freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
multitudes of Families that depend thereon I might be large herein from my own Observations having had the humour or curiosity call it what you please to view all the Rivers Harbors and almost Creeks on both the opposite Coasts from Thames to Tinmouth and from the Elve to Oostend And particularly Yarmouth and Flambrough-head as the greatest Promontories of England and whereabouts there is the best fishing But I will only speak to those things which concern the present Argument A diligent person calculated in the Year 62 the dependants on the Fishing-trade I mean not Fishers only but also all employed about their shipping Nets Cask Salt c. with their Attendants at Sea and reckoned them above 400000. Yea some have made their number far greater particularly that learned wise and valiant Knight Sir Walter Rawleigh whom I parallel with Sir Philip Sidney in his information of King James reckons our Vessels that fish on the Coasts of Great Britain 3000 and every 20 Busses to maintain 8000 which will amount to 1200000. But this is incredible He must either be mistaken in the number of Ships or the proportion he alots them or both For upon diligent enquiry I cannot find half that number either of Ships or Men in some years last past If he mean of the three several seasons of fishing in Autumn for Herrings Spring for Cod-fish and Summer for Salmons we shall not contest with him nor concerning the number he says attends them viz. 9000 other Vessels and 150000 Men. It is sufficient for my present purpose that I shew that our Fishery is very considerable and the friendship of England for the same of far more consequence to us than that of France Guicciardine Descript generalis Belgii a very diligent Writer A. D. 1587 reckons the Herring-Busses that fish on the British Coasts at least 700 and some said many more and though he include Flanders yet not the other Fisheries as Rawleigh doth and doubtless of all the Maritime Provinces of this Republick which the Author of the Interest of Holland c. 5. erroniously appropriates to that Province alone through inadvertency that Foreigners frequently call all these United Provinces Hollanders that being the principal and all the Spanish yea formerly all the 17 by the name of Vlamens And not only so but tells us the Fishery is increased since a third part which I cannot credit not only in regard that the English but French and Flemish whom we used to supply for the greatest part now fish themselves Yea I rather think that since our Merchandise hath so much increased our Fishery hath decreased And what considerable profit redounds to us thereby appears by the computation which Guieciardine makes very particularly that those 700 Busses take annually 49000 Last of Herring which he reckons at 10 l. Vl. or 60. Guldens the Last which amounts yearly together with the other Fisheries to the following sums l Vlam Sterl Herrings 490000 or 294000 Cod-fish 166666â…“ or 100000 Salmon 66666â…“ or 40000 The usual reckoning of salt Fish that is yearly taken and either spent or sold by Hollanders if you will believe the Interest of Holland c. 5. is 300000 Last So that the families that are maintained the money that is gotten and food that is eaten from Fishing is almost incredible Now that it will be in Englands power and not in Frances to spoil us of this Fishery or at least the greatest part thereof I think no rational man will deny that considers the only fishing for Herring in these parts or perhaps in the whole World is upon the British Coast and most also for Cod-fish northward of Scotland and on the Dogger-sands and other places where they can easily interrupt us Those therefore that are so forward for France might do well to consider what they will do with all these families or how they shall be maintained when they are deprived of their Trades Other Arguments which might here be added I shall not now bring into open view but keep them as a Reserve in case our Adversaries should rally and make head against us having sufficiently rooted them we think by these five wherewith we have already fought them But yet there remain some advantages under England which we cannot expect under France some of them more general for the Republick and othersome more particular for Provinces and Persons In the handling whereof we shall desire to use now that we are got within our enemy the short and pungent dagger of Demosthenes rather than Cicero's long sworded eloquence Advantages under England not to be expected under France 1. By being under England we retain and encrease our friendship with the Empire German Princes and free Cities which are not jealous of Englands affecting the Imperial Crown as they are of France and therefore will not prejudice us under the former as they will certainly in a little time under the latter Nay I doubt not but were we under England they would take courage and generally appear against France So that we should hereby greatly promote the common Interest of Europe 2. Under England we might have the freedom of the West-Indie Trade which would be of great profit to us many ways Now how great a share England hath in the West-Indies and how small and inconsiderable France is well known These having only the Island Terre Neuf for fishing and some of the most Northerly Continent unpeopled not cultivated and improfitable as may be seen in de Laet Descript Ind. occid L. 2. by those that know it not part of St. Christophors and some other places of small concernment in comparison to what the English profitably possess 3. By being under England we might share at least with the English those Plantations we have in the W. Indies Holland in their New Netherland and Zeeland in Surinam c. Which would be of eminent advantage for Colonies either there or to be sent thither besides the profit we might have from those Plantations as Zeeland or some at least therein even in these first years and beginning thereof have pretty well experienced and know how greatly it is further improvable Now what a singular benefit it is for a full and populous Common-wealth now and then like the sedulous Bees to cast a swarm of their poorest and most laborious people is apparent from the Histories of all Ages And though I confess the Dutch are not so good Planters as the English being more used to the Water and the other to Land yet in regard all those Plantations are upon the Sea Coasts and Rivers the Dutch might be used for building of Ships or Boats Houses c. and especially for fishing carrying and recarrying goods by Water on the Rivers and to and from the Ships and in navigation and the English for planting and working in the ground and so in mine opinion would make an excellent temperament and very profitable for both Nations 4. Expences might be saved in several
changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
an engagement that they had certainly fought had not the English espied an Advice-Yacht coming towards them which bringing them newes of the Protectors death they hoyst up failes and returnd home France was to pull downe Spaine by Land with his own forces and such as the Protector could spare Which Lockard the Embassador there commanded Who having beene more used to fight in the field then play the pioneers with their spades were not so much esteemed at first by the French till the sight with Don John of Austria's Army which came to relieve Dunkirke wherein they behaved themselves with that gallantry that Don John cryed out he was beat by raging wild beasts rather then men and that great Soldjer the Prince of Conde hath often said since that he never saw the like action as was that day performed by the English Shortly after Dunkerke yielded and was put into the English hands The Protector was to bring downe Spaine by Sea which he said he would do or he and his should live on bread and water Intending allso to carrie on the designe which Sidney Rawleight and several of the wisest men of the Indies but as she had too many irons in the fire to carry on that worke so how he miscarried in it is sufficiently knowne And indeed he had broke Spaines Naval power much more then he did allthough he did a great deale at Tenerif and elsewhere had it not been for a small accident that happend which was this Admirall Blake who still principled his seamen in those Confusions and frequent Revolutions of Government that the Fleet served no Parties nor Persons but the English Nation having brought some of his great ships before Tunis batterd down the Castle and compeld them to his termes for which extraordinary service he expected the reward of gratitude at least In stead thereof by his next Advice from England he hath a pardon sent him for endangering the Fleet in such an attempt without order c. Which so stuck on the stomack of that stout and sturdy Stoick that afterwards the Spanish Fleet coming on the maine Ocean off Cadiz He reading his Commission and finding it onely for fighting them in the Mediterranean would not fall on them though the Commanders Sollicited him promised to answer it for him c. onely was willing to fight if the Spanjards begun but though the English provoked them to it and affronted them all they could yet the wary Spanjard was wiser then to ingage and so saved themselves at which Oliver stormed not a litle but Blake cared not much the Admirall heereby crying quits with the Generall Thus you see what great things a little blind zeale may doe And indeed it is not so much to be admired at in him he having had such an enthusiasticall heat as all know that knew him well nor can we wonder so much if his head sometimes run round who was so continually wrapt up in such whirlepooles of affaires as he was perpetually plunged in though to miscarry in so great a concernment for the Protestant Intrest was a capitall crime in him above all others who designing to pul down the Pope * Grotius de jure bel pac l. 2. c. 22. voluntatem implondi vaticinia sine Dei mandato non essè causam bellit by bringing downe Spaine set up France to ruine the Protestants throughout Christendome Thus Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus But these three lived not long to goe on with these designes and indeed it was well for the world they did not Oliver went first at which Mazarine was secretly glad saying when the newes was brought him as he was at play there 's then a fortunate foole gon But this was but to trample upon a dead lion whom he so ridiculously feared before that his greatest Confidents made themselves privately merry therewith Knowing how uncivily for this he put the King of England out of France and the Duke of Yorke allso notwithstanding his service and the Cavalries acclamations of vive's to him and curses of the Cardinal Yea how after his death he feared his shaddow for in the Isle of Fesant 59 at the interview of the two Kings and their Courts where the marriage was made and peace concluded betwixt them which Mazarine had reserved for his owne glory and the King of great Britaine being there received by Lewis de Haro at first with the height of a Spanish complement in the depth of the mire and treated after with all civility yet the Cardinal though courted by the Duke of Ormond durst not speake with him for feare of Lockard that was present at the Treatie But though the crafty Cardinal was no coward yet thus fearefull and timorously was he cautious for Him whom I know he hated above all Mortals and that Common-wealth above all people in the world as I can many wayes make apparent if it was of any importance to the publick But to be briefe Olivers other two Consorts followed after him quickly and these three Conquerors being cut of by death who kept all Christendome in aw whilst they lived the world had a little quiet till France got a horseback again in Flanders But betwixt and that time was that great change in England by the wonderfull providence of God in the restoration of his Majesty by which meanes the French got Dunkirke again into their hands and were therby capacitated the better to carry on their worke against these Countries Atwhich the French made themselves merry and some say abusively by having Dunkirke drawn with a purse hanging over it The English stormed and some swore Oliver would have sold his great nose rather then Dunkerke Yea this still sticks on many of their stomachs I remember at my last being in England in 66 and seeing Clarenden House and wondring a little why it was situated so neer the roade which made it both unfree and molested with dust and critising upon some other things the Oratory especially that the Chancelor that was the eldest Son of the Church of England should make his Chappel as a wag writ of Emanuel Colledge's so awry Just North and South yea verily when I came above on the leads I was so pleased with the pleasantnes of the prospect that I thought for that it might compare with any House I had seen knowing no place in England except above Greenwich that I thought comparable to it upon which the domestick had the confidence perceiving me a stranger to tell me I could not thence see Dunkirke for the Commonality had Christened it and made Dunkirke the Godfather calling the House after its name But though I confess it was against the Common Intrest of Europe that it should fall to the French againe yet whether it was against the Intrest of the King of England and that Kingdome is not so cleare to me I will onely say this that I know a person hath weighed that so well that I shall carry this
