—…lio Pontâ—…x nec ab eo judâ—…cari queat The Kâ—…ngs 〈◊〉 also befriend their Clergy in this cause and thâ—…ore not only protested against the Councell of Trent wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction But Henry II. also wouâ—…d not acknowledge them to be a Councell calling them by another name then Convâ—…ntus Tridentinus An indignity which the 〈◊〉 took very offensively But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy is the collation of Benefices and Bishopricks and the Annats and first fruits thence arising The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christâ—…ndome wâ—…s about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their fâ—…llowers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers pâ—…tty Councels the receiving of any Ecclâ—…siasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrâ—…ns as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this 〈◊〉 as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had dâ—…ne in Franâ—…e whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcpâ—…tus beneficia they are Platinas own words per â—…piditatem Simonaicam committat aliter se usuâ—…um in ipsum censuris Ecclâ—…siasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Câ—…uncell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Rusus the controversie being whether he or Pope Uâ—…ban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recoverâ—…d it and his 〈◊〉 kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Pâ—…iests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crofiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilâ—…di rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court
of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisgâ—…ier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majeâ—…ies commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well â—…ortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neiâ—…her fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenâ—…ble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their â—…elicities had been immortall O faciles dâ—…re summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to â—…right them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and enâ—…gne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the side Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liturgie of our Church was tâ—…anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to sâ—…e such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there â—…rtly sleeping and partly stâ—…oaking of their beards enaâ—… laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of coâ—…ferring places of charge and even of the severesâ—… censuâ—…e of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensiblâ—… articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Ut ad â—…pus relictum festinasse vidâ—…atur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very
not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is 〈◊〉 but a meer formality It is the â—…rtel est nostre pâ—…aisir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Jusâ—…inian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiseita Senatusconsulta 〈◊〉 Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaâ—…uerit legis habet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerâ—…ulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' esâ—…u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolies So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monsâ—…iur neither are his gifts lâ—…ssened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompianed by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites soveo Coelestia dona 〈◊〉 pacis prospera 〈◊〉 gerens From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad 〈◊〉 and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants â—…ut of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings eare is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot
Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bâ—…shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Quercu Xaintogne and the County of Boulonnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady 〈◊〉 Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Boviâ—…on The Bretâ—…gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Beâ—…ides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictoâ—… and 〈◊〉 have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—…gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the 〈◊〉 the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish peopâ—…e very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Bisâ—…anes liberty and spirit from whom they are descended Le droict de foâ—…age the priviledge of levying a certain piecâ—… of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long â—…nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldâ—…rs to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Tailâ—…e or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being â—…reed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being fain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Câ—…m privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis 〈◊〉 quae non semelaut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir Fortesâ—…ueâ—…bserved â—…bserved in his time To redresse this mischief King Heâ—…ry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancaâ—…te comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sâ—…ts and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX annâ—… 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—…e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of
Beaumaâ—…chais one of the Treasurers Mr. De Vilroy who slew the Marquesse D' Anâ—…re marryed his only Daughter havâ—…ng raked unto himself by the villanous abuse of his place no lesse then 22 millions of Livres as it was commonly reported But he is not like to carry it to his grave the King having sâ—…ized upon a good part of it and himself being condemned to the gallowes by the grand Chambre of Parliament though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder And this hath been the end of many of them since the reign of this present Kâ—…ng whom it may be for this cause they call Lewis the just This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation Carolus the son of Pepin was by them surnamed Le Magne Lewis his son Debonaire and so of the rest Since the time of Charles VI. who was by them surnamed the Bâ—…loved it was discontinued and now revived again in the persons of King Henry IV. and his son King Lewis But this by the way It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice for I wink at his cruell and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty that he may make himself worthy of that attribute Vere imperator sui nominis As one said of Severus Let us add one more misery to the State and commonalty of France and that is the base and corrupt money in it For besides the Sol which is made of Tinne they have the Double made of Brasse whereof six make a Sol and the Denier whereof two make a Double a coyne so vile and small of value that 120 of them go to an English shilling These are the common coynes of the Countrâ—…y silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holydayes As for their silver it is most of it of their own coyning but all exceeding clipt and shaven their gold being most of it Spanish In my little being in the Countrey though I casually saw much gold I could only see two pieces of French stampe the rest coming all from Spain as Pistolets Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets Neither is Fâ—…ance alone furnished thus with Castilian coyn it is the happinesse also of other Countries as Italy Barbary Brabant and elsewhere and indeed it is kindly done of him that being the sole Monopolist of the mines he will yet let other nations have a share in the 〈◊〉 Were the 〈◊〉 as Catholick as his money I think I should be in some fear of him till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King and bestow it upon his pictures The Soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced and more seriously acknowledged in most parts of Christendome then that of him which stampt it To this he which entituleth himself Catholick is but a prisoner and never saw half those Provinces in which this more powerfull