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A44227 Vindiciæ Carolinæ, or, A defence of Eikon basilikē, the portraicture of His Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings in reply to a book intituled Eikonoklastes, written by Mr. Milton, and lately re-printed at Amsterdam. Hollingworth, Richard, 1639?-1701.; Wilson, John, 1626-1696. 1692 (1692) Wing H2505; ESTC R13578 84,704 160

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His Majesty says He hop'd by his Freedom and their Moderation to prevent Mis understandings See how Spider-like he draws Poison from what the Be● would have suck'd Honey And wherefore saith he not by their Freedom and his Moderation But Freedom he thought too high a Word for them and Moderation too mean a Word for him Insolence and if this as it seems to be were the early Moderation of his Masters I the less wonder how they broke down that Wall which at once adorn'd and defended their way However for reply to it the Kingdom was fallen into a Distemper that required a Cordia● more than a Corrosive somewhat to cool not heighten the Fever And if His Majesty did not contribute his part to it let any Man judge When besides his granting The Petition of Right of which before he denied this Parliament nothing they had the confidence to ask him Witness his passing the Bill for a Triennial Parliament Vid. Scobel's Collection of Acts and Ordinances from 1640. and the Statutes at large 16 and 17 Car. 1. For the continuance of this Parliament during the Pleasure of both Houses than which what more could they have demanded but the Kingdom also For the raising Moneys for the disbanding of the Armies of England and Scotland It was but a modest disarming the King and for the Scots they wanted not the Bait to get them together again The taking away the several Courts of the Star-chamber the Presidencies of Wales and the North Dutchy of Lancaster and the Exchequer of the County Palatine of Chester The High Commission and Oath Ex Officio Limiting the Stannary Courts Setting Bounds to Forests The Bill against Ship-Money And what our Answerer calls compulsive Knighthoods Add to this his Consent to a Bill for Two Hundred and Twenty Thousand Pounds for the Supply of the Occasions of our Brethren of Scotland For pressing Soldiers for Ireland Borrowing Four Hundred Thousand Pounds for the necessary defence and great affairs of England and Ireland And another for the encouragement of Adventurers for Ireland So that in effect there remain'd little more for them to ask or His Majesty to grant And now to use the Parable of the Prophet touching his Vineyard Isa 1. v. 1. to v. 8. A Vineyard in a very fruitful Soil He fenced it and gathered out the Stones thereof and planted it with the choicest Vine c. And he looked that it should bring forth Grapes and it brought forth Wild Grapes Judge I pray between the King and his Vineyard the Kingdom What could have been done more to it tha● he had not done in it And he look'd fo● Judgment but behold Oppression for Righteousness but behold a Cry Judge I say between the King and them when they had no sooner gotten an Army an● Money together and that for the reducement 〈◊〉 Ireland Vid. His Majesty's Answer to their Irish Papers as was pretended than they drove th● King from While hall by Tumults and fought hi● at Edge-Hill with those individual Forces They tax'd the King of illegal exactions an● grievances which he readily redressed We● see now how they mended it themselves Shi● Money which was about Ten Shillings a Month out of a Thousand Pounds a Year was a grea● Burthen to the Country and the King took it of They set up the Excise in the room of it whic● was Two Hundred Thousand and Ninety fi●● Pounds for one Year besides Eight Thousand Sixty three Pounds paid in the Country to th● Army The Country groan'd under Coat a●● Conduct-Money See more of this chap. 13.15 They brought in an Army o● One and Twenty Thousand Scots instead o● ' em The King granted that Right be don● They secur'd Property in Sequestring Mens Estates In a word the Court went awa● in the City's Debt They made an Ordinanc● for the Publick Faith of the Kingdom for the repayment of publick Debts that is such Moneys as they had borrow'd for the carrying o● of their Rebellion And for fear the King lightning their Burthens should make the People grow wanton they began with an Asses●ment for the twentieth part of their Estates and all this too for the Ease of the Nation And lastly to consider what return they made him Quis talia fando Temperet They first stripp'd him of his Royal Authority and having dealt with the Monarchy it self like Gold-beaters beaten it so thin that there remain'd no more of the Substance than the empty appearance They accuse him in the name of all the Commons of England in which case how could any of them be as Witness when they were both Accusers and Judges Try him with a ridiculous Pageantry that had neither Equal nor Superiour in his Realm Traiterously sentence him and as ignominiously murther him before his own Palace And to fill up the measure of their Wickedness abolish Kingly Government and proscribe his Posterity And so judge also whoever he be that reads me whether they deserv'd not what the Prophet says he will do to his Vineyard I will take away the hedge thereof and it shall be eaten up and