THE INTEREST Of these United Provinces BEING A Defence of the Zeelanders Choice Wherein is shewne I. That we ought unanimously to defend our selves II. That if we cannot it is better to be under England than France in regard of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade III. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may remaine a Republick And that our Compliance with England is the onely meanes for this TOGETHER WITH Severall Remarkes upon the present and Conjectures on the future State of Affaires in Europe especially as relating to this Republick By a wellwisher to the Reformed Religion and the wellfare of these Countries MIDDELBURG Printed by Thomas Berry according to the Dutch Copie Printed at Amsterdam ANNO 1673. A Summary of the ensuing Treatise THe PREFACE Wherein the occasion and reason of this Worke. The Authors feares ballanced with others hopes The necessity of unanimity for and duty of selfe defence SECTION I. The rise and State of that great Question viz. whether upon supposal of inability to defend our selves it is our INTREST to be under England or France and the Zeelanders choice of the former 2. Arguments to prove this choice to be agreable to our true Intrest The first whereof is from our Religious concernements Wherein is shewne how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concernes us to secure our Religion 3. The plea of France's granting us the liberty of our Religion considered 4. Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as allso from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered 5. A 2d Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different Kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued 6. The 3d Argument is the preservation of our Estates in regard of Soldjers violence Governors impositions Publique Debts by obligation and Revenues of the Romish Church 7. The 4th Argument from Trade This viz. Merchandise and Navigation our cheife secular Intrest And friendship with England to secure the same England and we Competitors herein what implyed thereby in point of Intrest and Inference The probability of getting more as allso enjoying the same with greater Peace under France with other Arguments largely debated and the contrary evinced under England 8. Severall other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be preferd before that of France 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remaine a Republick in regard of our owne strength and our Neighbors Intrest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland then let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will goe through and Parliament probably assist therein 10. Compliance with England the onely meanes of the Common-wealths continuation 11. Conjectures of future affaires The motions of the ensuing Summer likely to be quick and great As to this Republick probably England may get a bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a Supernumerary girth Munster a bos off the crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A necessary caution for England another for the Orange Family The Authors feares of what will at last befall us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spaine and England sound at heart and will recover c. 12. France's Ambition Growing greatnes The causes thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be held even and by whom 13. The Conclusion of the whole Discourse To the Impartial Reader ALthough in so small a Tractate it may be thought needless to give an account of the occasion thereof yet I think my self obliged for your further satisfaction to do it briefly The Author having been lately in Holland found what the Zeelanders had done in the late Revolutions misunderstood by some and variously censured by others and therefore thought it worth his pains fairly and modestly to vindicate the same And the rather because he foresees various pretexts will be deduced thence and divers interpretations be made thereof which the Author hopes by his declaring the true intent and meaning to free it from That so all those whose Curiosity or Interest leads them to inquire might be acquainted with the true Grounds and Reasons thereof and that neither the propensity of some to the French nor the prejudice and passion of others against the English might make us run blindfold upon our ruine but that we may discern our true Interest and pursue it as occasion shall require For as all affection to that which is not our real Interest so all aversation from that which is is madness and folly which clouds Reason precipitates Counsels runs us upon extreams and drives us into inevitable destruction many times before we are aware I know some will be apt to say What need of this now The Storm is over and the supposition of inability to defend our felves out of doors If I thought so I assure you I should neither trouble my self nor others any further But whether it be my love to the Countrey and desire of the welfare thereof or my jealousie over the Factions of the Rulers and tumultuousness of the people therein or my comparing and estimating our own strength fidelity and courage with our Enemies or my observing that our former Military Discipline which made us renowned and our Countrey accounted the School of War is in a great measure if not utterly decayed and lost or my hearing how old Officers and Forein Forces have been slighted and such preferred as are unexperienced for conduct and untried for courage or the difference I have observed in the valour of a poor and rich people Poverty always stirring up and whetting Valour out of hopes to better their condition whereas riches makes men fearful of losing what they have and so falling into a worse As may be observed not onely in different people as between the Northern and Southern Nations but also in the same yea in our selves For when poor in our Wars with Spain De Mor. Gern §. 29. we made good the old Character which Tacitus gives us Omnium harum gentium virtute prâ—ecipâ—i Batavi c. Of all the German Nations or People the Batavians were cheif for valour but now that we are grown rich we are affraid to adventure either our Persons or Estates and readier to open our Gates then shut them against our Enemies Or
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
we know they must needs be very many and great in places of such Merchandise seeing the greatest part of trade is all over and here especially driven upon credit Now how these will be gotten if bad time come on so that many remove and more be impoverished I leave those to consider whose concernment it is Concerning Publick debts which are yet more desperate whatever change happens they are such as are contracted either for Service to the Common-wealth and Commodities delivered for publick uses or for Monies upon obligation all which ways many thousands are greatly concerned especially the last There being very many who have lent some a good part and others the greatest part of their Estates upon the publick faith of the Land Cities and Lombards of these Provinces So that if this publick faith prove faithless like the Punick of old a great number of Families and which is most deplorable Widows and Orphans who being uncapable to imploy their Estates thus intrusted them will be wholly ruined and undone Herein I think all that have any sense of justice and equity will conclude with me 1. That it is very unreasonable and unjust that if the present Government cannot discharge these debts or a change happens that those who have credited the Republick should sit down with all the loss and others not bear their proportion 2. That seeing they were lent to the Publick and Obligation accordingly given and that for publick uses and so imployed or if other-ways converted yet without the Creditors fault it is all the reason in the world that the Publick should faithfully pay the same 3. That if the Republick stand care ought to be taken to satistic these Creditors and that if a change of Government happen the people remaining the same are both in Law and equity liable to pay these debts For though it is a great question how far Subjects are obliged to pay their Soveraigns yet it was never questioned by any but that such as are made for the Publick by the peoples tacit and much more express consent must be paid by the people what ever change be made in the Government Whether from a Monarchy to a Republick Demosthen adv Leptin V. Disquisit politic 53. as the Communality of Athens paid the 100 Talents which their 30 Tyrants had borrowed of the Lacedemonians and these very Provinces that which the King of Spain was indebted to the people Or from a Republick to a Monarchy Non desinit debere pecuniam populus rege sibi imposito quam liber debebat est enim idem populus dominium retinet eorum quae populi fuerant imò imperium inse retinet quanquam jam non exercendum à corpore sed à capite c. Grotius de jure belli pacis l. 2. c. 9. Sect. 8. See also Arnisaeus de rep lib. 1. c. 5. Sect. 4. Quatenus acta Reip. obligent civitatem and the Civilians de rebus creditis Digest lib. 11. tit 1. l. 27. All the difficulty therefore will be if a change come how the payment of these just debts may be procured And here we need no other Counsellors advice than our own reason which will inform us that the freer any people are and the more they participate of power the more probable it is and also the more facile for them to obtain their rights Now that we are likely to have more freedom under England than France I have shewn sufficiently in the former Section Yea common experience as well as reason hath learnt the world this lesson that when inferiors can only pray and petition they may daily get fair promises and perhaps be sprinkled with some Court-holy-water but performances and payments are still the work of to morrow and continually kept as reserves in the rear Nor can they biing more arguments for their expedition than Superiors have excuses for their delaying and if at last their patience be worn as thread-bare as their clothes with attendance so that they become importune in requesting then Grandees grow deaf in hearing and resolvedly peremptory in denying whence both sides frequently fall to irregular proceedings the one for recovering and the other for defrauding them of their rights Whereas those that can not only request but also legally require that justice be done have ground to hope that when the touchines of times is over and the boisterous passions of great ones are laid some happy conjuncture of affairs may prove a prosperous gale to bring them at last their hazardous adventures home in safety 4. and lastly that I may draw this arrow to the head I shall desire that we may consider a little of the Lands and Revenues formerly belonging to the Romish Church Which to defend our selves in our Wars with Spain were sold to several and are since parcelled out into many more hands Now the very mentioning of this I should think sufficient the difference between France and