Monarch hath been heartily welcomed Yet if he will needs be King let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen and confesse that his gold doth royally deserve his imbraces whom before the extent of his dominion the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia True it is that by the figure and shape of this Emperesse you would little think her to be lovely and lesse worthy of your imbracement The stones which little boyes break into Quoits are a great deal better proportioned if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it I think it would quite put him besides his Euclide neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it then a French Cheese for it is neither long nor square nor round nor thin nor thick nor any one of these but yet all and 〈◊〉 none of them No question but it was the Kings desires by this unsightly dressing of his Lady to make men out â—…f love with her that so he might keep hâ—…r to himself But in this his hopes have conusened him 〈◊〉 as in other 〈◊〉 so in this some men will be bold to keep his wife from him be it only in spight These circumstances thus laid together and considered we 〈◊〉 the clearer and the better see our own felicities which to expresse generally and in a word is to say only this That the English Subject is in no circumstance a French-man Here have we our money made of the best and purest that only excepted which a charitable consideration hath coyned into farthings Here have we our Kings royally and to the envie of the world magnificently provided for without the sweâ—…t and bloud of the people no Pillages no Impositions upâ—…n our private warâ—…s no Gabels upon our commodities Nullum in tam ingâ—…nti regno vectigal non in 〈◊〉 pontiumve discriminibus Publicanorum stationes as one truely hâ—…th observed of us The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities are here freely given him He doth not here compell our bounties but accept them The Laws by which we are govâ—…rned we in part are mâ—…kers of each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free voice in the â—…acting of them if not in his person yet in his proxie We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords and may therefore say safely what the Jewes spake sactiously That we have no King but Caesar. The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge we acknowledge no difference Here do we inhabite our own houses plough our own Lands enjoy the fruiâ—…s of our labour comfort our selves with the wives of our youth and see our selves grow up in those children which shall inherit after us the same felicities But I forget my self To endevour the numbring of Gods blâ—…ssings may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people I conclude with the Poet O fortunati minium bona si sua norint Agricolae nostri And so I take my leave of France and prepare for England towards which having stayed 3 days for winde and company we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August the day exceeding fair the Sea as quiet and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails and betake themselves unto their Oares Yet at the last with much endevour on their side and no lesse patience on ours we were brought into the midst of the channell when suddainly But soft what white is that which I espie Which with its â—…ustre doth ec ipse mine eye That which doth Nâ—…ptunes sury so disdain And beates the Billow back into the main Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear Or is 't some Island floating on the wave Of which in writers we the story have T is England ha t is so clap clap your hands That the
so sensibly subject On Thursday morning about day-break being within sight of Portland and the winde serving very fitly we made again for the Islands At 11 of the clock we discovered the main Land of Normandy called by the Mariners Le Hagge About 2 in the aâ—…ternoon we â—…ell even with Aâ—…dernie or Auâ—…nie and about 3 discerned the Isle of Jarzey to which we were bound at which we aimed and â—…o which we might have come much sooner then we did had we not found a speciall entertainment by the way to retard our haste For we were haâ—…dly got within sight of Jarsey but we descried a sail of French consisting of ten barks laden with very good 〈◊〉 Wines and good choyce of Linen as they told us afterwards bound from St. Malloes to Nâ—…w-Haven for the trade of Paris and convoyed by a Holland-man of war for their safer passage These being looked on as good prize our two Whelpes and the Catch gave chace unto them a great shot being first made from our Admirals Ship to call them in The second shot brought in the Holland-man of war who very sordidly and basely betrayed his charge before he came within reach of danger the rest for the greatest part of the afternoon spun before the winde sometimes so neer to their pursuers that we thought them ours but presently tacking about when our Whelpes were ready to seaze on them and the Catch to lay fast hold upon them they gained more way then our light Vessels could recover in a long time after Never did Duck by frequent diving so escape the Spaniell or Hare by often turning so avoid the Hounds as these poor Barks did quit themselves by their dâ—…xterity in sailing from the present danger For my part I may justly say that I never spent an afternoon with greater pleasure the greater in regard that I knew his Lordships resolution to deal favourably with those poor men if they chanced to fall into his power Certain I am that the description made by Ovid of the Hare and Hound was here fully veryfied but farre more excellently in the application then the fiâ—…st originall of which thus the Poet Ut canis in vacuo leporem cum Gallicus arvo Vidit hic praedam pedibus petit ille saluâ—…em Alter inhaesuro similis jam 〈◊〉 tenere Sperat obtento stringit vestâ—…gia collo Alter in ambiguo est an sit compressus ipsis Morsibus eripitur tangentiaque ora relinquit Which I finde thus Englished by G. Sandiâ—… As when the Hare the speedy Gray-hound spies His feet for prey she hers for safety plies Now beares he up now now he hopes to fetch her And with his snowt extended strains to catch her Not knowing whether caught or no she slips Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips But at the last a little before the close of the evening three of them being borded and brought under Lee of our Admirall the rest were put to a necessity of yeelding or venturing themselves between our two great ships and the shoar of Jarsey to which we were now come as near as we could with safety Resolved upon the last course and favoured with a strong leading gale they passed by us with such speed and so good successe the duskinesse of the evening contributing not a little to a fair escape that though we gave them 30 shot yet we were not able to affirme that they received any hurt or dammage by that encounter with as much joy unto my self I dare boldly say as to any of those poor men who were so much interessed in it This Chase being over and our whole Fleet come together we Anchored that night in the Port of St. Oen one of the principall Ports of that Island the Inhabitants whereof but those especially which dwelled in the inland parts standing all night upon their guard conceiving by the thunder of so many great shot that the whole powers of France and the Dâ—…vill to boot were now falling upon them not fully satisfied in their fears till by the next rising of the Sun they descried our colours On Friday March the 6. about nine in the morning having fiâ—…st landed our foot in the long boats we went aboard his Majesties Catch called the Minikin and doubling the points of Le Corbiere and of Normoint we went on shoar in the Bay of St. Heliers nâ—…er unto Mount St. Albin in the Parish of St. Peter The greatest part of which day we spent in accommodations and refreshments and receiving the visits of the Gentry which came in very frequently to attend his Lordship You need not think but that sleep and a good bed were welcome to us after so long and ill a passage so that it was very near high noon before his Lordship was capable to receive our services or we to give him our attendance after dinner his Lordship went to view the Fort Elizabeth the chief strength of the Islâ—…nd and to take order for the fortifying and repair thereof Which having done he fiâ—…st secured the Man of War and the three French Barks under the command of that Castle and then gave leave to Sir Henry Palmer and the rest of the sea Captains to take their pleasures in Forraging and scowring all the Coasts of France which lay near the Islands commanding them to attend him on the Saturday following Next he gave liberty to all the French which he had taken the day before whom he caused to be landed in their own Countrie to their great rejoycing as appeared by the great shout they made when they were put into some long boats at their own disposing The three Barks still remaining untouched in the 〈◊〉 they were save that some wines were taken out of them for his Lordships 〈◊〉 On Sunday March 8. â—…t was ordered that the people of the Town of St. Heliers should have their divine offices in that Church performed so early that it might be left wholly for the use of the English by nine of the clock about which time his Lordship attended by the Officers and Souldiers in a solemn Military pompe accompanied with the Governours of the Town and chief men of the Island went toward the Church where I officiaâ—…ed Divine Service according to the prescript form of the Church of England and after preached on those words of David Psal. 31. 