break down the Wall thereof and it shall be trodden down I will lay it waste it shall not be pruned nor digged but there shall come up Briars and Thorns I will also command the Clouds that they rain no Rain upon it But to return to our Answerer The King in his wonted Sincerity says The Odium and Offences which some Mens rigour or remissness in Church and State had contracted upon his Government he resolved to have expiated with better Laws and Regulations A healing Proposition one would have thought and a fair step to an Accommodation A King said it nor is it for Princes that they should Lye and therefore could not but be credited by every Honest Man for he that is Vertuous himself believes the same of another But this Answerer according to the fullness of his Heart vomits out these and the like Expressions And yet saith he the work of Misdemeanours committed by the worst of all his Favourites he hath from time to time continued owned and taken upon himself by publick Declarations as often as any of his Instruments felt themselve● over-burthen'd with the Peoples Hatred And ye as publick as they are he instances not in any one Particular by which to have examin'd it A Favourite is the same to a King that a Friend is to a Private Man he may unburthen himself to him and it is not the Crowd but agreement makes the Company Nor are all Men of like Merit more than they are of Face and therefore if a King say Euge bone Serve must our Answerer's Eye be evil because the King 's is good But the point lies not there They are not piqu'd that the King might have Favourites but that themselves are not those Favourites and consequently wanting Vertue in themselves not only envy it in others but strike at the Prince through the Sides
rebuke them sharply from one of themselves even a Prophet of their own In a word true Morals and good Thoughts lose nothing of their Innate Excellence from whencesoever they are handed to us The Devil had not been the Enemy but Friend of Mankind if he had spoke no worse in Paradise than he did at Delphos viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Know thy self And therefore admitting the Accusation were true where lies the Scandal Nor will he have done while there 's a drop yet left The King says He call'd this Parliament with an upright Intention to the Glory of God and his People's good Our Answerer makes this of it That there be some whom God hath given over to Delusion whose very Mind and Conscience is defil'd of whom St. Paul to Titus makes mention To which I say there is not any one such Expression in the whole Epistle but others there are whom he calls Evil Beasts Slow-bellies and Lions With which I leave him and proceed to the second Section CHAP. II. Vpon the Earl of Strafford's Death I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford saith His Majesty as a Gentleman whose great Abilities might make a Prince rather afraid than asham'd to employ him in the greatest affairs of State Yes saith our Answerer He was a Man whom all Men look'd upon as one of the boldest and most impetuous Instruments that the King had to advance any violent or illegal design He had rul'd Ireland and some Parts of England in an Arbitrary manner Had endeavour'd to subvert Fundamental Laws and Parliaments To make Hostility between England and Scotland And Counselled the King to call over that Irish Army of Papists to reduce England For which and many other Crimes alledged and proved against him i● twenty eight Articles he was Condemned of High Treason by the Parliament The Commons by the far greater number Cast him The Lords likewis● agreed to the Sentence and the People cry'd out fo● Justice c. Only the King saith he was not satisfied in his Conscience to Condemn him of High Treason In reply to which I think he might mor● truly have said not prov'd but alledg'd as I shal● come to shew presently That he was onc● the Darling of the Commons His Tryal of Tho. Earl of Strafford Fol. 763. to 769. we have several Instances of it in Mr. Rushworth But alas the King had made him Lord Deputy of Ireland and the heighth of that Sphere contracted Envy in the Great Ones and an Odium in the People nor is it every one that can say n●●pluribus impar Though during that his Government he improv'd the Revenue of that Kingdom which before his time had been rather 〈◊〉 Charge than Advantage to this and procur'd of the King that all Impropriations then in th● Crown be restor'd to the Church of that Nation and supplied it with Learned Men out o● England upon the Scottish Invasion in 1639 he counsell'd the King 't is true to fight them out Vox Reipub honesta sibi anceps as Taci●● of Galba on the like Occasion for the Scotc● Commissioners not long after preferr'd that Charge in Parliament against him before-mention'd And then for the Irish Army of Papists c. that brings me naturally to the Article themselves which were as is said Twent● Eight in number Some of which were for matters of Fourteen Years standing some of them as the First Seventeenth Eighteenth not insisted on and others as the Fourteenth Twen●y first Twenty Second Twenty Fourth not ●rg'd Dr. Nalson's impartial Collect Part 2. Fol. 8. And to disable him of the Testimony and Assistance of Sir George Ratcliffe his quondam Secretary and now Friend he also was charged with High-Treason and