England herein being so well known Do we hear what the former hath already done in all those places subject to him and how they have set up all the Romish rable and can we think that they will not in time recover what ever promises they pass for the present that which not only they themselves but all of their Religion account their right Can we imagine that their Bishops Abbots Priors and other Superior Orders will live like Parochials or Mendicant Friers Who is so ignorant as knows not that where ever the old Gentleman of Rome comes to rule he brings with him many attendants to bear up his train and that their pomp must be supported though many Gentlemen thereby be ruined Whereas on the contrary England is by them in the same condemnation with our selves neither permitting his headship and dominion over them nor his members and followers any demains among them So that we may safely conclude that all those that posses such Estates as the Church of Rome doth challenge can neither rationally hope to keep them under France nor fear to lose them under England Sect. 7. The fourth Argument from Trade This viz. Merchandise and Navigation our chief secular interest and friendship with England to secure the same England and we Corrivals herein the probability of getting more as also enjoying the same with greater Peace under France with other Arguments largely debated and the contrary evinced under England WE are now come to the Acropolis of the cause Trade being the great Tower of strength to which the Adversaries of our opinion having deserted the former out-works usually sly unto our refuge We shall therefore persue them but orderly first making our approaches by degrees and them raising such batteries and planting such reasons as are forcible either to beat this down or at least make such breaches therein as shall render it untenable for their defence and so compel the most pertinacious of our enemies either to submit or to fall before us But before we begin this work we must
he had to catch at the shadow thereof in the water and so lost all I know some that have more of Mars than Mercurie's temper are all for fighting and therefore I shall desire them calmly to consider these few particulars following 1. What either we or England have gotten by our former Wars when matcht in power I partly know what it hath cost us both in treasure and blood and can demonstrate that if either hath gotten 't is England though not to countervail the cost Let 's but reckon as we must if we go rightly to work the lucrum cessens and damnum emergens or the profit that ceases and loss that accrues and vvhat vve have got vve may put in our eye and not see much the vvorse But if any one say who can reckon that or how I shall freely acknowledge that to pounds and persons we cannot nor no man alive yet in the general we may so far as to make a judgment I have done it for my own satisfaction and shall tell you how that so those that are curious may satisfy themselves therein and not take it upon my credit By the publick Customs the Number of ships the Capital wherewith Trade is driven and by the riches of the Merchants Of these the two former are more easie and certain wherein England hath increased the two latter more conjectural wherein this Republick hath the superiority But hath not gotten it by the wars but arises from several other causes which I could mention and especially from these two following which I think will satisfy any intelligent man As to the Capital ours comes to be greater in regard that as the Merchants grow rich in England they buy land and breed up their sons to be Country gentlemen whereas we especially in Holland continue the stock and our children in the Trade Land being here at 35 and 40 years purchase and in England at 15 or 20 ordinarily And that the Merchants here should be richer than there is no wonder to me who know so well the frugality of the one and the prodigality of the other 2. Let it be considered how difficult and hazardous it is for equal powers to destroy one another and therefore how litle likelihood there is of any thing to be gotten by contesting Nay there are several circumstances in our situations imployments and people that render absolute conquest almost impossible We may like Cooks fight and breath and fight again and crow over one another for some victories but far from a conquest And this we might both have seen long since in the glas of policy which clearly shows that such equal powers fighting for profit is but like Nero's fishing with a golden hook wherein more is adventured than ever is likely to be gotten We have had a Comick-tragedy and a tragick comedy of two wars and England the contrary wherein our enemies indeed have been pleasant spectators and satisfied their envious eyes but what have either of us got but blowes Passion and prejudice are so prevalent in the World and so blind the eyes of men that often they will not see the truth till dear-bought experience makes them even to feel it And this we now both see and therefore England takes this opportunity of breaking down the equality of power and bringing us lower that so we may truckle under them and they be at rest in the bed of security 3. Those that are so much for Mars might do well to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both Nations for carrying on and subsisting under long wars In some things we may happily have the advantage as in bearing the charges number of shipping Caping by Letters of Marque c. And in others England for they have a great and rich Inland Country l'Intrestdes Princes Discours 7. an Hand that cannot be easily diverted by a Land-war so that as the Duke of Rhoan saith right l' Angleterre est un grand animal qui ne peut jamais mourir s'il ne se tuë luimesme We subsist wholly on Trade and fetch all things from abroad they have sufficiency of necessaries from their own growth at home When Trade stands still they have cloths for the back and meat for the belly better cheap for the poorer people here not only such accommodations are far dearer than there which can well be born when Trade flourisheth but when that is stopt and it can worst be endured then are they dearest of all Our Seamen which come most from the Northern quarters about the Baltick Sea to serve us in Navigation when they see no hopes of gain but only venturing their lives for the pay of the Wars will remove and serve other Nations whereas the King of England hath three Kingdoms to press out for his assistance according to the custom of the Crown there which is not practised nor indeed practicable in this Free State And although at the first such as are prest be averse to the Wars yet we find and feel by experience that what through the Officers and Gentlemens caressing and encouraging them what through company and conversing with others before-hand this restiness is worn off by degrees and through the principles of self defence and some sparks of the honour of their Country they fight well enough whatever the cause or the quarrel be 4. I wish both Nations would well consider whether whilst we two are so eagerly contesting for Trade others may not carry it away I have reasonably considered what Nation can bid the farest for this in regard of their Situation Havens Genious c. the ad vantages of the Mediterranean and Baltick Seas and let my thoughts stretch themselves as far as both the Indies have observed the French Fleet the darling of the King and Kingdom their hopes with the grounds of them and the probable success thereof as also the communication of Spain with America and find no one Nation alone capacitated to carry away our Commerce but several to have greater shares than they have at present Yea to speak my mind freely I have had far further contemplations and of a far different kind from these upon this Subject in respect to future times And indeed such as have often made me both very sorrowful to see the Christian world so mad and quarelsom about their Commerce and very fearful that God would either blast it to us by taking it away and giving it to Turks and Heathens or not bless us with it giving us herein our hearts desire in his wrath and them the Gospel in exchange thereof As I clearly see he hath done to the Jews the generallest and greatest Merchants of the World and as I think he threatens us Christians in several places of holy Scripture if they be duly considered But because I love not dogmatizing or to be positive in things I am not so fully satisfied in I shall at present say no more of this but leave it to every good Christians
consideration Having thus declared what corivalship implies as to equal powers we shall now see it in unequal And here Interest shews us That if we decline and become inferior in strength if they were so injurious to us that we had a just cause of War yet must we not adventure it at fighting but use policy to procure a Peace And in my opinion this Piety and Wisdom is taught us by our Saviour Christ in the Gospel for where Soldiers are alike and no advantage of ground c. what is it but tempting of God mere folly Luc. 14.31 for ten thousand to encounter twenty thousand Yea though the disparity was not so great Wars being always hazardous to the weaker side though they often be victorious it being frequently sound as Pyrrhus said of his warring with the Romans that their very Victories do undo them In such cases old mens heads are better helps than young mens hands To shew the refuges of weaker powers when threatned with Wars would be a large discourse I shall therefore only hint some few generals of many which I have observed 1. To gain all time possible 2. Therein to break down the strongers designs and weaken them at home as much as may be 3. To raise them up enemies abroad by making them jealous of their power 4. By alliance with others to ballance their might 5. To prepare for a divertive rather than a direct War 6. By proposal of Marriages c. to make up the breach 7. By procuring foreign Potentates mediation and appealing to their Arbitration 8. To make the best Peace they can when best provided with power for War For otherwise nothing is to be expected but either an unsafe or a short Peace little better than a Truce or Holy-day of War Best is that Peace whose Articles are made Vnder a Shield and written with a blade Allen. Now all these have many particulars conteined in them For example in the first to gain time by sending Embassadors and so still that as one is returning another may be sent whereby a fair pretence of ignorance of transactions may be pleaded and time spun out in further debates By conceding one thing after another by degrees still reserving the principal point of Interest entire c. And so of the rest within the bounds of honest Policy The reason of the case is so clear that were it not for mens passions inferiors in power would not be so ready to fight For let them either be beaten or beat it will redound at last to their own destruction If the former why should they spend their blood and treasure to make themselves more miserable and if the latter they do but enrage their enemies the more who being more powerful will not for two or three Battells end the War and come to a Peace to their great dishonour So that we may lay down this as a general rule for the weaker side That self defence must be first for preparation but last for execution Of all the Princes of Europe in our age the Duke of Lorraign hath been the cunningest gamester but the foulest player with stronger powers But oh how is he catched in his own craftiness Although I confess I could not see him and his Court as I have done since his disaster without great commiseration to think that one of the ancientest Families and greatliest allyed of all Europe should fall into that condition Of the former age the Verinians who being opprest by their Neighbours the Venetians that were more powerfull would notwithstanding needs War with them wherein though they were often victorious yet it proved their ruine at last for which they are stigmatized for Fools to all succeeding Generations And many other examples might be produced but I think them needless in so plain a case And thus you see what our being competitors for Trade implies as to Interest in regard of War and Peace Which