51. viz. Offer unto God thanksgiving c. with reference to the good successe of our Voyage past and hopes of the like meâ—…cies for the time to come The next day we made a Journey to Mount Orgueil where we were entertained by the Lady Carteret a Daughter of Sir Francis Douse of Hampshire And after Dinner his Lordship went to take a view of the Regiment of Mr. Josuah de Carteret Seignieur de la Trinity mustering upon thé Green upon Havre de Bowle in the Parish of St. Trinitie On Tuesday March the 10. his Lordship took a view of the Regiment of Mr. Aron Misservie
Col. and on Wednesday March the 11. went unto St. Oen where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed and not unpractised in their Armes but such as never saw more danger then a Training came to On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall attended by Sir John Palâ—…r the Deputy Governour Sir Philip de Carteret the Justices Clergy and Jurors of the Island with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging where being set as in a Parliament or Sessions and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men Money Armes and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen Officers and common Souldiers who were resolved to expose themselves for defence of them their Wives and Children to the utmost dangers And finally advising the common Souldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation This said the Assembly was dissolved to the great satisfaction of all parties present the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town and now exposed to open sale were for the most part bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre whom they had hired to be their Convoy Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people that of all men living I should never desire to have any thing to do with them unlesse they might be made use of as the Gibeonites were in hewing wood and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under On Saturday March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Flâ—…t which found better imployment in the Seas then they could in the Haven we went aboard the Merchants ship which before I spake of not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships were all stowed in her Before night being met by the rest of our Fleet we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet where we presently landed The Castle divided from the Town and Haven by the inter-currency of the Sea in which respect we were fain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises On Monday March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe taking the Charles with them for their greater strength which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts and Ports and other places of importance taking a view of the severall Musters of the naturall Islanders distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters receiving the services of the Gentry Clergy and principall Citizens and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island as had before been held in Jarsey Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday March 25 which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration celebrated in the Castle by the Divine Service for that day and after by a noble â—…east made by him for the chief men of the Island and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot made from the Castle the Fleet the Town of St. Peters Port and the severall Islands all following one another in so good an order that never Bels were rung more closely nor with lesse confusion Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage I shall next present you with the sight of such observations as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure and that being done hoise sail for England CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney 4 and Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lehu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of Justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey TO begin then with the places themselves the Scene and Stage of our discourse they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy unto which Dukedome they did once belong Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert these Islands as a part of Normandy were annext unto the English Crown and have ever since with great testimony of â—…aith and loyalty continued in that subjection The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France agâ—…st King John nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces could be no â—…swasion unto them to change their Masters Nay when the French had twice seized on them during
and beautified by Henry V. It is for the most part the inhabitatiou of the Governour who is Captain of it stored with about some forty pieces of Ordinance and guarded by some five and twenty wardours A place of good service for the safety of the Island if perhaps it may not be commanded or annoied by an hill adjoyning which doth equall if not overtop it This Island as before we noted is some 33 miles in compasse comprehending in it 12 Parishes whereof the principall is that of S. Hilaries A Town so called from an antient Father of that name and Bishop of Poyctiers in France whose body they suppose to be interred in a little Chappell neer unto the Fort Elizabeth and consecrated to his memory But of his buriall here they have nothing further then tradition and that unjustifiable for St Jerome telleth us that after his return from Phrygia whereunto he had been confined he dyed in his own City and we learn in the Roman Martyrologie that his Obit is there celebrated on the 13 of January The chief name the which this Town now hath is for the conveniency of the Haven the Market there every Saturday and that it is honoured with the Coâ—…u or Sessions house for the whole Island The other Villages lie scattered up and down like those of Guernzey and give habitation to a people very painfull and laborious but by reason of their continuall toyle and labour not a little affected to a kinde of melancholy surlinesse incident to plough men Those of Guernzey on the other side by continuâ—…ll converse with strangers in their own haven and by travailing abroad being much more sociable and generous Add to this that the people here are more poor and therefore more destitute of humanity the children here continually craving almes of every stranger whereas in all Guernzey I did not see one begger A principall reason of which poverty I suppose to be their exceeding populousnesse there being reckoned in so small a quantity of ground neer upon thirty thousand living souls A matter which gave us no small cause of admiration and when my Lord of Danby seemed to wonder how such a span of earth could contain such multitudes of people I remember that Sir John Payton the Lieutenant Governour made him this answer viz. That the people married within themselves like Conâ—… in a burrow and further that for more then thirty years they never had been molested either with Sword Pestilence or Famine A second reason of their poverty