of that desperate Faction which at every Election crept in among them they were reduced into a state not onely unpracticable and useless but dangerous to the Crown During this Twelve years interval the Faction now lay at lurch in City and Countrey â—retting and corroding in the bowels of the Government and collecting matter of new accusations against the King and his Ministers out of those extraordinary courses which the necessâ—ty they had forced on them compelled them to take for upholding the Government and which their Factions providence reâ—erved in mind on purpose to make use of whensoever time should bring a necessity upon the King to call another Parliament It was so at length that they contrived this necessity for they truck'd with the Scots and by corresponding there brought them into England in the Year 1639. which put the King to a great charge to raise an Army to oppose them But the matter being composed a Pacification was agreed on the Scots were to be paid a sum of Money and Money the King must provide for them So necessity at last made him call that fatal Parliament which began Novemb. 3. 1641. Which being met the Faction began now to work on his Majesty to purpose told him no Money was to be had but by borrowing and men would not credit them unless they could be sure the Parliament might fit long enough to repay it So by this means the King being desirous to rid away the Scots out of the Kingdom was wrought upon for raising the Money to pass that prodigious Act which enabled that Parliament to fit at Westminster as long as they pleased and so to do what they liâ—t Then you know how they used the King afterward for his kindness what strange things they did and to what Conclusion at length they came From whence arises this sharp Instruction for all succeeding Kings That while this Faction reigns upon the face of the Earth they takeheed of relying upon them in a time of the Crown 's necessity and of giving them opportunity by calling a new Parliament in hope of getting Money forasmuch as woful experience hath shâ—wn us they at such a time make it their business to ask not to give and never to leave asking till they come to be disposers both of the King and Kingdom This is it they would now be at and have fixed their Party for it all over the Nation to scuffle hard at new Elections So I suppose I have sufficiently cleared my Second Reason by ample Experiments that it cannot be for the King's advantage or safety in such a time as the present to part with this Parliament and call a new unless it were possible that a Leopard should change his spots or a Blackmore his skin or that this Mercurial Faction which is now by its Leaders and Drivers made more mad than ever for an opportunity should change its nature and become tame on a sudden and be fix'd in a greater honesty and kindness to this King than they were to his Grandfather and Father or in truth to the established Government and Interest of the Crown Credat Judaeus Apella Non ego 3. A Third Reason ariseth from the natural Temper and Constitution of the Party in respect of the Government He understands little that seeth not Presbytery to be the bottom of all that Bottom wherein we have seen embarquing many years unpreferred Clergy-men broken Factions cashier'd Courtiers guilty Officers by pocritical Citizens mistaken Zealots of both Sexes old Sinners but young Saints and their pedling Levites whose work it is from house to house to blow the Bellows round the Kingdom All which use to employ their Talents to draw in many of the honest-hearted Gentry though not into the same opinion with them in Religious matters yet to side and vote with them in their pretences of redressing publick Grievances reformation of Abuses removing or doing justice upon evil Counsellors and the like And with these charms they have been wont to hold many publick-spirited Countrey-Gentleman fast to their side till they have humbled the King the Court and all the Fast-friends of the Government and brought all to their bow they give them the slip into further proceedings they pull off their Visors shew their Faces and slie higher and higher till they top all that is above and tumble it down as they did of old often in Scotland and of late in England To that Malign Ulcer of Presbytery it is that most of the ill humours of the Kingdom flow because the Preshyterian is for some National Government of the Church though in such a way as is utterly inconfident with the Monarchy The reason of it is plain because it derives no Power from the King but pretends only from the King of Kings Christ yet would have a Secular Influence to Govern the Kingdom in their own Spiritual way which is by a Parity of Presbyters a Power purely Aristocratical directly contradistinct to the form of Monarchy to which the single Bishop only is agreeable because he arrogates not any influence in Government over the people but what he derives from the King Now then so it is that seeing some National Church-Government is that which must be and the Episcopal is that which is the Kings best hold and most firm to him therefore the 〈◊〉 and Leaders of present Quarrels being â—aln from all their interests in Court common Cunning tells them they must strike in with the men of the other Form to build new