I have been the larger upon because I know what work fools make wise men in both Nations I have many times been put to it for patience and sometimes into a Paroxism of passion to hear the sensless clamors of men We are Competitors for Trade It is our Interest Our Interest Down with the Dutch Down with the English Let us but consider who these are and we shall find them Men that have a pound of passion for one ounce of reason Men that never saw or at lest not well observed both Nations Men that never bestowed one calm hour to ballance their powers For wise men that knew both well was but grieved to hear or pleasantly merry with such madness I publickly decryed such folly in the first Wars and had severely chastised such fools in the second if I had not been several ways hindred Let me say it freely I think I have some reason for I believe there are few men that have better viewed both Nations with their eye to that end which I have had nor ballanced their power with greater accuracy that if either the King of Great Britain or the States or both require it I am ready to demonstrate that for these 20 or 30 years last past there was nothing of advantage rationally to be expected on either side that can countervail a War nor as both might manage their power likely to be so long as both continued in that condition for in powers about equal all the difference is in the management thereof And because I see what work is made in the world if I live to see the ballance come so even again though I think I never shall I do here engage for the publick peace of Protestants and good of both Nations to satisfie all rational men herein I hope even to curiosity And shall if God spares me life and health defend the same against all the State-tinkers of both Nations although I well know they have great store of small Tools with which they make a ratling in their Budgets Let us now proceed to such inferences as our Adversaries make from this competition in Trade Some argue thus the English minding Trade more than the French they may come and live among us and carry away our Commerce In my apprehension there 's more fear of their Souldiers coming hither than their Merchants But suppose more Merchants did come would that be any worse for us I have heard several of the greatest Merchanâ—s of both Nations say the more in a place and better though I confess it is not so for Shopkeepers But for this they may rest secure those that knovv the cheapness of living in England in comparison of these Countries will abundantly satisfie them that fear this Yea I shall shew hereafter that the English would have more reason to fear that we should come thither and deprive them of their Trades Yet to say the truth I see not that either need fear were we under the English that either Nation should suffer hereby seeing all have had
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
Colick in our bowels and Convulsions in the whole body our disease must needs become mortal and our wounds incurable Let us suppose that which is likeliest both by the best intelligence inclination of the people as we have said formerly and interest as we shall shew hereaster that Zeeland become English and Holland should chuse France and consider the situation of Zeeland neer the Sea and allmost right over the River of Thames and both between France and Holland and betwixt Holland and the Chanel the Harbours of Vlissing and Ter Vere into which the latter especially all Winter long no withstanding the Ice is safe arrival their genious as well as commodiousness to Cape and then judge in what a perilous condition the Trade of Holland will be under France and what miserable work will be made amongst us Or let it be supposed that there is frendship between France and England in the enjoying their several shares for we will grant all possibilities and much more probabilities our Adversaries can reasonably desire and how will our mutual traffick be spoiled by the impositions of both Crowns upon commodities if we should pay to the one in Holland and the other in Zeeland as undoubtedly we must For it is a certain truth that multiplicity of impositions especially when great spoils merchandise And will it not be in Englands power to open the River and make it tree for Antwerp c. as we have said and in that case where will the vast Commerce of Holland then be Whereas on the contrary were we either of these ways under England we exclude France and Flanders and preserve our Trade to our selves If we be entirely under England we may save the Spanish Netherlands whose Governors are contented with what Commerce they have rather than lose all we may preserve our selves from the French neighbourhood and thereby also our Trade from them both Or if we be but in part so we preserve the friendship of these Provinces the Trade betwixt us secure our interest both at home and abroad and command the Commerce of Europe at our pleasure 3. If we come under France we have not only Spain our Enemy by Sea and Land as we have shewn but the loss of our Spanish Trade and the hazarding of our whole Levant Traffick And if we rightly calculate that amounts to no small part of our Commerce The Spanish Netherlands Spain and their Dominions in Italy taking off much of our East India and Western-wares For as Muscovy and the other Nothern Nations consume much of our Pepper and some hotter Spices so the Southern and Eastern in the Mediterranean much of our other Commodities Now with what security can we either carry them through the Sea or bring our Silks Camels-hair and other of the richest Commodities we have from Aleppo Egypt and our other Factories for the Turkie Trade and maintain our Traffick with Venice Leghorne and other places in Italy Seeing the Spaniards besides the ports of Spain have so many Havens and some Islands in the Adriatick Sicilia Sardinia Majorca and Minorea in the Midland Sea and Cadiz so commodiously situated at the mouth of the Straits some of which have been famous in all Ages for the Archest Pirates in the whole World Betwixt these therefore and the Turks we are certain of nothing but of bad Trading and they good Caping So that I may conclude with the Poetical Proverb that he that desires to flie from England and fall under France for Traffick Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim Whereas on the contrary if we come under England we certainly secure our Commerce with Spain and all the Territories belonging to that Crown And not only so but against the Turkish Pyrates which infest those Seas which would be of no small advantage to us For besides that England is at peace with some of those places on the African Coast and is in friendship with the Turkish Empire how easie a thing was it for us joyntly to bring the rest to our own terms Yea so to subdue them all and keep them under that they should never be able to disturb us no nor Christendom more by their Caping And how generous a design this is and how destructive to that great and common Enemy of all Christians I leave all wise men and well-wishers to Christianity to consider and judge 4. Our East India Trade the richest jewel of this Republick which hath occasioned us so much envy and caused so many quarrels and contests if we come under France will run a great Risks to be ruined Hath not this been their great design of late years Have they not for this end erected a Company And now got footing there and follow it further even in this last year as we hear with their greatest endeavours Nay is not this the principal motive which induces them to make this War I know we need not fear them there nor all Europe if we have peace here and can send them supplies We are so far advanced in that Negotiation so strong in Forts Shipping and Souldiers our men so accustomed to the heat of those Countries our Mariners to those Coasts and Merchants to the Languages and Trade of those parts But if we come under France will not England and Spain seek continually to intercep our supplies thither and our Returns from thence Will not this put us to vast Charges of Convoys to defend our Ships going and coming in security Will not some through storms and other accidents when separated unavoidably fall into their hands as we have often experienced And will they not always be in one hazard or other from them for safety Yea let us suppose that all stands well there and none of our Ships miscarry through our Enemies but safely Arrive both there and here where shall we vent those Commodities from thence at the prices they now yield us when we have such Enemies at home and such dangers in carrying them abroad as we have formerly shown Nay can we rationally think otherwise than that the Kingdom of France will have share with us there and the Crown the greatest profit here So that our East India Actions as high as they are now may in a little time come as low as those of the West India Company which was once thought equal with the other and are now next to nothing and then many of us who have most of our estates adventured in the East-Indies Trade may lose that we have lest as we have formerly lost by the West-Indies and no remedy but patience for we must sit down in a sorrowful filence Herein I have reason to speak feelingly of my fears being so concern'd according to the proportion of my small estate how much matters none but my self but were it ten times more I must tell you that though the Actions at this present are considerably above three hundred I shall the first day I see we come under France sell mine willingly for
two rather than keep them and render many thanks to the buyer into the bargain Whereas on the other hand if we come under England they have formerly had and still have a considerable share in the East India Trade Their Company and ours accord well and frequently accommodate each others correspondence His Majesty in the former War in his Declaration and the Papers past between the States General A.D. 1664 1665 and his Envoy Sir George Dawning infists upon Poleron one of the Banda Islands satisfaction for injuries past with deduction of what we had suffered and regulation of Trade for the future A.D. 1671 2 and his Majesty in his Declaration of this present War only mentions the last The Regulation of Trade in the East-Indies Now I perswade my self that neither the States nor East-India Company will stick upon these For Polleron if they have it it can now neither be any great profit to them nor prejudice us For a just accompting with them what just man can be against it Or against a due and equal Regulation of Trade that so all occasions of contests between the two Nations may be cut off and wholly prevented for the future It is true that reaches not the supposal of our being under them but only standing upon equal terms with them for Trade and therefore we will come close up to the supposition in hand And herein we shall proceed with such franckness that we shall grant more than our adversaries can reasonably be jealous of and that is that the English should have half of that Trade with us and yet shew that it is better for us then to take in France For 1. The English have a considerable part already and France but an inconsiderable so that we must in all probability part with much more to the latter and need part with less to the former Our first capital of the East-India Company is 64 Tun of Gold and the English 40. It is true we have Traded both longer and more and so have a greater improvement suppose 70 Tun of Gold there which ordinarily is reckoned about three times in the value when returned hither and suppose as much or more here in goods or money which vastly exceeds the English yet it must be considered that we are at greater expences there several ways than they that we have money at interest though inconsiderable to what formerly having pay'd off the last year above 50 some say 60 Tun of Gold I must here ingenuously confess that I have but the forementioned calculations from the curâ—osity of discourse and the credit of others not upon the authentick authority of the books of both Companies which I have not leisure now nor indeed pleasure to enquire into and yet I think I am near the truth having had these things from very good hands I will therefore proceed and here we are certain that