Confederacy with him and sent for out of Ireland The Earl had now been under five Months Imprisonment when the 22d of March 1640. he was brought to his Tryal which held till the 13th of April following and in which he defended himself so well that since there was neither Matter nor Proof enough against him to take off his Head by the Common-Law it was resolv'd a Bill of Attainder should The pinching Article against him was the Twenty third and is the main Particular mention'd in the said Bill viz. That he advis'd the King that he was loose and absolv'd from the Rule of Government and that he had an Army in Ireland by which he might reduce this Kingdom A shrewd Article no doubt and sufficiently evidences their Crime that without the King's Consent afterwards brought the Scots into England But let us see how this was proved There had been an old grudge between Sir Henry Vane the Father Secretary to the King and my Lord of Strafford touching the Title of Baron of the Castle of Raby of which Vane was Proprietor and endeavour'd the Honour to himself notwithstanding which the King had given it to the Earl of Strafford And is so happen'd that the said Sir Henry having a sudden occasion to make use of a Paper gave his Son young Sir Henry Vane the Key of his Cabine● where lay another Key which open'd a Til●● in which he found some short Notes of a Committee of eight of the Privy-Council of whic● the said Earl was one upon this Question Wh●ther the War with Scotland should be offensive or defensive In which there were Words 〈◊〉 spoken by the said Earl somewhat to that pu●pose but still relative to the War with Sco●land However young Sir Henry carries it 〈◊〉 the Lords and makes it an Article of the Additional Charge against him which upon fu●● Evidence of such of the said eight as were no● in Prison terminated in this The Earl o● Northumberland being interrogated touchin● these Words absolutely denied that ever h● heard the said Earl speak them Mr. Treasurer Sir H. V. shuffled in his Evidenc● forward and backward The Tryal Fol. 563. and at last said h● thinks they were spoken positively or to tha● effect And a shrewd Evidence for the proof of a Bond The Lord Treasurer declar'd that he never heard the said Earl speak th●● said Words or any thing like it The Lord Cottington to the same purpose and think● the Earl might say The Parliament had no● provided for the King and that the King ought to seek out all due and lawful ways to employ his Power and Authority Caste Candide which Words he very well remembers The Marquess Hamilton that he hath often heard the said Earl use those last Words to the King for otherwise said the Earl it were unjust and oppressive And to the same purpose the Lord Goring ●ll Nelson Fol. 87. and Sir Thomas German in behalf of the said Earl However die he must and to that end a Bill of Attainder was prepar'd by both Houses to which the King May the first in the House of Lords the Commons then present declar'd That in his Conscience he could not condemn him of Treason On which a City armed Rabble of
about Six Thousand tumultuously flock to Westminster crying Justice Justice against the Earl of Strafford Which within a day or two they second with a Petition On which the Earl less valuing his Life than the quiet of the Kingdom writes a Letter to the King whereby to set his Conscience at Liberty and by his own Consent prays him to pass the Bill which in a few days after was by Commission to the Earl of Arundel and three other Lords accordingly done with this Proviso That no Judge or Judges c. shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason any other way than they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act and as if this Act had never been had or made A modest Confession and that nothing but an Act of Parliament could affect him Nor unlike that Clause in an Ordinance of the King and Lords for the Banishment c. of the Lady Alice Pierce a Favourite of King Edward the Third's viz. That this Ordinance in this Special Case Mr. Seld●n's Privilege of Baronage 71 which may extend to a Thousand other Persons shall in no other case but this be taken in Example However after the Bill was pass'd the King as deeming They will reverence my Son wrote a Letter to the House of Lords with his own Hand and sent it by the Prince of Wales in which he interceeds for that Mercy to the Earl which many Kings would not have scrupled to have given themselves But 't was resolv'd and nothing would do And thus between Accumulative and Constructive Treason nor better prov'd than I have shewn before Sic inclinavit heros caput Taken from Mr. Cleveland Belluae multorum Capitum Merces favoris Scottici praeter pecunias Nec vicit tamen Anglia sed oppressit Or if my Reader had rather have it in English take it from that happy Flight of Sir Richard Fanshaw on that Occasion And so fell Rome herself oppress'd at length By the united World and her own Strength And yet not to leave his Memory in the Dust there is an Act of Parliament that vindicates all I have said in the matter and that is The Act for reversing this Attainder 13 14. Car. 2. c. 29. which says thus That the Bill of Attainder was purposely made to Condemn him upon Accumulative and Constructive Treason none of the said Treasons being Treason apart and so could not be in the whole if they had been