add also of their numbers may be the little liking they have to Trafick whereby as they might have advantage to improve themselves and employ their poor so also might that service casually diminish their huge multitudes by the losse of some men and diverting others from the thought of marriage But the main cause as I conceive it is the tenure of their Lands which are equally to be divided amongst all the Sons of every Father and those parcels also to be subdivided even ad infinitnm Hence is it that in all the Countries you shall hardly finde a field of Corne of larger compasse then an ordinary Garden every one now having a little to himself and that little made lesse to his posterity This Tenure our Lawyers call by the name of Gavel-kinde that is as some of them expound it Give all-kinne because it is amongst them all to be divided For thus the Law speaking of the customes of Kent in the 16 Chap. De praerogativa Regis Ibidem omnes 〈◊〉 masculi participabant baereditatem eorum similiter foeminae sed foeminae non 〈◊〉 cum viris A tenure which on the one side hath many priviledges and on the other side as many inconveniences For first they which hold in this Tenure are free from all customary services exempt from wardship at full age when they come to 15 years and if they please they may alienate their estates either by gift or sale without the assent or knowledge of the Lord. But which is most of all in case the Father be attaint of Felony or Murder there is no Escheat of it to the Lord the whole Estate after the King hath had Diem annum vastum descending on the Heires Et post annum diem terrae tenementa reddentur revertâ—…ntur porximo haeredi cui debuerant descendisse si feloâ—…ia facta non fuisset so the Lawyers On the other side by this means their estates are infinitely distracted their houses impoverished the Kings profits in his Subsidies diminished and no little disadvantage to the publick service in the finding of Armours for the Wars Whereupon as many Gentlemen of Kent have altered by especiall Acts of Parliament the antient Tenure of their Lands and reduced it unto Knights-service so is it wished by the better sort of this people and intended by some of them that their Tenure may be also altered and brought into the same condition A matter of no little profit and advantage to the King and therefore without difficulty to be compassed By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Islâ—…nds except 6 only which are held in Capite whereof 4 in Jarsey and 2 in Guernzey and those called by the names of Signeuries The Signeuries in Jarsey are first that of St Oen anciently belonging to the Carterets and that of Rossell bought lately of Mr. Dominick Perin by Sir Philip de Carteret now living 3. That of Trinity descended upon Mr. Joshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother the heir generall of the L' Emprieres And 4 That of St. Marie vulgarly called Lammarez descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it Those of Guernzey as before I said are two only viz. that of 〈◊〉 and that of De Sammarez both which have pâ—…ed by way of sale through divers hands and now at last are even worne out almost to nothing The prâ—…sent owners Fashion and 〈◊〉 both of them Engâ—… in their parentage The chief Magistrates in both these Islâ—…s for as much as concernes the deâ—…nce and sâ—…ety of them are the Governours whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England according as it was established by King Alfred revived by Henry III. and sâ—… continueth at this day These Governours are appointed by the King and by him in times of warre rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religious houses that charge hath been deducted the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Islâ—…nds for the support of their estate In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey being appointed by the Governour those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King The names of which Officers from the highest to the lowest behold here as in a Tablet according
the English Church in Franckford in his Epistle to them anno 1555 how he had noted in their publick Liturgy Mulâ—…as â—…erabiles ineâ—…as many tolerable vâ—…niries fâ—…cis 〈◊〉 reâ—…iquias the relicks of the filth of Popery and that there was not in it ea puritas quae opâ—…anda â—…oret such piâ—…ty as was expected Hereupon it was that Beza being demanded by the brethrâ—… what he conceived of some chief maâ—…ters then in question returned a Non probamus to them all The particulars are too many to be now recited and 〈◊〉 to be sâ—…en in the 12 of hâ—…s Epistles the Epistle dated from Geneva anno 1567. and superscribed Ad quâ—…sdam Anglicaâ—…um ecclesia um fratres super nonnullis in Ecclesiastica politâ—…ia controversis Yet at the last they got some footing though not in England in these Islands which are members of it and as it were the Subuâ—…bs of that Câ—…ty The means by which it entred the reâ—…ort hither of such French Ministers as came hither for support in the times of persecution and the Civill wars anno 1561. and 62. Before their coming that forme of prayer was here in use which was allowed with us in England But being as all others are desirous of change and being also well encouraged by the Governors who by this means hoped to have the spoyle of the poor Deanries both Islands joyned together in alliance or confederacy to petition the Queens Majesty for an approbation of this Discipline anno 1563. The next year following the Seignieur de St. Oen and Nich. de Soulmont were delegated to the Court to solicite this affaire and there they found such favour that their desire received a gracious answer and full of hope they returned unto their homes In the mean time the Queen being strongly perswaded that this design would much advance the Reformation in those Islands was contented to give way unto it in the Towns of St. Peters-port and of St. Hilaries but no further To which purpose there were Letters Decretory from the Councell directed to the Bailiff the Jurates and others of each Island the tenor whereof was as followeth AFter our very hearty commendations unto you Where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth that the Isles of Guernzey and Jarsey have antienly depended on the Diocese of Constance and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocese well reformed agreeably throughout in Doctrine as is set â—…orth in this Realm knowing therewith that they have a Minister which ever since his arrivall in Jarsey hath used the like order of Preaching and administration as in the said Reformed Churches or as it is used in the French Church at London her Majesty for divers respects and considerations moving her Highnesse is well pleased to admit the same order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Heliers as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister Provided always that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle shall diligently put apart all superstitions used in the said Diocese and so continue there the order of Service ordained and set forth within this Realm with the injunctions necessary for that purpose wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aides and assistance as best may serve for the advancement of Gods glory And so fare you well From Richmond the 7 day of August Anno 1565. Subscribed N. Bacon Will. Northamp R. Rogers Gul. Clynton R. Rogers Fr. Knols William Cecil Where note that the same Letter the names only of the places being changed and subscribed by the same men was sent also unto those of Guernzey for the permission of the said Discipline in the haven of St. Peters And thus fortified by authority they held their first Synod according to the constitutions of that platforme on the 22. of September and at St. Peters porte in Guernzey anno 1567. By this means by this improvident assent if I may so call it to this new discipline in these Islands her Majesty did infinitely prejudice her own affaires and opened that gap unto the Brethren by which they had almost made entrance unto meer confusion in this state and Kingdome For whereas during the Empire of Queen Mary Goodman Whittingham Gilbie and divers others of our Nation had betook themselves unto Geneva and there been taught the Consistorian practises they yet retained themselves within the bounds