the eternall and Almightie Lorde of his vnspeakable and accustomed goodnesse by a myraculous discouerie preserued the same The second Chapter containing a second Analogie or Resemblance betvveene the Emperor Licinius and the said Marie Queene of Scotland A second president much resembling the case in question is offered vnto vs from our countrieman and most Christian Emperor Constantine the Great who commaunded the death of Licinius the Emperor and yet this act was neuer controlled by any writer The Historie AFter that Constantine had taken in open hostilitie Licinius consort with him in the Empire Eusebius Socrates Sozomenus Sigonius de imperio occidentali Mexia in vitis Constantini Marentii Licinii who fauoured the Heathen persecuted the Christians and came in armes to violate his person yet at the request of Constantia his sister wife to the said Licinius he spared his life bound him to remaine at Nicomedia in the Prouince of Bithinia But when afterwards Constantine was enformed that the saide Licinius attempted a new insurrection and was to that purpose confedered with other Princes Constantine the Emperor put to death his Colledge Emperor Licinius and neuer controuled therefore and sought to flee away from the place appointed than did he foorthwith commaund the said Licinius to be put to death in the xv yeere of the said Constantines raigne when hee was lx yeeres of age and in the yeere of our Lord God 377. The comparison and resemblance betweene these two cases is verie like First Constantine and Licinius vvere both chosen Lordes and Princes of the Empire So Elizabeth Queene of England and Marie Queene of Scotland vvere both called to the state of kinges in the yle of Britanie The Empire of Britanie diuided into two kingdomes as the Empire in Constantines time was into two Empires although in diuers distinct kingdomes and therfore the doinges of Licinius mought seeme to haue more colour of right to the Empire than Mary of Scotland to entitule herselfe in this Realme Marie queene of Scotland but a titularie queene Kings of Scotland haue been feudaturies done homage to the kings of England beeing also but a titularie Queen in her ovvn land as it appeareth by the Chronicles and by auncient recordes her Progenitors haue done homage for their kingdomes to the crovvne of England Licinius notvvithstanding manie princelie benefites receiued at the Emperor Constantins hands Eusebius Socrates insomuch that he vvas aduaunced by him to the mariage of his ovvne sister Constantia vvhich descended from a princelie progenie of kings yet contrarie to his oath and promise like an vngratefull man he became a professed enemie to Constantine Marie of Scotland albeit shee receaued manie great fauours at the hands of Queen Elizabeth in sauing both her honour and life Scotland in an 1568. England 1◠reg Eliz. vvhen she vvas so earnestlie pursued by the Lordes and the commons both of Scotland and England yet like an vnthankfull person shee did shevve her selfe contrarie to her vovved promise an apparant enemie to the Queene of England Her letters to the B. of Glascon to B. Rose Morgan and Mendoza Licinius vvould alone haue bin Lord and prince of the Empire by the remoue of Constantine So Marie vvoulde bee the onelie Queene of Britanie Diuers books and pedegrees published by her agents and fauorites to that effect Resignatio facta 1567. Vide Buconanum fol. 196. And Holingsheds Chronicle fol. 388. and not onlie abandon her ovvne sonne from the kingdome of Scotland after that she had resigned the same vnto him but also expell her Maiestie Queene Elizabeth from her proper vndoubted kingdome of England Licinius vsurped an vniust title calling himselfe the vniuersall Emperor So did Marie of Scotlande giue long since In the booke called Expositio cansarum And she did it at her entrie into Poitiers in Fraunce and would not be reduced from the allowing of the same in all her proceedings ouer since both the title and armes of England vsurping therein the roiall state of her Maiestie and crovvne of England Licinius came not vvillinglie vnto Constantine but by force of armes vvas taken at Chrysopolis a Citie vvithin the prouince of Bithinia and brought to Constantine Marie of Scotland came not vvillinglie into the lande and dominion of our Soueraigne Queen Elizabeth Hollingsheds Chronicle fol. 392. but being encountred vvith her nobilitie enforced to leaue the field came by boate into Werkington Hauen in the vvest marches of England Licinius had his life once pardoned for open hostilitie against the Emperor Constantine Mexia in vita Cōstantini ca. 1. Eusebius Socrates Sozomenus Marie of Scotlande hath had her life spared for murdring her husbād also for hostilitie and treason practised against Elizabeth Queene of England 13. regni Reginae Elizabethae published in Parliament Licinius although pardoned Mexia cap. 10. Socrates lib. 1. cap. 2. Sozomenus lib. 1 cap. 2. yet vvas not too far trusted by Constantine but first cōfined to Nicomedia aftervvards to Thessalonica and there had a noble gard about his palace and person Marie of Scotland Iustlie mistrusted for giuing the armes and title of England and refusing to ratifie the treatie of Edingburg and afterward for procuring the rebellion in the North and manie other treasons since she had for her abode Carlile castle Bolton Castle Sheffeld castle all at the Queene of