besides a great sum of money our Company hath lent the States to carry on this War which I reckon as an honourable gift we are like to part with a far greater to purchase our peace And though our Actions be far more worth than theirs for example a capital Action that gives right to a suffrage in the election of the Directors of that Trade being originally 100 l Vlamish or 1800 g and in times of peace 400 l Vl. or 2400 g and sometimes 500 l Vl. or 3000 g and with them not worth two or twelve yet this arises not so much from the great emolument that the Participants here receive more than there as from the plenty of money here which several have and know not how otherwise to improve the small Interest usually under 4 per Cento to those of good credit and the dearness of Land all which are contrary in England So that I leave it to any competent and impartial man to judge should it be so which yet I think none need to fear whether it is better for us to supply the English with a less part or the French with a greater of that our Trade For I dare say that if England hath a fourth of ours France hath not an eighth part thereof 2. How easie is it for us and England to beat France out of the East-India Trassek if we have Wars or if the French seek to incroach upon us 3. Under England we keep our own Chambers of Trade whereby thousands of Families subsist in our Cities All manner of Trades for Shipping and navigation Carpenters Smithes Sail-makers c. All manner of Tradesmen for victuals Bakers Brewers Butchers c. by their labours at least All manner of Shopkeepers for selling them Provisions that are sent and buy commodities that return Besides the poorer sort as Boatsfolk Labourers c. which are exceeding many that wholly depend on the Company for their livelihood Whereas if we come under France and the Spanish Provinces also as we may reasonably suppose a great share will be removed to Antwerp there being so large and magnificent an East-India house and that being nearer France by far Whereby our Trade being taken from us our Cities will be impoverished beyond imagination 4. The impositions of the Crown of England is with consent of the people in Parliament the rates both inward and outward being set by law and so would be here with consent of the States Those of France arbitrary and inhansible at pleasure And how great an alteration Customs make in Commerce I leave all knowing Merchants to judge I foresee it will be said that were we under France we should beat England out of the East India Trade and so have it wholly to our selves If they would make either the â—ntecedent or Consequent good the Argument deserved consideration bue I know they cannot for they are both impracticable First We cannot beat them out there till we have conquered them here for how shall we in Wars with them spare Ships Souldiers c. to do that Now what probability there is of conquering them is formerly declared The English are reasonably fortified and provided and will doubtless be better if they see danger approaching And not only so but being in good amity as I have heard with those Nations where they reside they would never suffer our enmity to prevail so far against them Nor those Nations with whom we both Trade for knowing how low one chapman makes the market they will assist the weaker rather than lose their advantage by them Nor if we should conquer them there will all the spoils fall to our selves as some may possibly think whose hopes are postilion to the Sun and therefore fancy things beyond the Moon and bring such booties from East to West upon the wings of their windy imaginations For instead of hoping to have half we have reason to fear should it be so that France will have all the parts of the Prey 5. If we be under France what shall become of our Fishery upon the Coast of England and those
Conveys and particularly of the East India Companies I know very well they will have them return round about on the back of Ireland lest they should touch at any of these Northern places especially in the Chanel and so Trade and will send out Ships with fresh men and take out the Mariners that return to prevent their trading for themselves but yet the extraordinary Charges of our men of War might be spared Nay the States General bring in these to be diducted in the Accompt with England as the occasion thereof in their List of damages Article the 5. before the last War A. D. 1664. 5. Such as are Rich and weary of Trade or love their ease honour or pleasure may if we were under England more easily remove thither and be made liege subjects and free Denizens of England by the Crown or be naturalized by the Parliament and so buy possess and inherit Lands and revenues at half the price here and live upon their Rents as Country Gentlemen in a cheap and pleasant Land enjoying as great civil Liberty as any where in Christendom and also the freedom of their Religion Or let out their money not only at far greater interest but also upon bypothece or real security I have often thought this 20 years whether it might not be better for England to give this Liberty by Law to strangers especially those of the Reformed Religion and of these Countries and of which side the interest lay betwixt us for this Now that England hath so many and great Plantations in the West Indies for their poorer people now that money is so plentiful now that this Common-wealth was so increased upon them now that the Number of Merchants is every where so multiplied and now that Trade is beaten so low almost in all the known parts of the World But this would be both a large and unnecessary digression and I am very sensible that I have been already too long in this Argument Yet industriously I confess because I foresee that many will diligently peruse this who perhaps will negligently pass by the rest and mine Opposites so much glorying herein I thought best to give them full measure and rather abound to curiositie than be deficient in satisfying the least nicity Trade being the Crown of that Kingdom and this Common wealth Sect. 8. Several other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be prefered before that of France ALthough what is said of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade be sufficient to prove this hypothetical problem yet I shall give as over measure some other enducements for England briefly 1. The different humor and genious of the French and Dutch which is well known to those that know them both to be far greater than between us and the English Which makes not only a stâ—angâ—ness but alienation of affection begets a disgust and nauseating of each other brings forth many contests and quarrels and nourishes a continual discontent uneasiness and unquietness of life 2. The affection which the generallity of the English and Dutch Nation have for each other So that if the Controversies of late years and at this present between us had been or were refered to the body of the people in both Nations although I well know what both their Representatives have done I dare say upon reasonable satisfaction for the mutual miscarriages which cannot but some times happen towards each other there never had been nor would be War betwixt us more And that his Majesty and the Prince of Orange would have more Voluntiers in one day to fight the French than they have in twenty to fight each other 3. The way of France is only Gentry and Paisantry the former lording it over the latter which have allways lived more miserably than any common people in Europe In Caesars time there was nibil plebe contemptius as he tells us and hath continued so as Bodin acknowledges and is so at this day we all know C. 1. C. 10. Whereas in England and these Countries there is a middle sort of people that live freely and independently on their own Lands and Farmes that will never endure the insolency of such Lords much less to be their slaves and least of all to be ruined by them 4. Now that the Prince of Orange is advanced and his party upmost so that the Crown of England may confide more in our friendship it is not to be doubted but through his Highness interest in his Uncles we shall better accord hereafter when these unhappy differences are once ended And thus I have done with this great Question of the times Sufficiently I thinke to satisfie any rational man though nothing is sufficient nor will satisfie I know such as are either so resolvedly prejudiced against the English or Princes interest that if they can but ruin them they matter not though they ruin both themselves and the Nation or so partially passionate for the French that they desire them though it be to their own destruction For all the Arguments in the World will never prevail against passion and prejudice It is only experience that can convince such of their error and make them with Damocles when the drawn Sword is over them desire to depart finding they were deceived in their opinion of Happiness I shall therefore conclude with a brief reflection upon some of these Arguments and the Corollary which naturally flows from them That seeing England and We are of the same Religion Both free people and affectionated to each other Both imbarqued in the same Interest of Trade though in different bottoms It not only becomes us but is our mutual concernment that we take heed we dash not one another to pieces but fairly and Christianly comply with each other for the safeguard of our Religion preservation of the Protestant Interest our own and others also Liberties and the just and equitable course of Commerce that so each Nation may happily enjoy their Religion Liberty Estates and Trade with Gods blessing on them all Sect. 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remain a Republick in regard of our own strength and our neighbours interest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland than let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will go through and Parliament probably assist therein WE have hitherto discoursed upon the supposal of inability to defend our selves because it becomes wise men always to suppose the worst condition that may probably befall them with the consequences thereof and accordingly to make provision and in regard of the endless curiosity of mens minds which are always restless under miseries and still inquisitive after futurities We shall now proceed to shew that we are not yet through Gods mercy towards us come to the extremity supposed nor reduced to