of peace and duty But no sooner had the Queen made known by this assent that she might possibly be drawn to like the Platforme of Geneva but presently the Brethren set themselves on work to impose those new inventions on our Churches By Genebrard we learn in his Chronologie ortos Puritanos anno 1566. and that their first Belweather was callâ—…d Sâ—…mson a puissant Champion â—…blesse in the cause of Israel By our own Antiquary in his Annals it is 〈◊〉 ad Anâ—… 68 and their Lâ—…aders were Collman â—…uttan 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 By both it doth appear that the brethrâ—…n stirred n t here till the â—…tion of their Discipline in those Islâ—…nds or till the exâ—…cution of it in their first Synod No sooner had they this incouragement but they presently mustered up their forces bâ—…ok themselves unto the quarrell and the whole Realme waâ—… on the suddain in an uproar The Parliaaments continually troubled with their Supplications Admonitions and the like and when they found not there that favour which they looked for they denounce this dreadfull curse against them That there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper to be a Parliament man or bear rule in England any more The Queen exclaimed upon in many of their Pamphlets her honourable Counsell scandalously censured as opposers of the Gospell The Prelates every were cryed down as Antichristian Petty-popes Bishops of the Devill cogging and cousening knaves dumb dogs en mies of God c. and their Courts and Chanceries the Synagogues of Satan After this they erected privately their Presbyteries in divers places of the Land and cantoned the whole Kingdome into their severall Classes and divisions and in a time when the Spaniards were expected they threaten to petition the Queens Majesty with 100000 hands In conclusion what dangerous counsels were concluded on by Hacket and his Apostles with the assent and approbation of the Brethren is extant in the Chronicles A strange and peevish generation of men that having publick enemies unto the faith abroad would rather turn the edge of their Swords upon their Mother and her children But such it seemeth was the holy pleasure of Geneva and such their stomach not to brook a private opposition Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda trophaeis Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos Yet was it questionlesse some comfort to their souls that their devices however it succeeded ill in England had spred it self abroad in Guernzey and in Jarsey where it had now possession of the whole Islands For not content with that allowance her Majesty had
given unto it in the Towns of St. Peters and St. Hillaries the Governours having first got these 〈◊〉 to be dissevered from the Diocese of Constance permit it unto all the other Parishes The better to establish it the great supporters of the cause in England Snape and Cartwright are sent for to the Islands the one of them being made the tributary Pastor of the Castle of Cornet the other of that of Mont-orguel Thus qualified forsooth they conveene the Churches of each Island and in a Synod held in Guernzey anno 1576. the whole body of the Discipline is drawn into a forme Which forme of Discipline I here present unto your Lordship faithfully translated according to an authentick copy given unto me by Mr. Painsee Curate of our Ladies Church of Châ—…stell in the Isle of Guernzey CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governors in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17 dayes of October 1597. CHAP. I. Of the Church in Generall Article I. 1. THe Church is the whole company of the faithfull comprehending as well those that bear publick office in the same as the rest of the people II. 2. No one Church shall pretend any superiority or dominion over another all of them being equall in power and having one only head CHRIST JESUS III. 3. The Governours of the Christian Church where the Magistrates professe the Gospell are the Magistrates which proâ—…esse it as bearing chief stroke in the Civill Government and the Pastors and Overseers or Superintendents as principall in the Government Ecclesiasticall IV. 4. Both these jurisdictions are established by the law of God as necessary to the Government and welfare of his Church the one having principally the care and charge of mens bodies and of their goods to govern them according to the Laws and with the temporall Sword the other having cure of souls and consciences to discharge their duties according to the Canons of the Church and with the sword of Gods word Which jurisdiction ought so â—…o be united that there be no confusion and so to be divided that there be no contrariety but joyntly to sustain and defend each other as the armes of the same body CHAP. II. Of the Magistrate THe Magistrate ought so to watch over mens persons and their goods as above all things to provide that the honour and true worship of God may be preserved And as it is his duty to punish such as offend in Murder Theft and other sins against the second Table so ought he also to correct Blasphemers Atheists and Idolaters which offend against the first as also all those which contrary to good order and the common peace addict themselves to riot and unlawfull games and on the other side he ought to cherish those which â—…re well affected and to advance them both to wealth and honours CHAP. III. Of Ecclesiasticall functions in generall Article I. 1. OF Officers Ecclesiasticall some have the charge to teach or instruct which are the Pastors and Doctors others are as it were the eye to oversee the life and manners of Christs flock which are the Elders and to others there is committed the disposing of the treasures of the Church and of the poor mans Box which are the Deacons II. 2. The Church officers shall be elected by the Ministers and Elders without depriving the people of their right and by the same authority shall be discharged suspendâ—…d and deposed according as it is set down in the Chapter of Censures III. 3. None ought to take upon him any function in the Church without being lawfully called unto it IV. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions viz. neiâ—…her a Minister over a Minister nor an Elder over an Elder nor a Deacon over a Deacon yet so that they give reverence and respect unto each other either according to their age or according to those gifts and graces which God hath vouchsaâ—…ed to one more then another V. 5. No man shall be admitted to any office in the Church unâ—…esse he be endowed with gifts fiâ—… for the discharge of that office unto which he is called nâ—…r unlesse there be good testimony of his liâ—…e and conversation of which diligent enquiry shall be made before his being called VI. 6. All these which shall enter upon any publick charge in the Church shall first subscribe to the confession of the faith used in the reâ—…ormed Churches and to the Discipline Ecclesiasticall VII 7. All thoâ—…e which are designed for the administration of any puâ—…lick office in the Church shall be first nominated by the Governours or their Lieutenants after whose approbation they shall be proposed unto the people and if they meet not any opposition they shall be admitted â—…o their charge within fiâ—…n dayes after VIII 8. Before the nomination and admission of such as are called unto employment in the Church they shall be first admonished of their duty as well that which concerneth them in particular as to be exemplary unto the people the better to induce them to live justly and religiously before God and man IX 9. Although it appertain to all in generall to provide that due honour and obedience be done unto the Queens most excellent Mâ—…jesty to the Governours to their Lieutenants and to all the officers of Justice yet notwithstanding they which bear office in the Church ought chiefly to beâ—…ir themselves in that behalf as an example unto others X. 10. Those that bear office in the Church shall not forsâ—…ke their charge without the privity and knowledge of the Consistory and that they shall not be dismissed but by the same order by which they were admitted XI 11. Those that bear office in the Church shall employ themselves in visiting the sick and such as are in prison to administer a word of comfort to them as also to all such as have need of consolation XII 12. They shall not publish that which hath been treated in the Consistory Colloquies or Synods either unto the parties whom it may concern or to any others unlesse they be commanded so to do XIII 13. They which beare office in the Church if they abstain from the Lords Supper and refuse to be reconciled having been admonished of it and persisting in their â—…rror shall be deposed and the causes of their deposition manifested to the people CHAP. IV. Of the Ministers Article I. 1. THose which aspire unto the Ministery shall not be admitted to propose the word of God unlesse they be indued with learning and have attained unto