Englands great charges and expenses and great fauours vvas vpon most iust cause mistrusted and therefore confined to certaine statelie houses in England there had princely maintenance and an honourable gard attending her person Licinius did seeke to flee avvay from the place vvhereunto he vvas enioyned Marie of Scotlande did manie times practise the like in England Confessed by her before the Lords at Fodringa castle Licinius did treat vvith diuers princes and captaines to make nevv vvarres against Constantine Marie of Scotland did not onlie practise vvith diuers princes The practise of bringing in of forces cōfessed by her before the Lords Noblemen and others to bring in forreine forces into the Realme of Englande The rest confessed by Babington Ballard and other of that conspiracie and most horrible treason but also did conspire and contriue vvith euil disposed subiectes to England the chaunge of the state the ouerthrovve of religion the death of her Maiesties sacred person the massacre of the nobilitie and an vniuersal desolation of the vvhole Realme To conclude Mexia in vita Constantini ca. 1 Socrates Sozomenus in the foresaid places Licinius for endangering againe Constantines person and seeking by nevv troubles to aspire to the Empire like as Maximinianus before had done vvas by the appointment of Constantine adiudged to die Marie of Scotland hath giuen far greater cause to our Constantine Elizabeth Queen of England to fear nevv conspiracies both against her Maiestie the state of the vvhole realme like as the said
in that case and so in the case of an Archbishoppe Panormitan and Felin expressely set downe C cum inseriors de maior obed that he may by his inferiour Byshoppe being not his suffragan receiue condigne punishment for the offence that hee hath committed within the sayde Byshoppes diocesse Anchoranus addeth farder Anchoran clem 1. de fore comperente that if a patriarche should offende within the territorie of Bononie the Byshop there mought punish him accordingly And that an Emperour may be in like manner punished by an other Prince in whose territorie he hath offended Vaskins lib. 1. contr f. illustrium Ferdinandus Vaskins in his booke of princely controuersies doeth affirme in these wordes Imperatorem ab alio principe in cuius territorio deliquisset puniri posse non dubitauerim And that a Magistrate in like maner of a free Citie may punish a king offending within the territorie of the Citie we reade examples in sundrye histories as howe Iustinian a king Functius in cronologia was put to death by Helias a patrician c. And the reason of the premisses is grounded vpon two conclusions of the lawe The one is that the Emperour the King the Archbishoppe and the Bishoppe are out of their owne kingdomes countryes and diocesse but as priuate persons The other that euerie Prince and ruler within his own kingdome and rule is greater than any other although hee were the greatest monarche in the worlde The which a great learned man called Lapus de castello in plaine words most apparantly showeth his wordes be these Lapus de castello alleg 91. nu 7. 8. Extra territorium suum quilibet Rex censetur ad instar priuati constat quòd vnusquisque in suo territorio maior est vndè populus Senensis in suo territorio magis potest quà m Dominus Rex illustrissimus perpetuus Anglorum Euerie kinge out of his owne kingdome is accompted as a priuate person and it is apparant that euerie person in his owne territorie is the greater And therefore the people of Senes in Italy can in their owne state and territorie doe more than the mightie and illustrious Lord the King of England Againe we may further shew in this case that although shee were a Queen and by her royall prerogatiue not to be touched yet if she doth deuest herselfe of her prerogatiue or make herselfe subiect to the iurisdiction of another than can she not claime her priuiledge nor exempt her selfe from the others iurisdictiō For as Vlpian praefectus praetorio to Alexander the Emperor saith Est receptum eoque iure vtimur L. 14. ff de iurisdict omniū Iud. vt si quis maior vel aequalis subijciat se iurisdictioni alterius possit ei aduersus eum ius dici It is receiued and is a lawe which wee haue daily in vre that if the greater or egall doe submit himselfe vnto the iurisdiction of an other the lawe may there bee ministred to him and against him vpon which law Paulus Castrensis Iason diuers other learned mē do note that there are two kinds of submission Expressa tacita expresse commission by giuing open consent secrete submission by making any contract or cōmitting any offence so within their territories Vnus Princeps vel Baro potest alium principē vel Conbaronē punire One Prince or Baron may punish an other prince or Baron Than since the Scottish Queene in her Maiesties Realme against her Maiestie not of ignorance but wittinglie desirous of her crowne hath offended and that in no lesse case than the case of high treason by her treasonable fact shee hath yeelded a secrete submission to the iurisdiction of Englande and therefore there rightfullie to bee punished by law Wherfore to conclude since some doubt whether shee were a Queen as which had resigned vp and thereby had no kingdome since if shee were a Queene in dignitie yet in soueraintie she was no Queene but a priuate person comming into another Princes dominion since euerie Prince in his owne