Fortunes upon the ruine of the Court and the Bishops if they mean to be great and Govern which cannot be more readily done than by becoming pretended Reformers of the old Government in the Church and by introducing a Church-Arisâ—ocracy into the room of it for if one be not the other must be and if so be they slip into the head of it they will never be without such a Conscience as will engage them to maintain it being men of a versatile principle So that when I view the Printed Lists of them me-thinks I already see Lords States or at least Twenty four Conserâ—ators that would be assisted by the Spiritual Aristocracy of a General Assembly for they reckon all is done if they can but come to tug for it in another Parliament This brings us to take notice of a Second Objection against their design of breaking off the Parliament which the projecting Polititiaâ—s seem to flight and 't is this That the Church and this Parliament will fall together 'T were but vain to write much more to shew the grand probability of it and of the debasement or ruine of this glorious Monarchy if the Faction can finish what they have projected But why is it that they utter'd and printed lately so mâ—ny severe Reâ—lections upon his Majesty and his Government Why hath this LETTER upon which I have here written these ANIMADVERSIONS made it its main scope to cast all the Odium of the evils therein pretended upon
seasonable especially in a time wherein many of the Old Kindlers are visibly blowing this Old Coal again to revive it and with it to over-heat the Brains and Consciences of men into a zeal of the same Obligation in stead of repentance that ever they took it But hear what the King said of it and 't is enough to forewarn and advise men of any Conscience or discretion in the future That saith he which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenaâ—ts the more to be suspected is That they are the common Road used in all Factions Perturbations of State or Church Where Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate than when Politicians aâ—itate most desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws which by such skrues are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret stâ—ps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted practice to comply with the humors of those men who aim to subdue all to their own will and power under the disguises of Holy Combinations Wisdom and Truth greater than this or more Divine never was uttered by any Prince since the days of Solomon And it ought to be for ever written in the hearts of Subjects because we can seal to it upon the sad experience we had in our late Civil Wars to the utter ruine of all Religious Profession which men ought to take care by sincerity and integrity of life to hold up in the height of Reputation as the most sacred thing in the World Otherwise what we may expect of the pretences and disguises of the most Sanctimonious Combinations the same king tells us in the following words They are Cords and â—ythes will hold mens Consciences no longer than force aâ—tends and twists them for every man soon grows his own Pope and easily absolves himself of those Ties which not the command of Gods Word or the Laws of the Land but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him Indeed such illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging of men more to Duties but only to Parties therefore 't is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended provided they adhere firmly to the Party and design intended The Imposers of such a League will admit of any mens sences of it though divers or contrary with any Salvoes Cautions and Reservations so as they cross not the chief design against the Church and their King There are many thousands yet living who can witness to the truth of it that they had no sooner involved the several Parliamentary Parties in the guilt of that Covenant but they all fastened several Sences and Constructions upon it such as might best suit with the several ends and designs of their particular Parties They like Samson's Foxes had their heads looking divers ways but were tied together by the Tails had one common Interest which tied them fast to each other in Agreement for the destruction of King and Bishops They easily absolved one another and each man himself from the seeming obligations of the Covenant to Loyalty and Government as fast as their particular occasions called them off to other Resolutions And if we may believe Sir Henry Vaâ—e it was in the penning so worded that the Noose might not be too strict and narrow for Conscience to escape out of it when occasion should require For when that Gentleman came to Tower-hill to dye he told us to this purpose that himself had been one of the Commissioners that went out of England into Scotland and was present there in those Councils then on Foot betwixt both Kingdoms which contrived that Covenant And when it was objected by some that if the Terms of the Covenant should run so high for preservation of the King and His Family as they seemed to be the King perhaps might notwithstanding be utterly hardened against it and frustrate all the good intents of it towards himself And in such case it was propounded in Council what then should be done At last it was