performance of those pious duties True it is that by this book of Discipline the people are commanded to be uncovered during the Pâ—…ayers the reading of the 〈◊〉 the singing of the Psalmes and the administration of the Sacraments Chap. 8. 3. But when I call to minde that S Paul hath told us this 1 Cor. 11. That every man praying or propâ—…ecying with his head covered dishonoureth his head I shall applâ—…ud the pious modesty of the English ministery who keep their heads uncovered as well when they prophecy as when they pray To give them institution by impâ—…sition of hands A cerâ—…mony not used only in the Ordination if I may so call it of their Ministers but in that also of the Elder and of the 〈◊〉 persons meerly Laical But this in mine opinion very improperly for when the Minister whose duty it is instals them in their charge with this solemn form of words he doth perform it Jet ' impose les mains c. â—…z I lay mine hands upon you in the name of the Consistory by which imposition of hands you are advertised that you are set apart from the affairs of the world c. and if so how then can these men receive this imposition who for the whole year of their charge imploy themselves in their sormer occupationâ—… at times and that expired return again unto them altogether A meer mockage of a reverent ceremony Chap. 4. 3. Giving and receiving the hand of Association An ordinance founded on that in the 2. to the Gal. 5. viz. They gave unto me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship An embleme as it is noted by Theod. Beza on the place of a perfect agreement and consent in the holy faith Quod Symbolum esset nostrae in Evangelii dâ—…ctrina summae consensionis and much also to this puâ—…pose that of learned Chrysostome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This phrase of speech borrowed no question from the customes of those times wherein the giving of the hand was a most câ—…rtain pledge of faith and amity So Anchises in the third book of Aeneids Dextram dat juveni atque animum praesenti pignore firmat 10 in another place of the same author Jungimus hospitio dextras Commissaque dextera dextrae in the Epistle of Phillis to Demophoon Whereupon it is the note of the Grammarians that as the front or fore-head is sacred to the Genius and the knees to mercy so is the right hand consecrated unto faith But here in Guernzey there is a further use made of this ceremony which is an abjuration of all other arts of preaching or of government to which the party was before accustomed and an absolute devoting of himself to them their ordinances and constitutions whatsoever So that if a Minister of the Church of England should be perchance received among them by this hand of association he must in a manner condemn that Church of which he was Chap. 5. 5. That they maintain them at the publick charge A bounty very common in both Islands and ordered in this manner the businesse is by one of the Assembly expounded to the three Estates viz. that N. N. may be sent abroad to the Universities of France or England and defrayed upon the common purse If it be granted then must the party bring in sufficient sureties to be bound for him that at the end of the time limited he shall repair into the Islands and make a profer of his service in such places as they think fit for him if they accept it he is provided for at home if not he is at liberty to seek his fortune Chap. 6. 3. How they behave themselves in their several families By which clause the Elders authorised to make enquiry into the lives and conversations of all about them not only aiming at it by the voice of fame but by tampering with their neighbours and examining their servants It is also given them in charge at their admission into office to make diligent enquiry whether those in their division have private prayers both morning and evening in their houses whether they constantly say grace both before meat and after it if not to make report of it to the Consistory A diligence in my minde both dangerous and â—…wcy Chap. 8. 1. To be assistant at the publick prayers The publick prayers here intended are those which the Minister conceives according to the present occasion beginning with a short confession and so descending to crave the assistance of Gods Spirit in the exercise or Sermon then in hand For the forme the Geneva Psalter telleth us that it shall be leâ—… alla discretion du Ministre to the Ministers discretion the form of Prayers and of Marriage and of administration of the Sacraments there put down being types only and examples whereby the Minister may be directed in the general The learned Architect which took such great pains in making the Altare Damascenum tels us in that piece of his that in the Church of Scotland there is also an Agenda or form of prayer and of ceremony but for his part having been 13 years a Minister he never used it Totos ego tredecem annos quibus functus sum Ministerio sive in Sacramentis iis quae extant in agenda nunquam usus sum and this he speaks as he conceives it to his commendation Where by the way Agenda it is a word of the latter â—…imes is to be understood for a set form in the performance of those ministerial duties quae statis temporibus agenda sunt as mine Author hath it In the Capitular of Charles the great we have mention of this word Agenda in divers plâ—…ces once for all let that suffice in the 6 book Can. 234. viz Si quis Presbyter in consulto Episcopo Agendam in quolibet loco voluerint celebrare ipse honori suo contrarius extitit Chap. 8. 5. The Churches shall be locked immediately after Sermon The pretence is as it followeth in the next words to avoid superstition but having nothing in their Churches to provoke superstition the cauâ—…ion is unnecessary So destitute are they all both of ornament and beauty The true cause is that those of that party are offended with the antient custome of stepping aside into the Temples and their powring out the soul in private prayer unto God because forsooth it may imply that there is some secret vertue in those places more then in rooms of ordinary use which they are peremptory not to give them Chap. 9. 1. After the preaching of the word And there are two reasons why the Sacrament of Baptism should be long delayed the one because they falsly think that without the preaching of the word there is no 〈◊〉 the other to take away the opinion of the necâ—…ssity of holy Baptism and the administration of it in private houses in case of such necessity In this strictnesse very resolute and not to be bended with perswasions scarce with power At our being in the Isle