both We have strength enough through Gods blessing to withstand them as I have already manifested if we have but courage and unanimity and the former of these will be got by degrees as I have said and our own interest and preservation should perswade us into the latter But truly let me say it freely I see such a weariness in many of the War such an unwillingness to lay out our selves as our Ancestors did formerly for the good of the publick such a selfish temper every one seeking to preserve his particular interest and neglecting the good of the Community and such a lothness to adventure our lives and estates in a War that I see little probability of preserving our selves and much less of prevalency against our Enemies So that if this War continue I fear these Provinces will become a prey to them both For though neither France will suffer England nor England France to have them all as I have shewn yet they will part and share them betwixt them except we prevent it by a compliance And what a miserable condition we shall then be in even worse than if we were under either of them I have formerly declared Seeing then we are so degenerate and become like Issachar which his Father stiles a Strong Ass and says of him that He saw that rest was good Gen. 49.14 15. and the land that it was pleasant and bowed his shoulder to bear and became a servant unto tribute we must either take courage and be unanimous valiantly fighting it out with our enemies or for the present be contented with this character and condition Will we then fight for our Religion Liberty Country Families Estates Trade or will we not If the former let me encourage all in the words of Joab that great General and brave Souldier wherewith he encouraged the Israelites when he had his enemies before and behind him Be of good courage and let us play the men for our people and for the Cities of our God and the Lord do that which seemeth him good 2 Sam. 10.12 But if the rest be so good and the Land so pleasant to us that we will rather how our shoulders and become servants than shew our faces in the field to fight with our enemies let us see what Master we should chuse and agree with him upon the best terms we can 2. Therefore shall we comply with both our enemies surely if reason and what we can give will satisfie them every wise man will say Yes that we may enjoy the many blessings God hath given us in peace But if they will have such Cities such vast sums of money and such Conditions as we cannot give them except we be ruined thereby who will not say No. We must therefore consider if there be no other way practicable to save our selves from the devouring Sword of our Enemies 3. There is no way therefore left us but to comply with one of our Enemies if we can possibly that so we may ballance the others power and either compel him to a peace or be enabled to continue the War If any one know any other way I heartily wish he would shew it as I think he is bound to do one way or other for every one ought to contribute his best assistance even by the principles of self-preservation Eccles 9.15 16. And Solomon tells us There was a poor wise man who by his wisdom delivered the City though no man remembred him and infers thence that wisdom is better than strength though the poor mans wisdom is despised and his words are not heard Yet surely notwithstanding that poor man did but do his duty though he was but poorly requited for his pains But I believe most will grant the way is good but impracticable in regard of the League betwixt the two Crowns and that they will not treat asunder c. Well then let us proceed to consider these things a little and see whether we cannot level these mountains of difficulties that are before us and make our way become plain and passable 1. With which of these our Enemies we should chuse to comply I think I have made sufficiently apparent in shewing it our Interest rather to be under England than France and to have peace and correspondent friendship for our Sea-traffick with the former rather than with the latter if we cannot have it from them both And I am sure this was the wisdom of our Ancestors who in their low condition A.D. 1575. deliberating into whose Protection they should give themselves over first declared the Empire and the competition coming between the Crowns of England and France prefer'd the former upon many and weighty considerations Cambden Annales Elisabethae A. 1575. Thuanus l. 60. Casus 20. relared by their Historians and very many of our own which are so well known I need not mention them and Boxhornius the Author of the Disquisitiones Politicae The civil Wars of France the inveterate fend betwixt French and Dutch those especially that live upon the Confines of both Countries the hard yoke of the French Government the levity of that Nation its liablness to be invaded by the Spanish the incommodiousness of their Ports for our Ships and Navigation made them averse to France And on the contrary The reformed Religion of the English their greater likeness with us in genious and language the nearness of the Country the multitude of their Ports their commodiousness for our Commerce the multiplicity of the English Manifactures and Commodities the Country not easily invaded strong and potent by Sea and Land not frequently imbroyled in civil Wars a free People the Government temperate and not burthensom with exactions and the Interest of the English Nation which if these Countries were conquered would searce be able to resist the Conqueror clearly enclined them for England You see then that reasons of State direct us to the same choice which our Ancestors heretofore wisely made 2. Seeing then we must chuse England not only for the Common Interest of the Protestant Religion but for our own greatest both religious and civil concernments We shall now remove those obstructions that seem to block up our way to Compliance It is objected that the two Crowns are in a League that neither will treat without the other and how can we then comply with England alone I confess if all Statesmen were Aristides's Plutarch in vita Aristid the Argument might be strong For he having heard by command of the Athenian Senate Themistocles's design of burning their enimies Fleet made report that it was very profitable but no ways honest upon which it was rejected Or if they were all Stoicks and held that honesty equity and utility were all one and with good old Socrates cursed those that first separated these as learned men tell us But we see it is far otherwise now in the World Plutarch l. 4. Sympos Cicer. 3. Offic. 1. de Leg. and that the
Peripateticks doctrine that honestum and utile are really distinguished is every where prevalent and no where more than amongst Politicians which hath occasioned that known saying that all States are Atheists I do not approve any and much less so high uncharitableness but this I will say that as the world goes now all States must be considered as Gamesters And what if I should say that neither of the Courts are so strait laced in their Consciences but were they assured from us of such conditions as they require they would let the other go and get theirs as they could Nay what if I should say there may be none iniquity in this If I should I think I can prove it for if in mutual covenants either side do that which is a breach it is folly to think that the innocent should be bound and the peccant party free which they may know though others do not as it is clear in the strongest covenant that is in the World I mean that of wedlock I do not say that this is so betwixt them but I say it may be so though we do not know it so that either of them in such case may conclude with us And I am sure it is no dishonesty on our part But it will here be said they will not Do not tell me that I know they either of them will And if any one asks me how and if I be of their Cabinet Council I shall only smile perceiving they do not know me I am far from that or having ever to do with Kings or States in that kind or pragmatically trinketing with State affairs it being a Rule which I live by never to ask great men mercy Common favour and justice I desire of men but mercy only of my God And yet I know this very well and I will tell you how and that is from their Interest which is the compass by which all States-men steer their course and may be discerned by a skilful passenger although he sit not at the helm If any man be so ignorant of the affairs of the World as to think that States-men trouble their heads with the Scool-mens quiddities and haeccieties or their consciences with Casuisticall nicities as a late German Divine that puts the case whether we should pray Vader onse or Onse Vader and learnedly concludes that custom must carry it let him enjoy his opinion it is very charitable and can do no hurt But yet I may say that for above 20 years I have observed that the custom of the World carries it with them and have known few I had almost said none of the strictest Sect of the Pharisees though I have some and my charity obliges me to hope there are many that seriously mind the weightier things of the Law justice righteousnes temperance and the World to come Now that this is the Interest of both the Kings rather to deal with us apart than jointly as well as ours I could many ways make apparent But seeing it is our interest to chuse England we shall prove only that it is theirs to comply with us omitting that of France as superfluous to our purpose 1. They know they cannot wholly conquer us themselves Not only in regard of our own strength of which I haven spoken before but the French which are in the Country already and if they were not would never permit it as I have formerly shown sufficiently Nay I dare say they never designed any such thing because they know it is impracticable that being always true of the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things impossible come not into consideration I doubt not but they both intend and hope to have their share what ever it is that is agreed upon between the two Crowns in case of Conquest but that they should have the whole could never so much as be dreamt of by them 2. They know also that it is their interest never to suffer France have all no nor any of these Maritime Provinces If he have some of the superior that is the utmost their interest can permit Nay indeed he is nearer these inferior than that will allow if they could help it but that 's now past What vast disadvantage it will be to the English to let France have footing upon our Coasts and so come to cope with them at Sea I have formerly shown and I know they are very sensible of it and therefore may well infer a willingness on their parts to a compliance 3. The Prince of Orange his interest being also theirs cannot but sway something with them For if it had been Gods will those Kingdoms had continued in peace and the succession of the Royal reign uninterrupted there and the Orange family continued alive and in power here I perswade my self we should never have warred with one another so I doubt not if it please God to preserve his Highness that they may confide more in our friendship than they could formerly he will be a happy Instrument of a better understanding between the Nations when these unhappy quarrels come once to be composed because this is their interest as well as ours and it is interest that rules and reigns in the World And thus I have shewn you that we may I shall now shew briefly that we must comply with them or without a miracle of mercy we are ruined 1. Because if the War continues and we be too weak to make strong resistance so that our enemies prevail they will share the Country betwixt them and then we fall into the worst condition that can possibly befal us It is true I foresee that several particular Persons may save themselves and their estates by friends on the one side or the other but I speak of the community and it is well if the hopes many have of that make them not more negligent for this There are two famous Republicks in Italy Venice and Genoa and what is the cause of the formers flourishing so much more than the latter which was anciently both their better and their Master but this that the Venetians are more intent upon the Publick and the Genoese upon their private concernments whereby they become obnoxious not only to many factions among themselves but also to oppressions from their Neighbours I could say more herein of our selves than I shall at present in regard it might create more jealousies which are already too many of those that are or at least have been in Government amongst us But though I will accuse none yet I must needs say that I ascribe a great part of our present miseries to this Genoan practice and heartily wish this prove not fatal to us at last 2. Because if we be not senseless we may clearly see that France's design is absolutely to conquer us whereas England seeks only to use their expression their own security And therefore in my Logick the inference is plain that we had better part with something than lose all as