concluded an Addition should be made to it of that ominous Clause In the preservation and defence of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms A Clause which was made use of afterwards to prove that the Nation might be established in a Government without any regard to the King or His Family For manifestation of this Truth there needs no more but to cast an eye back upon that fatal Remonstrance of the Army dated at St. Albans 20th November 1648. penned by Ireton Cromwel's Son-in-law the main scope whereof was â—o prove That they ought to take away the Kings Life with a pretence and form of Justice and extirpate His Family And truly I have the greater cause to remember this having at that time read the Arguments contained in several Prints against it to manifest unto the Authors of such Counsels and all the world that such a Course of proceeding against the King of England is Irrational Monstrous and in consequence pernicious to the three Kingdoms Nevertheless the Argumentation of Colonel Ireton carried it And whosoever pleases to consult the Contents of that Army Remonstrance shall find that the best Arguments he had except the Sword were all fished out of several Topicks contained in the Covenant among which the main one fetcht from that afore cited Clause was like the Sword of Goliah noâ— like it to cut asunder all Obligations both Sacred and Civil and was improved to this point That seeing these Nations were brought to such a pass as the Argumentator wâ—s pleased to say That the ends of the Covenant could not be attained by a Government with â—â— King and his Family Therefore those ends being the Principal Considerations of Mens Covenanting ought to be made good by another Government without any regard of Him or His who were but of a Secondary consideration And thus out of the Belly of that Trojan-Horse the Covenant sprang that Hobby-horse of a Republick with Cromwell on the back of it who himself at length convinced in Judgment about forms of Government saw and confessed by making himself the sole single person in Authority that no Rest is to be â—ad by Government in this Nation but by a Monarchy After this my good Friends of Shaftsbury I suppose you will not venture to gainsay but that it was well done of the Parliament and Bishops too since you will have them nam'd in particular to pass two such Acts as might keep men out of Magistracy in Corporations and out of Command in the King's Militia whose Consciences can yet relish and not abhor such a Covenant or such a Treasonous Maxim in State That the King's Authority may be made use of or turn'd against his Person And yet anon before the end of this Letter the Author will tell you of very strong Instances and Cases Somebody cited in the House of Peers wherein it was and may be lawful again so to do
now for an Oath than the Nobility and Gentry yet at their own time they have been able and while they retain such Principles can be again when time serves to swallow all manner of Oaths and devour Nobles Gentlemen too Clergy and All. And this our Letter-Man knows very well who having at this time great need of them in the Pulpit is you see very angry they are under hatches He only wants such a House of Commons as he could wish for he reckons himself sure of his Clergy they are of another Kidney than the Church of England's Clergy These he is pleased to brand as Men of little Understanding and of a pitiful sort of Learning which teaches to Obey and Justifie not to Disoute the Commands of their Superiours Meer Milk-Sops they but his are the Myrmidoâ—s Men of Arguments as strong as Gun-Powder Profound Men of Letters who have written and can write RATIO â—LTIMA REGUM round the Mouth of a Cannon LETTER THe fourth and last Act found fault with is The Five Miles Aâ—â— passed at Oxford whiâ—â— introduces the Oath in the Terms the Courtiers would have it This was thâ—â— strongly opposed by the Lord Treasurer Southampton Lord Wharton Lord Ashley and others not only in the concern of those poor Ministers that were so severely handled but as it was in it self an unlawful and unjustisiable Oath however the Zeal of that time against all Noâ—conformists â—asâ—ly passed the Act. ANIMADVERSION THat my Lord Wharton and Lord Ashley might oppose it is not impossible but of my Lord Southampton 't is hardly probable but if he did it serves for some excuse to Lord Aâ—hley because his Lordships Interest at that early time of day was nothing in Court without him and so he could lose nothing there then For it was afterwards that he crept up like Ivy upon that old Oak of Loyalty Southampon into His Majesties favour and many a good place which while his Lordship enjoyed we do not remember that ever he was angry at this Act Nor do we know any reason why it might not have been stretcâ—â— at that time a Mile or two more without grieving his Lordship or stretching his Conscience so that this Story might have been very well omitted so far as concerns my good Lord Ashley If the Ministers were then so severely hâ—ndled let it be noted that now is the time his Lordship would be thought to have had no hand in it But whose fault was it then was it not their own were they not very severe towards the King when they refused the Oath contained in that Act which enjoined only these