prov'd as they were not And the Act further says It was procured by an armed Tumult the names of Fifty nine of the Commons that opposed the Bill posted by the name of Straffordians and sent up to the Peers at a time when a great part of them were absent by reason of those Tumults and many of those present protested against it For which Causes and to the end that Right be done to the Memory of that deceased Earl it was enacted c. That the said Act c. be repeal'd c. And all Records and proceedings of Parliament relating to the said Attainder be cancell'd and taken off the File c. to the intent the same may not be visible in after-Ages or brought in Example to the prejudice of any Person whatever Provided that this Act shall not extend to the future questioning of any Person c. however concern'd in this Business or who had any hand in the Tumults or disorderly procuring the Act aforesaid c. A shrewd suspicion that they thought that Act of Attainder was not so regularly obtain'd as it ought to have been for if it had what needed that Proviso And having duely considered this Act I think the Wonder will cease why the King was so dissatisfied in his Conscience touching the giving his Assent to that Bill of Attainder His Speech on the Scaffold or that the Lord Capel so publickly begg'd forgiveness of God for having given his Consent toward it At least I presume it may startle any Man that from such repeated Calumnies has not yet come to be of our Answerer's Opinion That there may be a Treason against the Commonwealth as well as against the King only A Treason not mention'd in 25 Edw. 3. or in any Statute since saving those of the late Usurper's making inasmuch as no Estate or Estates of the Realm make any thing of themselves but as joyned to their Figure the King And therefore passing the King 's most detested Conspiracy as he calls it against the Parliament and Kingdom by seizing the Tower of London bringing the English Army out of the North c. I leave him and his Stuff together and come to the Third CHAP. III. Vpon His going to the House of Commons I Said ere-while His Majesty might think the Lords would reverence his Son nor was in to be doubted whether the Commons would himself Especially considering the business he went about It was faith the King to demand Justice upon the Five Members whom upon just motives and pregnant grounds I had charged and needed nothing to such Evidence as could have been produced against them save only a free and legal Tryal which was all I desired Which fill'd indifferent Men with Jealousies and Fears yea and many of my Friends resented as a motion rising rather from Passion than Reason See says our Answerer He confesses it to ●an act which most Men whom he calls his Enemies cried shame upon indifferent Men c. as before He himself in one of his Answers to both Houses made profession to be convinc'd that it was a plain breach of their Privilege Yet here like a rott● Building newly trimm'd over he represents it speciously and fraudulently to impose upon the simple Reader c. Words insolent enough without adding the rest though it had not been from his Matter if he had told that simple Reader in which Answer of his Majesties he might have found that Profession However for the discovery of the Truth on both sides it may not be amiss to make a few steps backward that considering the occasion we may the better judge of the thing It had been advis'd to the King by the then Privy-Council of Scotland to send the Book of Common-Prayer to be receiv'd and us'd in all Churches of that Kingdom The King's Declaration 1639. which was accordingly order'd And in the Month of July 1637. publickly read in the great Church of Edinburgh The Kirkmen took fire at it nor wanted there some in England to fan the Flame which in a short time got that head that they invade England but finding the design not ripe enough yet they humbly submit and the business is smother'd Whereas had those smoaking Brands been sufficiently quench'd they had not made a greater Eruption the next Year During this time the King had gotten into the matter and calls this Parliament with a real intention of quieting all They begin where the last Parliament
would think to have prov'd where when and how at least rendred it probable that there was once some such thing done though the Grant be lost And if they took it themselves it was Unjust in its Original and consequently they had no more Right to chuse their Kings than Children have to chuse their Fathers And yet from this false Position magisterially determines That Kings do no Acts of Grace and Bounty but in discharge of their publick Duty The Sum of the King's Discourse saith he is against settling Religion by violent Means and yet never did thing more eagerly than to molest and persecute the Consciences of most religious Men and made a War and lost all rather than not uphold an Hierarchy of persecuting Bishops That Consciences are not to be forced but to be reduced by force of Truth aid of Time and use of good Means of Instructions and Perswasions was his Principle as well as Queen Elizabeth's but saith Sir Francis Walsingham concerning the Queen's proceedings in the like Cases Causes of Conscience when they exceed their Bounds V. Hist of the Reform Part 2. f. 418. and grow to be matter of Faction lose their Nature and