we are like to do if we come not to a compliance with England To make these apparent to any wise man would be the lighting a Torch to the Sun Although I know the quite contrary is cast out among us by the friends of France who would perswade us that the French seek only to humble us and the English to conquer us But we know the minding of men is but shooting at random and that he that means to come near the truth must have his eye upon the mark of interest which cannot lye as men do frequently for it If any be so foolish as to be enchanted with such Syrens songs as are daily sung amongst us and have more regard to publick news than the interest of Nations they may go on I cannot hinder them but let me tell them that I fear they will find at last the Poets fiction a real truth and if they stear their own course meet with the Seamens fate in the Fable be sung a sleep for a time that so they may be afterwards with greater facility drowned and devoured 3. Because there is no other way or humane means lest us so far as I can discern of the Common-wealths continuation And this is the conclusion that follows clearly from the premises For if we be unable to withstand them both or satisfie them both we must either break their confederacy and have the help of one of them or the Republick will be ruined It will here be demanded seeing it is both Englands interest and our own to accord why do we not then come to a compliance I will tell you why Because we judge our Condition better and they judge it worse than really it is and therefore stand upon greater terms than we will give them We think things will go better with us in time and they think they will grow worse We flatter our selves with vain hopes and rely upon Brandenburgs Assistance Spains breaking with our enemies the Parliament of Englands not supplying that King to carry on the War and the like when they know the quite contrary in all humane appearance â—or perhaps we are afraid to irritate France if we should make overtures to England and England will not give such an umbrage of jealousie to France as to tamper with us except they be first assured from us of satisfaction But cannot the effecting this be put into the hands of his Highness and a few others as it was lately to be privately transacted by them Here then it is that the shooe pinches We are a popular State the people still think till an enemy comes they can defend themselves and therefore our Governors dare not adventure to tender England such satisfaction as for ought I see they will have lest they either should not be able to perform it or if they do should lose themselves with the people And therefore I foresee the War will be continued till we be reduced to that condition that we shall be necessitated to give them both their demands by publick transaction or at least that way break with one of them And on this foundation I shall now proceed to guess at that which I think is most likely to befal us Sect 11 Conjectures of future affairs The motions of the ensuing summer likely to be quick and great As to this Repulick probably England may get a Bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a supernumerary girth Munster a boss of the Crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A caution for England and the Orange family The Authors fears of what will at last befal us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spain and England sound at heart and will recover ALthough I have sometimes spent almost whole nights at gazing on the Stars and could perhaps erect an Astrological Scheme as well as another yet I never used that way nor never shall for guessing at faturities because I know it is vain to think we cam spell Gods providence by their mystical hieroglyphick Yet let me say it without vanity I do believe I have made as many conjectures concerning Kingdoms States and particular places as any man of my quality in Europe not by any enthusiastick spirit of prophecy or by Astrology from the Stars but reasons of State their interest and the fundamental maxims of their Government sometimes out of curiosity only and sometimes for other ends but such as are honest I assure you for none are either better or worse by it but only my brothers and my self The reason why I adventure to do this publickly now is that I may awaken us out of our security and that we may look about us and see if possibly we can prevent those things which it is very probable are coming upon us Only I desire to do it modestly as it becomes every Christian and neither on the one hand to pretend to that certainty as if we were of Gods Council no on the other hand to fall under Christs rebuke for not discerning the signs of the times Matth. 16. which are both theological and political but I am now only treating of the latter and to that I shall confine my discourse Now that we may be quickned to defend our selves comply with England and free the Spanish Netherlands from their fears and our selves from the neighbourhood of the French there this being one Reason of State why we formerly made peace with Spain lest we should be in continual danger of annoyance from France and also render their maintaining their Conquests among us more difficult by their being kept unconnected with that Kingdom I shall now proceed to the Conjectures I have made not with an Astrological confidence but a Christian allowance of divine providence which strangely alters times and seasons puls down one and sets up another confounds the wisdom of the wise brings to nought the counsels of Achitophels and turns the great designs and preparations for War into a happy compliance and peace as he pleases and all in infinite wisdom though we cannot discern it the knowledge of Gods providence even when past or present and much more when future being to David and therfore far more to us Too Wonderfull for us Psal 139. so high that we cannot attaine unto it and so deepe in the great waters that the footsteps thereof are not to be traced and knowne So that we may well say as of old Psal 77. Dei sapientia hominum stultitia regunt mundum First then if we awake out of our security and looke up in the morning of the yeare we must needs conclude of foule weather the ensuing Summer the skie is so red that we may easily perceive it portends blood and the lowest region is so lowring that we may easily discerne that a tempestuous storme is a gathering except we be so besotted as the foolish Jewes of old with security that
we cannot discerne as Christ tells them the signes of the times Can all Europe allmost be arming and we a sleepe in the Bed of Security dreaming of Peace Besides the incredible preparations of France is not England Sweadland and all our Neighbors allmost up and at worke and can we thinke they would be at that cost for a Comedy of Peace have we not all the reason in the World to thinke it will be to us a Tragedy of War Let others enjoy their opinion and not take the alarme till they see Hanibal ad portas for my part I must needs profes I cannot from what I observe but conclude that the affaires of the ensuing Summer are like to be great and the motions thereof quick and such as will highly concerne us in these Countreys As to this Republick which hath at this time these four declared Enimies England France Colen and Munster I shall briefly speake my thoughts with reference to them all England probably will get a bridle to curb us I have shewne in the Preface what they account the Intrest of the Kingdome We see notwithstanding the Prince of Orange his promotion they still pursue the War and must we not then conclude that they seeke some thing further Whether they will by Sea attacque our Coasts or by marching their Armie about over Land is not for me to determine much les what particular places below they may fall upon or what succes they may have Yet I conclude they will have some hanke or other upon our Navall power one way or other before they make Peace with us otherwise they will continue the War the following Summer to try their utmost to get that which we will not give them France that is allready got into the Sadle will there sit and ride us though we flatter our selves we shall by one means or other shake him out of it and off our backs Truly I cannot but wonder often times to heare what vaine hopes men expres and there 's no contradicting them allthough some times I cannot conteine my selfe from smiling or shakeing my head that France must be content with one or two of our Cities which we can best spare and with a confidence allmost as large as if they was ready to run way or resolved to march out and quit those Cities they have at our pleasure As if the French were such sooles to be at that vast expence great paines even the King himselfe personally and have such advantage upon us and quit the same for a thing of nothing For my part I am affraid they will rather get more then lose that they have gotten already And I know their designe is to get all at last It is true if we comply with England and so strengthen our selves by them and Spaine we may thereby hope either to obteine better conditions by Treaty or compel them thereunto by Force But I am speaking of the state of the War as now it stands Colen that pretends to some of those Cities which we held about the Rhyne that are now in the power and possession of the French may possibly for his paines and permission of their passage c. get some supernumerary girth one place or other that may be of no great concernment to France either for their designes upon us or the Empire and must be contented therewith And perhaps for some time his Counsellors may have their Pensions continued from France Munster that is mercinary and fights for Money will get a bos off the crupper French Lewis's made and minted of Dutch Ducats For elective Princes as Bishops that are onely for life seek more to enrich themselves then to enlarge their Territories as those doe that are hereditary And this is likely so far as I can see to prove our condition except 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appeare in the Tragedy or God Almighty by some wonderfull providence make a change in the Scene of this War Which I confess is very deplorable which way soever we look and we are not so sensible of it now as we shall be hereafter I had thought here to have sit downe a little with a lamentation but I have been so large already that I shall wholly wave it for the present And yet it is a had wind that blows no good we may make this advantage of our miseries so long as we remain amidst our enimies when a Peace is once concluded that we may hold them both fair to us and so secure our selves a little more in quiet then we perhaps think by being ready to close with either to the great prejudice of the other And therefore let me freely insert this important and necessary Caution for England That they take heed they do not overdo their work and so far irritate this Republick that out of a present prejudice and passion and also desperation of their future quietness from them they call in the French to be revenged of them though it be to their own ruine I know many are jealous that this whole War is onely to make the Prince of Orange a Monarch and the two Crowns will have no more to do with the States although I profess I am far from thinking that those two Kings and Kingdoms would be at all this expence of blood and treasure for that end onely and doe believe that if that would set us in our former condition it would soone be assented unto not onely by the multitude but the wiseft men amongst us who know the extraordinary abilities and great capacities of his Highness Therefore let me say it freely without offence either of Him or his Enimies that I perceive many lay this for a fundamental maxim Better a Prince that hath power to defend us then one whom we must onely defend And except my eye-sight fail me some are fast at work in preparing materials to build thereon A word is enough to the wise and therefore I will say no more Nay I will not dissemble my further fears That if France keeps those places on the South Sea and should get others lower either in Holland or Frieslands as may capacitate him to incommodate their Trade though we should have a peace for some time with him we shall fall into his hands at last For the French are already so near us on every side that they hover over us as a Hawk over the grey watching onely an opportunity how they may grasp us in their talons If any shall here aske me Why may we not then as well now become French I also shall aske such one Question which when they satisfie me in I also shall them You know certainly you must die at last whereas here is onely uncertaine fears and yet when you are sick why do you take physick and use means for recovery Is it not because you desire to live as long as you can Doe you not account him a mad man that will cast away his life although he must lose it at