woman during her divorce he shall have recourse to the Secular power CHAP. VI. Of Ministers Article I. 1. NO man that is unfit to teach or not able to preach the word of God shall be admitted to any Benefice within the Isle or which hath not received imposition of hands and been ordained according to the forme used in the Church of England II. 2. None of them either Dean or Minister shall at the same time hold two Benefices unlesse it be in time of vacancy and only the Natives of the Isle shall be advanced to these preferments III. 3. The Ministers every Sunday after morning prayer shall expound some place of holy Scripture and in the afternoon shall handle some of the points of Christian Religion contained in the Catechism in the Book of Common-prayers IV. 4 In their Prayers they shall observe the titles due unto the King acknowledging him the Supreme governour under Christ in all causes and over all persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill recommending unto God the prosperity of his person and royall posterity V. 5. Every Minister shall carefully regard that modesty and gravity of apparell which belongs unto his function and may preserve the honour due unto his person and shall be also circumspect in the whole carriage of their lives to keep themselves from such company actions and haunts which may bring unto them any blame or blemish Nor shall they dishonour their calling by Gaming Alehouses â—…suries guilds or occupations not convenient for their function but shall endevor to excell all others in purity of life in gravity and virtue VI. 6. They shall keep carefully a Register of Christnings Marriages and Burials and shall duely publish upon the day appointed to them the Ordinances of the Courts such as are sent unâ—… them signed by the Dean and have been delivered to them fifteen dayes before the publication VII 7. The Ministers shall have notice in convenient time of such Funerals as shall be in their Parishes at which they shall assist and shall observe the forme prescribed in the book of Common-prayers No man shall be interred within the Church without the leave of the Minister who shall have regard unto the quality and condition of the persons as also unto those which are benefactours unto the Church CHAP. VII Of the Dean Article I. 1. THe Dean shall be a Minister of the word being a Master of the Arts or Graduate at the least in the Civill Lawes having ability to exercise that office of good life and conversation as also well affected to Religion and the service of God II. 2. The Dean in all causes handled at the Court shall demand the advice and opinion of the Ministers which shall then be present III. 3. There shall appertain unto him the cognisance of all matters which concern the service of God the preaching of the Word the administration of the Sacraments Matrimoniall causes the â—…xamination and censure of all Papists Recusants Hereticks Idolaters and Schismaticks persons perjured in causes Ecclesiasticall Blasphemers those which have recourse to Wizards incestuous persons Adulterers Fornicators ordinary drunkards and publick profaners of the Lords day as also the profanation of the Churches and Church-yards misprisionâ—… and offences committed in the Court or against any officers thereof in the execution of the mandats of the Court and also of Divorces and separations a thoro mensa together with a power to censure and punish them according unto the Lawes Ecclesiasticall without any hindrance to the power of the Civill Magistrate in regard of temporall correction for the said crimes IV. 4. The Dean accompanied with two or three of the Ministers once in two years shall visite every Parish in his own person and shall take order that there be a Sermon every visitation day either by himself or some other by him appointed Which Visitation shall be made for the ordering of all things appertaining to the Churches in the service of God and the administration of the Sacraments as also that they be provided of Church-wardens that the Church and Church-yards and dwellings of the Ministers be kept in reparations And farther he shall then receive information of the said Church-wardens or in their default of the Ministers of all offences and abuses which need to be reformed whether in the Minister the officers of the Church or any other of the Parish And the said Dean in lieu of the said visitation shall receive 4 s. pay out of the Treasures of the Church for every time V. 5. In the vacancy of any Benefice either by death or otherwise the Dean shall give present order that the profits of it be sequestred to the end that out of the revenue oâ—… it the Cure may be supplyed as also that the widow and children of the deceased may be satisfied according to the time of his service and the custome of the Isle excepting such necessary deductions as must be made for dilapidations in case any be He shall also give convenient time to the widow of the deceased to provide her of an house and shall dispose the residue unto the next Incumbent for which the Sequestrator shall be accomptant VI. 6. In the same case of vacancy if within six months the Governour do not present a Clerk unto the Reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton or if that See be void to the most Reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury to be admitted and instituted to the said Benefice then shall the Dean give notice of the time of the vacancy unto the said Lords the Bishop and Archbishop whereby it is in the lapse that so it may be by them collated And then if any one be offered to them the Dean shall give a testimony of the Demeanure and sufficiency of the party to be approved by them before he put him into actuall possession of the said Benefice VII 7. The Dean shall have the Registring and Probate of Testaments which be approved by the seal of his office and afterwards enregistred He shall also have the registring of the Inventories of the moveable goods of Orphanes which he shall carefully record to give copies of them at all times and as often as he is required Also he shall give letters of administration of the goods of Intestates dying without heirs of their body to the next of kindred VIII 8. They which have the keeping of the Will whether he be Heir Executor or any other shall transcribe and bring iâ—… unto the Dean within one moneth in default whereof he shall be brought by processe into the Court and be constrained to pay double charges And the said Dean for the said Testaments Inventories and Letters of administration shall have such fees as are specified in a Table for this purpose IX 9. All legacies moveable made unto the Church the Ministers Schools or to the poor shall be of the cognisance of the Dean but upon any opposition made concerning the validity of the Will
d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage To the Dean 3 s For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations To the Dean 2 d. ob To the Notary 1 d. qa To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. qa For absolution from the minor excommunication To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob To the Apparitor 2 d. ob For absolution from thâ—… major excommunication To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d ob To 〈◊〉 Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers and for the authentick writing To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors oâ—… the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors nor any of his officers either directly or indirectly shall demand exact or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle any other fees or duties then such as are specified in the table above written And it is further ordained that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle on any causes and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be forthwith abrogated to the end that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean or any of his successors in the times to come contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate Given as before said under our signet at our Court at Greenwich on the last day of June in the year of our Reign of England France and Ireland the one and twentieth and of Scotland the six and fiftieth CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration My scope and project to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attainâ—…d to with his Majesty in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it â—…ormerly was guided and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England Bâ—…e I enter on with argument I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Mâ—…jesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island not in both and being resolved to try his forces on the one only why he should rather fort out Jarâ—…ey A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared For had his Majesty attempted both at once the Ministers of bâ—…th Islands had then communicated counsels banded themselves in a league and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire Divide impera and well noted by the State-hâ—…storian that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger Ita dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur And on the other side his Majesty foresaw for certain that if one Island once were taken off the other might with greater ease be perswâ—…d to conforme Being resolved then to attempt them single there was good reason why he should begin with jaâ—…ey first as unto which he was to send a new Governour not yet