and Abbots sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his service exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil a man and so discharged them In an 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels and levied 4 Hidages of every Plough-land Tributis Angliam non modo abradens sed excorians not only shaving but even flaying England with his impositions so that wearied with warre and expence ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffocâ—ta England was quite stifled by him and could not so much as breath Quid jam non Regibus ausum Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus What durst not Kings then do What mischief could the Nation suffer more in this Kings time Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam exacted a great summe of his Kingdome with which the passed into France and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis England was born down with many oppressions He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld And in the 17. Quod inter eum Regem FrancoruÌ„ magnuÌ„ fuit dissidium Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus Bonis sine peccato spoliata by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France England was oppressed with divers exactions men spoild of their goods for no offence at all Of King Stephen there need no more then the words of the Monk of Gisborn Post annum sextum Pax nulla omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men Henry the second alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations continued the Policy of his Progenitours who allotted the land into such and so many equall protions as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Armes from whom as occasion required they received either service or contribution This Tenure now esteemed a Thraldome began upon a voluntary and desired submission for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept land upon the like conditions so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject but as in right his own And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown which is a great part of the Kings Honour their duties and Escheats a great benefit and their attendance by Tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least for the Knights Fees in England are no lesse a great ease strength and security to his State for they are totidem Hostagia so many Hostages as Bracton saith it were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time custome This King to understand the better his own strength publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet Praelatus Baro quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite By this rule of Scutage constant in the number he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief though divers in the rate Of the first which was neare the beginning of his Reign there is no record The second Scutage which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti thousand pounds of silver which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil the ounce whereas that was not five groats will amount to near 400000l An. 7. ScutagiuÌ„ fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse w ch if summed up by the received number of Knights Fees being 60216 in the hands of the Layety onely of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l The like in the next year In an 11 there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu to find men to serve in the wars of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths In the 14. yeare a Scutage was assessed ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis one Mark on every Fee And anno 18. Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo a Scutage for every Fee A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign In which year dying 900 millia librarum in auro argento praeter utensilia jocalia reliquit he left in mony 900000 pounds besides Plate and Jewels Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidie out of all the Moveables in the Realm to his own use Et eleemosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes A contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil In the 7. he imposed for his warrs a contribution called Tenementale Extremity for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State invented nova varia praedandi vocabula new and sundry words to expresse his exactions as Tacitus saith of Centesima Quinguage fima an hundredth part and a fiftieth part names that since have found reception and use with us This was 2. shillings of every Plough-land from the Husbandman and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service He inforced the Cistertian Monks to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine Pecuniaria at a Fine For his Army into Normandy he took a Scutage assessed at 20 shillings And 4. years after of every Plough-land 5. shillings and of every Borough and City duos palfridos totidem summarios 2. horses and as many summaryes and of every Abbot half asmuch Then loosing of purpose his great Seale proclaimed that Omnes Chartae Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours as of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui
assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. 10153. l. And 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. And in an 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. 2285. l. An. 30. 2880. l. and an 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which is answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to
be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these locall considerations there will 2. other Dangers now fallout from any Contract of mutuall aide The one from diversity of Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretended in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designes Thus was Hen. 3. served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus in so much that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurre away the perill the poore King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the warres of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdome of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarre calling in the aide of Edward 3. against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannicall King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperiall Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Dutchie of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heires male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdome and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassador refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspition that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England least by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italie disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest AetoloruÌ„ opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutuall aide left to the election of our Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Confederates who Subjects May break by dispensation though both Catholicks ought to break out of the Rom. doctrine one accounted heretick Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and Iohn King of France that between Iohn of Caunt and the King of Castâ—le they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecctesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement how much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s. time whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds For it will be held not onely worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles then Emperor before the Councill of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolicall if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and designe and must not onely forsake but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide whether they will so in
the Pope incited him thereunto His Sonne the second Edward anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this Stae the words are ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitternesse and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit et Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to a consult how Pace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate but in the 20 th year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Crosse with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shamefull deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawfull who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera et multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian bloud he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe as Livy of the Romane fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time until the French King contra juramentum formam pacis contrary to his oath and the form of peace had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed invaded his dominions in France and with a Fleet intended to attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune and after many years of war and much losse had in the end an expectation of peace which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined thereto that they advised the King though it were in doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he should not let slip that opportunity Untill Charles of France had received that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr by the name of Metuâ—ndissimi Principis Walliae the most dread Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy against his Master whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria by contract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul entred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again untill Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meant with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransome those 〈…〉 Agin-Court battell so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberall conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffes he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Councell by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the losse of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9. of Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men pro pace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right not
of ann 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d. besides 29660. Qâ—arters of Gram and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill 5d. de receptis forinsicis onely It was delivered in Parliament an 1. Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17 th of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitaâ—n 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprâ—bavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil 4d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years compleat In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasuâ—er of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. And in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of Richard 2. untill the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. yeares 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938. l. 10. shil for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. Henry 8.8834 l. And about 30 th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30 th of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us then any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable and the keeping more then the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into and convenient place to trouble the Country a Fetter to intangle them they neither has