particulars viz. to declare That it is not lawfâ—l upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King That they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him in pursuance of such Commissions And that they will not at any time endeavour any Alteration of Government either in Church or State Now let us reason together Is it rational to imagine that any Governour will not provide for the safety and peace of his Government Are not Protection and Allâ—giance correlative Do they not Mâ—tuo se ponere can either be understood without the other Is not the Band of Politicks utterly broken by conceiving the contrary If a Subject will not declare it Not lawful to take Arms against the King Is there not a clear Implication of the Affirmative that he may or perhaps will when he shall have an opportunity Is it imaginable then that any King can think himself secure of such a Man or that he could permit him to enjoy the Common Liberties of his Government who refuseth to give the Common Caution required by Governours for the place of Government Or if such person have formerly by any Overt Acts declared or preached to others that it is lawful to take Arms can he with any colour of reason find fault with the King when he demands onely gentle Cauâ—ion of him by declaring that he hath alter'd his Opinion and will do so no more And in case of his refusal can he in his Conscience condemn the Kings making a Law to prevent him from doing the like again Come Gentlemen let us to the great Rule of Conscience Whatsoever ye would that Men should do to you do ye so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets Now pray tell me you that are Kings of those little Kingdoms called Families If any one of your Children or Servants hath taught or shall teach the rest that it is lawful to dispute and fight with you and perhaps they do it in your Houses would you not think it strange that any Man should blame you if you not punishing that Child or Servant should onely demand this gentle Caution of him that he oblige himself never to do the like again It 's much rather to be supposed that in stead of that you would turn him out of your little Kingdom and no Man could find fault with you for it Now for Inference If His Majesty a Prince Gracious and Indulgent beyond all example hath laid aside the severe part and if you by your refusing to give him the Security of a Promissory Oath have in effect declared that ye will not lay aside or quit that unruly Principle of taking Arms against him what could he do less than to take the Viper out of his own and the Churches Bosom and not nourish it any longer Whereas by the Laws of God and Man and by that Law of Nature called Self-preservation he might have taken another kind of Course for the Security and Quiet of Himself and His Subjects and not onely have shut these Men out of Corporations but out of the Kingdom And yet so far hath His Majesty been from this severity that the Five Miles Aâ—t it self hath languisht with very little Execution insomuch that those Men and their Friends have at this time of day small cause to complain of it but rather much for a heart-melting into grateful acknowledgments of so great Lenity If another Pen had been ousied in this Work of Animadverting it might perhaps have dropt here many notable Reasons of State justifying the Policy and Prudence of that Act and its Execution as to name one for an Instance Viz. Seeing that by the Constitution of this Kingdom the Commons House of Parliament have an Interest in the Power of Legislation that no Law can be made or repealed without them And whereas the major part of their Members are chosen by Corporations it must needs be of highest concern to preserve those Bodies Corporate as free as may be from the Infection of Preachers of such Principles as are destructive of the Kingdoms Constitution and Government lest in a little time the swarming Prosâ—lytes of Nonconformity come to bear away the Bell at Elections and then Trump a Major Vote in the Commons House to play a New Game again at
the Old Sport For like bold Knaves as they be they are Cocksure they say of Lords enough already And it s said 't is one of you ye Men of Shaftsbury that took care to Print the Names of their Lordships for the honour of the Business particularly the Name of the Good Earl of Shaftsbury with special Commendations of Great Pains Long Speeches and Extraordinary Honest Qualities which our Letter-man hath taken care in the next Paragraph more largely to set forth to the best advantage LETTER THus our Church became Triumphant divers years the Dissenting Protestants being the onely Enemy while the Papists remâ—in'd undisturb'd were thought Loyal by the Court and by our Great Biâ—hops not dangerous c. ANIMADVERSION REcollect ye the things of time past and you may remember it was a saying as old as the Reformation it self That the Church of England was like Christ himself Crucified betwixt two Thieves the Papist and the Presbyterian and Is it otherwise at this day for in stead of a Triumph after His Majesties Happy Restitution â—or all Her past Sufferings Behold how both the sorts of Adverâ—aries are plying their separate Interests agreeing onely in this How to Plot Her Destruction the Natural Consequent whereof must be this That after