kingdome is chiefest and other there are inferiour to him since an inferiour person may punish his superiours for such offences they commit within his iurisdiction since a Prince by offending submitteth himselfe to the state of that countrie where he offendeth and may haue the law passe against him for it This obiection of Par in parem little serueth their purpose as which is to bee vnderstood of facts committed in their seueral kingdoms territories For than may not the queene of England punish her for ought shee hath done amisse in Scotland because they are in this case Pares that is of egall authoritie but for her demerites in England where they are not Pares but the Queene of Scots inferiour to the Queene of England there the queene of England reteineth only the supreme soueraintie and therefore there may notwithstanding the said obiection lawfully sentence the Scottish queene The 2. Obiection AN other obiection is made thus The Scottish queene pursued by her owne subiects fled into the realme of England as a suppliant for succour and therfore of common curtesie she ought to be well entreated there nor to be deteined as a prisoner or if she were deteined yet to haue the libertie to be put vnto her raunsome The Aunswere TO this may be answered first that euerie person passing through or resiaunt in another kingdome without a safe conduct or pasport being not in amitie or league with the other is a lawfull prisoner in the same And therefore in all the leagues that we make with the house of Burgūdie or kingdome of Fraunce or they with vs there is an expresse article or capitulation set downe vt sit amicitia foedus pax vt liceat per dulces aquas c. commeare that there bee an amitie league and peace and that it may be lawfull for the subiects to passe by water or land through the realme freely and without impeachment Which being graunted than must we farther in this case consider howe that vntill the last yeare there neuer was Foedus vel pax inita any league or peace made beween Scotland and Englande but only Cessatio à billo an abstinence from the warres whereby the Scottish Queene comming into England could not challenge any libertie or freedome within that kingdome Than the law standing thus that no man Nisi confederatus retinet sibi libertatē in aliquo regno c. L. non dubite ff de captiuis No man can reteyne liberty in an other kyngdome without he be in league confederated with the king or come into the realme by safe conduct I thinke it will not be gaine-said but she was staide here and deteined lawfully Againe it is not heere to be past ouer in silence how the Queene of Scots vsurped the stile and armes of the crowne of England a thing most notorious to the whole worlde Since therefore shee was a Competitor of
gard But if she were kept in the tower that then for Gods sake the rest of the conspiracie must proceede yet notwithstanding leaue not for Gods sake to proceede in the rest of the enterprise for I shall at anie time die most contented vnderstanding of your deliuerie foorth of the Our freedom vnder our most gratious Qu. she calleth a seruitude and slauerie seruitude wherein you are holden as slaues I shall assaye at the same time that the woorke shal be in hande in these partes to make the Catholiques of She would raise a rebellion in Scotland and take the king her sonne prisoner Scotlande to arise and to put my sonne in their hands to the effect that frō thence our enemies here may not preuaile of any succour I woulde also that some A rebellion or inuasion in lielande stirring in Irelande were laboured for and to beginne some while before that any thing were doone here to the ende that the alarum might be giuen thereby on the But the blow and inuasion to come by the king of Spains forces out of Flaunders flatte contrarie side that the stroke should come from Your reasons to haue some generall She liked to haue an head and chiefe staie in rebellion heade or chiefe me thinkes are verye pertinent and therefore were it good to sounde some obscurely for that purpose From ouer sea the 11The Earle of Westmerland a man of that faction Earle of Westmerlande may bee had whose house and name may doe muche you knowe in the North partes as also the The L. Paget to returne and be head of the conspiracie Lorde Paget of good abilitie in some shieres here abouts Both the one and the other may bee brought home secretly amongest whome some moe of the principall banished may returne if the enterprise be once resolute The sayde Lord Paget is nowe in Spaine and may intreate all there which by his brother Charles Paget Charles you will commit vnto him touching this affaire Beware that none of your messengers whome you sende forth of the Realme A caueat for transporting of letters carrie ouer any letters vpon themselues but make their dispatch be conueied eyther after or before them by some other take good heede of spies and A caueat of false brethren and especially priestes false brethren that are amongest you specially by some Priests that are alreadie by our enemies wrought for your discouerie And in anye wise neuer keepe anye A caueat to keepe no paper that may doe harme paper about you that may in any sorte doe harme For from like The inconuenience that hath happened by papers errors haue come the onely condemnation of all suche as haue suffered heeretofore against whome could there otherwise haue