Sovereign Princes ought distinctly to punish their Practices and Contempt though colour'd with the pretences of Conscience and Religion And according to this saith he the Queen proceeded And if the King also did distinguish Faction from Conscience and Tenderness from Singularity blame the Law not him But He obtruded new Ceremonies upon the English and a new Liturgy upon the Scots with his Sword Saving the Reverence of the Thing it is Indifferent whether a Man Preach with his Hat on or hung upon a Pin the Hugonots have one way and the English another The same also may be said of Ceremonies but how indifferent soever they are in themselves when they are once commanded the indifferency ceases in the Law that enjoyns them And for that other of the Liturgy upon the Scots the King obtruded it not on them much less with his Sword because it was sent them at their own Request as I have shown before But admitting their Kirk liked it not what had they to do with a Church that did Or what Authority had Tweed to reform Thames least of all to give Law to their King and that too with beat of Drum and Colours displayed Especially when one of their own Acts of Parliament says Continuation of Sir R. Baker f. 514. That it should be damnable and detestable Treason in the highest Degree to levy Arms or any Military Forces upon any pretext whatever without the King 's Royal Commission Nor is this all For their National Covenant oblig'd them to his Defence or else what means this Expression in it Sir W. Dudg his short View f. 132. That whensoever his Majesty's Honour and Interest should be in Danger they would as one Man obliged by the Laws of God and Man apply themselves to his Succour and Defence And the Chancellor and others the Lords of that Kingdom had by their Letter of 1. July 1643. assured his Majesty That no Arms should be raised without his special Commission And after all this and contrary to the Common tye of Nature to run into open Rebellion against him What may it mean I 'll tell ye This Matter had been hatching ever since the Third of his Reign and though the Chick appear'd not till the Year 1637 yet it could run about with the Shell upon its Head and it wanted not Friends in England to keep it alive till it could feed it self and if it liked not one Barn-door take to another The Metaphor is too visible to need Application There was a kind of a Kirk Party in England that finding the King firm to his Principles knew there was no better way to deal with him than by reducing him to Necessities to the end that being forc'd to extraordinary means for Supply he might disgust the People and consequently attract an Odium But what 's a Bow without a Bowman The Scots and they made but one Kirk Money was the Nerve that would keep them together and what need many words among Friends Nor were they long without the occasion of shewing their Fidelity The new Liturgy as before had been sent to Edinburgh The Scots presently take the Alarm are quieted again but lost nothing by it and in return make the King all Protestations of future Loyalty How comes it then you 'll say that it was not long after that they invaded England and after that took Arms for the Parliament against the King The Case is plain the King had no Money the Houses had or at least knew where to get it Nor will it be unworth any Man's while to see what that was They had as a Relief to the Scots for their Losses 17 Car. 1. and a supply of our Brethren of Scotland for so the Act words it 220000 l. rais'd for them by Act of Parliament By an Ordinance of Lords and Commons Vid. Hughes's Abridgement of Acts and Ordinances p. 92. 27 Octob. 43. 66666 13 4. for their Brotherly Assistance in the defence of the common cause of Religion and Liberty By a like Ordinance Feb. 20. 1644. 21000 l. per Mens Id. p. 178. for the maintenance of the Scots Army under the Earl of Leven Further confirm'd Id. p. 197. June 13. 1645. Continued for four Months more Id. p. 220. 25 Aug. 1645. By a like Ordinance Id. p. 201. June 20. 1645. 130000 l. for enabling the Scots Army to advance Southward And by a like Ordinance Decem. 3. 1645. 31000 l. Id. p. 237. for payment of the Scots Army Besides all which I find in the continuation of Sir Richard Baker Fol. 611. Several other Moneys rais'd for the Scots which because they agree neither in Sum nor time I thought fit to transcribe and leave it to my Reader to judge of it as he thinks fit Taxed by them in 16 Car. 1. 350 l. per diem on the Bishoprick of Durham and 300 l. per diem on the County of Northumberland on the penalty of Plundering In the 20th they were impowered by Parliament to assess for themselves the twentieth part of the North c. In the 21st sent them 30000 l. to induce them to besiege Newark In the 22d 200000 l. more for delivering up the King And another 200000 l. secur'd them out of the publick Faith And 16000 l. allowed them for the charge of their Carriages All which I leave as I said to my Reader to judge and whether notwithstanding all that cry of Religion and Loyalty it far'd not with them like Atalanta in the Fable Declinat cursus Ovid●● 〈◊〉 l. 10. F●● 15. aurumque v●lu●ile tollit And truly considering all if they were not well paid for their Pains I wish they were CHAP. XIV Vpon the Covenant UPON this Theam saith our Answerer his Discourse is long his Matter little