Her ruine the Papist stands ready to subject the Monarch to a Single Pope the other to subvert the Monarchy by Inthroning here a Many Headed Papacy The one would Rob the KING of Half His Power the other of the Whole Both will allow of a King so He be nothing that is as long as He pleaseth them If not they have a Whip and a Bâ—ll to Correct or Depose Him of which our Histories are full So that if the CHURCH be not Maintain'd over them both to Defeat their Designs of Supplanting Her tell us then with all your Wisdom ye Men of Shaftsbury What will become of us and What the end of these things will be LETTER THe next Paragraph of this Letter tells us a Romantick Story of a Giant and the Earl of Shaftsbury The Giant he saith was my Lord Clifford a man of a daring and ambitious spirit but that the Earl of Shaftsbury was as daring but more able Some think he did not well to leave out the word more Ambitious too That he was of Principles and Interests diametrically opposite to Clifford yet presently closed with him in proposing the Declaration for Indulgence to Dissenters in Religion ANIMADVERSION SInce the Earl of Shaftsbury is named Oh! What an occasion is here for a Comment Thus it goes likewise in all other Romances the small Knight or the Sqâ—ire always appears an abler man than the Giant and is sure to get the better And 't is but Reason it should be so at this time especially because in the 9th Page of the Printed Letter are these words also That the â—arl of Shaftsbury is a man of great Abilities and knowledge in Affairs and one that in all the variety of Changes of this last Age was never known to be either bought or frighted out of his Publick Principles It may be the Pen-man of this Letter is some pleasant person of little acquaintance with his Lordship or he Dreamt all the World to be made of Oatmeal or to have been in a Dream these Thirty years And so we may if we please Dream on That his Lordship is no Changeling Would that had been true quoth the Presbyterian for once he became ours But said a certain Presbyter let me tell you a Story and first I say he is a Knave that thinks I mean it of his Lordship Once upon a time as I remember the Old King had a Dorsetshire-Eel by the Tail which then slipt into the hands of our Party And when we thought our selves sure of him whip he was gone and in a Trice Commenced a Brother-Independent which was a wise part and no trick of a Changeling to shift Principles like Shirts and quit an unluckie Side in a fright at the noise of a New Prevailing Party with whom he staid till he grew up to the size of a great Commonwealths-man and made Hay in the Sun-shine until the Commonwealth and Cromwel were brought to Bed of a strange new kind of Monarchy in the House of Commons a Three or four hundred-headed Monarchy called The Fifth Monarchy and in those days it was also called Cromwels Little Parliament in which his little Lordship became one of the Princes among a Drove of Changelings But there having spied out Cromwel 's purpose of Matching to another sort of Monarchy of his own his little Lordship then resolved like a constant steady mâ—n to his own main Point to Trepan them and to strike in with him and lent him a helping hand towards the confounding of Fifth-Monarchy to make way for a New One under the Name Protector Then in this Scene of Affairs be being made a Protectorian Privy-Counsellour and after a while be aspiring also to become the Protector 's Son-in-Law Cromwel who well enough understood him either disdaiâ—ing or not daring to take him so near into his bosom took occasion also to be quit of him out of his Council So that now it was high time indeed of necessity to turn back to the OLD HONEST POINT OF THE COMPASS and get in again to be thought a New Man of His Majesties Party This was no hard matter to be done by a man of his dapper Conscience and dexterity that câ—n Dance through a Hoop or that can be a Tâ—mbler through Parties or a small Teazer of Religions and Touzer of Factions a Pettifogger of Politicks the very Windmill and Weather-cock of every GODLY PARTY He even â—e turned again to the Tents of the wicked For to go on with my Story quoth the Presbyter no sooner had Cromwell done his do with him and sented him and like a true Intriguâ—-Master out-done him and spâ—ed him out but being thrown o're-board out of Two New Monarchies â—e immediately tackt and got ashore again on the skirts of the King 's old Monarchy that is he ran in as near it as be could at that time and for his own sake resolved to be as true as he could for it by imbarking in a new Kindred of the Royal Party seeing he could not catch the Cromwellian To make short my Tale Sir â—e matcht himself then into a Noble Family one of those that in the late Troubles had best desâ—râ—ed of His Majesty with a Lady that was Niece to a late Noble Lord who as he well knew had Merit-Royal enough to answer for all the past faults of a small wandring Politico and make him pass for a Royalist if Royalty came in play again In the mean time being out of all Publick Councils he was at leasure to make Court to all private Maleâ—â—â—tents against Oliver and wheresoever he found a sore there he rub'd hardest till the end of the reign of Richard and of the Wallingsordian Party for by this time the Rump was