beene nothing prooued Discouer as little as you can your names and intentions to the french Ambassadour now leiger in London for although he be as I vnderstand a very honest gentleman and of a good conscience and religion yet feare I that his Maister entertaineth with that Queene a course far contrarye to our desseignements which may moue him to crosse vs if it should happen he should haue anye particular knowledge thereof All this while past I haue sued to change remoue from this house and for aunswere onely the castle of Dudleye hath beene named to serue the tourne so as by apperance within the end of this sommer I may go thither Wherefore aduise so soone as I shall be there To make pronision for her escape when she shal come to Dudley castle what prouision might bee had aboute that part 19 for my escape from thence If I staie heere there is for that purpose one of these 20 three meanes following to be looked for The firste that at one certaine daye appointed in my walking abroade on horsebacke on the moores betwixt this and Stafford where ordinarilye you knowe very fewe people do passe Shee deuiseth 3 meanes to escape The 1. meane to escape a fifty or threescore men well horsed and armed may come to take me there as they may easily my keeper hauing with him ordinarily but eighteene or twēty horsemen only with daggs The second meane to come at midnight or soone after to set fire in the barnes and stables which you know are neere to the house The second and whilest my Guardian his seruaunts shall runne forth to the fire your company hauing euery one a marke whereby they may know one an other vnder night might surprise the house where I hope with the fewe seruaunts I haue about mee to giue you correspondency And the third some that bring carts hither ordinarily comming early in the morning The 3 meane the carts might be so prepared and with suche cart-leaders that beeing iust in the middest of the great gate the carts might fall downe or ouer whelme and that therupon you might come sodainly with your followers to make your selfe Maister of the house and carry mee away so you might doe easily before that any number of souldiars who lodge in sundry places forth of this place some half a mile some a whole mile of might come to their reliefe Her large promise of reward to the traitors Whatsoeuer issue the matter take I do and will think my selfe obliged as long as I liue towardes you for the offers you make to hazard your selfe as you doe for my deliuery And by any meanes that euer I may haue I shall do my endeuour to recognize by effect your deserts heerin I haue commanded a more ample alphabet to be made for you which herewith you shall receaue The contents of a letter written by the Scottish Queene to Bernardin de Mendoza 20. of May 1586. after the Popes Calender I Finde my selfe greatly troubled what course to take To take a new course for an other course before a newe for the affaires on this side the sea Charles Paget hath a charge from me to imparte vnto you certaine an ouerture to be imparted to the spanish Ambassador for his maister by C. Paget ouertures in my behalfe whereupon I pray you deliuer him freely what you thinke may be obteyned thereof from the king your maister There is an other point depending thereof which I haue reserued to write to your owne selfe for to bee by you sent vnto the king your maister on my behalfe no man else if it be possible being priuie thereunto that is that considering my sonnes great obstinacie in heresie and foreseeing hereupon the imminent daunger and harme like to ensue to the catholike church hee comming to the succession of this Realm I haue resolued with my selfe in case my sayde sonne doe not reduce himselfe before my death to the catholike religion as I must tell you plainely I haue small hope so long as hee shall remaine in Scotlande to A promise to giue by her last will to the spanish king the succession of the crowne of England giue and graunt my right to the sayde king your maister in the succession of this crowne by my
from her to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie allow and giue her assent to the same Neuerthelesse after the making of this acte and her sayde consent giuen therunto the monstrous conspiracie of Babington by her priuie consent and promise of rewarde for the murdering of her Maiesties sacred person and atcheiuing the crowne and diademe in full possession was practised and miraculously discouered Which I neede not heere particularly to deduce since there was a most honorable sentence giuen thereof by the most part and the most auncientest of the nobilitie since their proceedinges were declared to the whole body of the Realme assembled in Parliament of them receiued all allowance since both the houses often sued vnto her Maiesty that according to lawe iustice might be administred and since her highnesse at the great intreatie of her subiects suffered the sentence by Proclamation to be published it plainly appeareth that the intention of the lawe makers was that the lawe should reach vnto the Queene of Scots and to euerie other person whosoeuer being a Competitour of the kingdome Wherefore it is manifest that although this is statute law yet since it was the minde and intent of the makers that this lawe shoulde reache to the Queene of Scots that by offending she is made subiect vnto it Neither is the statute