â—…ged unto a party and pliable to his instructions Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Platforme could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels But not to lose my self in the search of Princes counsels which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes let us content our selves with knowing the event which was that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England and thereby an easie way for the reforming also that in Guernzey For the accomplishment of which designe may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following by which it is within my hopes your Lordship possibly may be perswaded to deal in it A Jove principium And here as in a Christian duty I am bound I propose unto your Lordship in the first place the honour which will 〈◊〉 unto the Lord in this particular by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest 〈◊〉 of his Church which you 〈◊〉 your â—…lt to be most 〈◊〉 to his holy word and to the practice of those blessed spirits the 〈◊〉 For why may not I say unto your Lordship as Mardâ—…aeus once to Hester though the case be somewhat different Who 〈◊〉 whether you be câ—…me unto these dignities for such a time as this And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment That unto wâ—…m so much is given of him also shall much be required Private exployts and undertakings are expected even from private persons But God hath raised up you to publick honours and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in publick And certainly if as I verily perswade my self your counsels tend unto the peace
and glory of the Church the Church I mean whereof you are so principall a member You shall not easily encounter with an object whereon â—…our counsels may be better busied So strangely do these men disgrace your blessed Mother and lay hâ—…r glory in the dust Two instances hereof I shall present unto your Lordship to set the better edge on your proceedings though otherwise I had forbâ—…rne to meddle with particulars It pleased his Majesty for the assurance of these Islands to send into each of them two Companies of Souldiers which were equally distributed But such was the peevish obstinacy of one of the Ministers of this Guernzey that he would not allow their Minister to read prayers unto them in his Church at such times when himself and people did not use it At last on much entreaty he was contented to permit it but with expresse condition that he shâ—…uld not â—…ither read the Litany or administer the Communion Sâ—…nce when as often as they purpose to receive the Sacrament they have been comâ—…elled to ferry over to the Castle and in the great hall there celebrate the holy Supper As little is our Church beholding to them in her Festivals as in her Liturgie For whereas at the Town of St. Peters on the Sea they have a Lecture every Thursday upon which day the Feast of Châ—…ists Nativity was solemnized with us in England anno 1623. the same party chose rather to put off the Sermon for that time then that aâ—…y the smal lâ—…st honour might reflect upon the day O curvae in â—…rris animae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inanes An opposition â—…ar more superstitious then any ceremony observation of a day though meerly Jewish Next to the honour due to God and to his Church is that which all of us are obliged to tender to our Priâ—…ces as being Gods by office and nursing faâ—…s of that Church whereof they are Therefore I represent in the next rank unto your Lordship a consideration of the honour which you shall here in do unto your Kings To the one your late Master of happy memory who gave you first his hand to guide you unto greatnesse in the pursuit of his intendments So glorious were the purposes of that Hâ—…ck Prince for the secure and flourishing tranquillity of Gods holy Church that certainly it were impiety if any of them be permitted to miscarry To the other our now gratious Sâ—…veraign who hath doubled the promotions conferred upon you by his father in being an author to him of those thoughts which may so much redound unto his glory the rather because in case his Majesty should find a time convâ—…nt to go 〈◊〉 in his Fathers project of reducing all the Churches Protestant unto one Discipline and Liturgie there might not an objection thwart him drawn from home Otherwise it may perhaps beâ—… to him by some of those which do not fancy the proposall as Demades once to Philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That first he might do well to compose the differences in his own dominions before he moâ—…ion a conformity to others At the least he may be sure to look for this râ—…ply from Scotland when ever he propâ—…eth to them the same businesse The Ministers of Jarsey aâ—… before I have shown your Lordship denyed admission to the book of Common-prayer as not imposed upon the Scots with better reason may the Scots reâ—…e to entertain it as not imposed on those of Guenzey Besides the honour due to God the Church and to the King there is an honour next in order to the calling of the Priest A calling as much stomached in generall by all that paâ—… so most especially reviled by those amongst ourselves for Antichristian tyrannous a divel sh ordinance a bastardly government and the like Nor do I think that those oâ—… Guernzey are better affected to it though more moderate in professing their dislike for did they but approve the hierarchy of Bishops they would not then proceed so unwarrantably as now they do in the ordination of their Ministers I cal it unwarrantable proceeding because the lawful and ordinary door of entrance unto the Ministery was never shut unto this people and therefore their preposterous entry upon this sacred calling either by the back-door or by the window the more unanswerable Whereas it may be pleaded in the behalf of those in some parts beyond the seas that they could not meet with any Bishops which would give them ordination unlesse they would abjure the Gospell as they then profest it and therefore that necessity compelled them to the private way of imposing hands on one another In which particular the case of some reformed Churches may not unfitly be resembled unto that of Scipio as it is related to us in the third book of Valerius Max. cap. 7. upon some want of money for the furtherance of the necessary affaires of state he demanded a supply from the common treasury But when the Questor pretending that it was against the Lawes refused to open it himself a private person seised the Keyes Patefacto â—…rio legem utilitati cedere coegit and over-ruled the Law by the advancement of the Weal publick In like manner which is I think the most and best that can be said in this behalf to promote the reformation of Religion many good men made suit to be supplyed out of the câ—…mmon treasury to be admitted to the preaching of the word according to the ordinary course of ordinatiâ—…n which when it was denied them by the Questors or Prelates of those dayes they chose rather to receive it at the hâ—…nds of private and inferior Priests then that the Church should be unâ—…urnished This may be said for them which in excuse of those of Guernzey can never be alleadged whose continuall recourse unto these private keyes is done upon no other â—…on then a dislike of that high calling to which your Lordship is advanced which therefore you are bound if not to punish in them yet to rectifie Two other reasons yet there are which may invite your Lordship to this undertaking though not so weighty or of that importance as the former The one that the remainders of that party here at home may not be hardned in their obstinacy the other that those of Jarsey be not discouraged in their submission and conformity I have already shewn unto your Lordship that the brethren here in England never made head against the Church till the permission of platforme in these Islands After which with what violence they did assaile the hierarchy what clamorus they continually raised against the Prelates what superstitions and impieties they imputed to our Liturgy notius est quam ut stylo egeat is too wel 〈◊〉 to be related If so then questionless it cannot but confirme them in their new devices to see them still permitted to this Isle Nor can they think themselves but wronged that still they are contrould and censured for the maintenance of that discipline which is by