lawe heerein repugnant in substance to the lawe of Nations howbeit there bee some difference in some matter of circumstaunce but the same agreeth with the lawes both ciuill of Nations in substance which generally do inflict the penaltie of death vpon euery one that is a worker of treason Besides if the statute lawes of England wil bind the king himself for any matter within his realme when the intentiō of the makers of the law is such as it is verie plaine and cleere without all controuersie that it doth shall not a statute law bind the queene of Scots especially for mattter perpetrated within the realme And as touching the said statute of the 27. shee could not pretend ignorance for that she had vnderstanding of it nor alledge a mislike therof for that by her voluntarie subscription she had approued it nor except against the seueritie of the law because it is agreeable both to the ciuill law of the Romanes also to the law custome of her owne countrie and therefore it may be said to her Non potest quis improbare quod ipse approbauit a man may not bee contrary to himselfe in disalowing that which himselfe hath allowed Also Patere legem quam ipse tuleris suffer the same lawe which you haue made your selfe Shee meant death to the queene of Englands person let her not therefore mislike if the queene of England doth minister the like measure to her person for as it hath been neere fifteene hundred yeeres agoe trulie written Non est lex aequior vlla Quà m necis artifices arte perire sua No iuster lavv can reason craue Thē seeking death the same to haue Also it is a rule of the ciuill law grounded vpon the law of nature Id debet cuique placere in sua persona quod placuerit in aliena that euerie man ought to like that in his own person which he would haue done in the person of another neither doth the priuiledge of dignity in the person alter the nature and qualitie of the offence in case of treason howsoeuer it doth in other cases as before I haue sundrie wayes confirmed The 4. obiection THE fourth obiection made against the sentence and excution of the Scottish queene is another exception taken against the law of the lande because in the case of treason it punisheth as seuerelie the intent as the deede the minde in conspiring as the hand in executing for thus they reason It is both against the lawe of nations and the law of nature howsoeuer it bee according to the lawe of your lande to put a queene to death for a bare and naked intent an imagined treason be it neuer so haynous when there followeth no hurt For whē her desseines neither did nor could hurt the Queene of England as neuer hauing their intended effect what reason is it to punishe a fancie and feare of treason with so great a punishment as death The Aunswere TO this I make this aunswere that the lawe of England heerein inflicteth none other punishement for treason than the ciuill law and law of nations throughout the whole world commandeth vseth and practiseth The ciuill law hath these wordes Eadem seueritate voluntatem sceleru quae effectum puniri iura voluerunt L. quisquis C. ad L. Iuliam maiestatis the lawes will haue him that conspireth treason to be punished with the same seueritie as him that doth commit it Againe not onlie in the case of high treason but also in omnibus atrocioribus delictis punitur affectus licet nō sequatur effectus in al criminal offences of the highest degree the affect is punished although no effect follow And this lawe hath not only been so obserued generally in all nations aboue twelue hundred yeeres past but there was many hundred yeeres before Christes time in casu perduellionis in the case of treason committed against the state the like law called lex 12 tabularum established 12. Tabularum ff ad L. Iuliam maiestatis which inflicteth death for the will and intent of treason And therefore the said two Emperors Arcadius Honorius in their cōstitution made against treason said not volumus D. L. quisquis ad L. Iuliam sed sic iura voluerunt the lawes were so before their time But to say that there ought in offences of the highest degree no punishmēt to ensue vnles the act were consummate were most against law for two speciall causes The one for that such hope of impunitie would encourage malefactors to practise most daungerous and audacious attempts against kinges and common weales Secondly if they stay to punish till the fact be done the losse will be irrecuperable and the offence as this case is in a competitor though most haynous dispunishable For in this case in question the death of her Maiestie whom God euer preserue being taken away all commissions and magistracies for iudicial places should cease so that this being contriued by a cōpetitor to the kingdome as the Queen of Scots by open and expresse accord hath often declared herselfe the same offence by the accesse or taking vpon her the crowne and dignitie should by lawe be purged and the competitor cleared For king Henrie the sixt after the ouerthrowe giuen him by king Edwarde the fourth was by act of Parliament disabled from his crowne and dignitie And yet afterwardes the saide king in his redemption helde Parliament and in the same the question did growe whether there needed any reuersall of the saide former acte made against the sayde king It was resolued that no reuersall was needfull but ipso facto that the sayd king Henrie the vj. tooke vpon