the last And rightly because who knows what God may doe and whether he may not recover him though the disease be desperate Having spoke our thoughts concerning these united we shall now speak of the Spanish Provinces I have as much smattering skill in Physick I confess as would serve me to make Charon a fraight of old Wives yet am I far from being arrived at the confidence which I have observed in Vrinal-Doctors And yet for once I will adventure to try the little skill I have with those State-Mountebanks that are so secure concerning the Spanish Netherlands For my part I have shak't their Water again and again and can find nothing but symptoms of death I shall onely premise that I shall not with an Emperical confidence tell you the time Kingdoms and States as well as private persons sometimes languish out rather then live their last But that they are so sick that I see no hopes of their recovery if this War continues And I will tell you my feares for the ensuing Summer 1. The incredible preparations that France makes this Winter both of Men and Money as if they would set all at stake for carrying on the following Summers Wars 2. The Empire 's Army is overmatcht with Turens They know that we are not in a capacity to recover the Cities we have lost and that they cannot conquer those that remaine so that their Armies cannot be designed either for strengthning their owne Garrisons or forcing of ours Except they will spend a Summers Expedition upon some inconsiderable out Garrisons which I cannot imagin 3. I have looked round about in Europe where this storme should fall and can see no place it hovers over except those Provinces and our selves 4. I consider the eminent advantage France hath at present by their friendship with England which I feare he will take 5. Allthough I doe not thinke France will prevaile by all his endeavors with England to breake with Spaine yet I thinke England will either be employed in doing their owne worke or not so quickly breake with France to stop his carriere in over-running those Netherlands 6 We shall either have the Wars continue or a Peace If the former as they are though England helps not therein for they profes in their Declaration to maintaine the Treaty at Aken yea though they would hinder it yet I doe not see how they can practically if they have not prevented it before-hand by their Treaty nor we to be sure the Wars continuing If a Peace be concluded we shall be forced to forsake them this being the main ground of the quarrel For if we would have helped France to have ruind them we might have been quiet for some time at least but because we had rather quench then set our neighbors house on fire lest ours follow in the flames France hath fallen upon us and shall we not then thinke that he will cudgell us into such conditions It is true indeed if England and we come to understand one another and our joynt intrest better we may succor them for some time but that 's not my supposal of the Wars continuing as they are which in that case implies a strange complication of diseases which to me who knows not their Treaty seems incurable 7. And where else they should have assistance to save them if France will fall upon them I see not For the Empire cannot it is well if they can save themselves Spaine is at a great distance May make perhaps some diversion in Catalonia or some small from Millan c. But what 's that to save those Provinces 8. We must therefore consider if they can stand on their owne legs so as to withstand their enimies power and not to be throwne downe thereby And here we shall find the number of Spanish inconsiderable the Dutch very wavering and uncertaine Some Popish Zealots thinking France can best carry on their designes others betwixt hopes and feares wishing they might see an issue and others plainely despairing of resistance desiring they were over Their Cities great and untenable severall of them requiring allmost as many to man them well as they have Spanish in the Countrey If they can make good Bruxels Antwerp Namur and Oostend for some time to see if the affaires of Europe may not alter it is all I expect But what shall become of the whole Countrey and the rest of the Cities Descriptio Lovani Bruges Mechlin Gant Lovaine c. Some of them as large as most Cities in Europe Three Noblemen An. 1427. as Guicciardine tells us with great charges had five of the greatest Cities on this side the Alpes measured and found but 18 Rods or Perches difference Of which Lovaine and Gant the greatest Paris within the Walls and Liege alike Colen the least But neglecting to mention the just measure Guicciardine tells us they are 6 Italian miles within and above 8 without the walls And though this be enough yet I must needs thinke them more For having had the curiosity to measure one of them for all I found it upon a warme walking within the Walls three full hours by my watch And besides this Paris and Liege are most populous Colen next but these of the Netherlands least so that I leave any rationall man to judge what number of men they require to maintaine them for I will not now stand to make that calculation Now if he takes these two great Cities he is in the heart of Brabant and Flanders so that all the rest will fall of themselves I conclude therfore that except the treaty between France and England secure them which is unknowne to me or that God in his all-wise Providence make some wonderfull chang in the scene of affairs in Europe the Spanish Netherlands are lost Having therefore thus tolled their passing bell we will leave them to Gods mercy and the King of France's clemency and hast us out of them to France and England And here many perhaps will thinke me litle better than madd to cross the current opinion of Christendom when I say that the Friendship of France and England is sick at heart and cannot live long and the contrary of that betwene England and Spaine But I matter not that other men have their way of making their measures and I have mine And indeed I thought to have communicated it but this worke having allready exceeded my intentions and that would be a great digression I would onely tell you my grounds or reasons for the present why I thinke so and may happily make a particular discourse of the other hereafter How France and England came to be so great friends as to agree to commence and carry on a War thus far against us is not now mine enquiry but to shew there is no such ground to dispaire of complianee with England notwithstanding their present league with France is my designe And for this end I shall first shew that though this friendship is faire
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
London had to fomer those jealousies that that Common-wealth had of this that it was the Kings cause which this Republick by meanes of the Orange Family had espouses and what assistance Spaine which first publickly acknowledged that Common-weath would afford them c. And when we were both engaged how the Spanish drew their Forces towards our Frontiers as if they also would fall upon us and when we declined withdrew them againe to encourage us both to continue the War And in our second War if France had not a great hand both in contriving and continuing it wisemen are much deceived and the French misrepresented to the World By what inducements they perswaded both sides to a willingnes to that War I list not mention nor is there much necessity thereof they being so well knowne to severall of both Nations What a hand they had in its continuation we may easily perceive if we recollect but what passed therein When the English in the first Battel had bearen us France being onely a Spectator to ballance England becomes our Second and Monsieur the Kings onely Brother and his Lady Englands onely Sister were not permitted to use any publick expressions of joy by Bonefires or otherwise for their Brother the Duke of Yorks Victory over Opdam Their Fleet under de Duke of Bauford shall come to our assistance which occasiond the dividing of the Englishe's by which meanes and Monks precipitancy who would needs fight contrary to the advice of the cheif and best Commanders in the Fleet as Ascough told us in the Hague the English are beaten by us And to boye up England againe a private League is made betweene the two Crownes as I have formerly declared from an honourable Author So that these tricks of State are usuall though not discerned by every eye nor dare I censure them allwayes for sinfull except I see manifestly foule play because I know not the Reasons of State which are the Grounds of their proceedings Having thus shewne and I thinke sufficiently that the friendship of England and France is sick at heart I shall now proceed to shew that it cannot live long but if France goes on will and must die quickly 1. Englands intrest will perswade them to this which they cannot but discerne clearly prompts them to put a stop to France's progres If any think that they are so blinded with Passion That to be revenged of us they will ruin themselves I am not of their opinion for many Reasons which I think I am cleare in allthough I shall not mention them now but onely appeale to the issue whether they or I be in the darke and deceived 2. The many tricks that France playes them some whereof I have hinted and severall others might be mentioned That I know they have attempted but been disappointed in cannot but alienate the English from them 3. A Treaty being the game as I have said we shall play at which the sooner and better for us I foresee plainly that such Cards will be played as will make it apparent that the Pack was neither fairly shuffled nor delt and that the French meane to play at la bete with us both and if we continue to play shall come to losâ—ing loadam at last So that though the French have more of Clubs and Spades in their hands by which they hope to win the Diamonds we shall have more of the Hearts between us and so perhaps save some of our stock at the stake 4. If England come to receive satisfaction the spirit of the Nation will turne the scales For suppose that should be now Lib. 6. c. 2. that Comines tells us was heretofore which yet is sooner said than proved yet we must needs thinke that if France deales unfairely with them they will not onely have a faire occasion to desert them but the King and his Court the Parliament and People will be more irritated against them then they are now against us as is usuall in such cases and be readier to joyne with us and fall upon them then they were to joyne with them against us for the conservation both of their Religious and Civil Concernements 5. The Necessity of keeping up the ballance between France and Spaine will necessitate England to breake with France or at least hold them to keepe more within their bounds as we shall more fully shew hereafter 6. Nay the very defence of these Countries which we thinke they seeke to ruine will cause them either to bring France to a peace with us or themselves to help to defend us against them For they will never suffer France to have them all no nor the greatest part of these maritime Provinces nor the strongest as Holland if they can possibly hinder it though they may permit them some part of the Superior for having themselves a share of the Inferior as I have formerly shewne So that our intrest is so far Englands and is the greatest security we have next to Gods protection and our owne strength that we shall not be wholly overrun and brought under the French Yea this is so highly their concernement that I perswade my selfe if all the strength of the 3 Kingdoms under the Crowne of England and all the power of Spaine with them can hinder it France shall never gaine them or if he doe never quietly posses them And these things I thinke are sufficient to free us from our foolish feares of England and to perswade us to a compliance with them seeing we are both so greatly concerned to comply We shall now proceed to shew the quite contrary of the friendship between Spaine and England that it is sound at heart and will recover Wherein we need not be so large because that which shews that the friendship of France and England must die proves that of England and Spaine will live That this friendship is sound on the side of Spaine none questions this being the great motive though not the onely I confess that hath kept them from breaking with France And that it is allso so on the side of England I thinke is as cleare to those that considers 1. Their declared intention of maintaining the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle or Aken in their Declaration of this War 2. Allthough a provisionall clause unles provoked to the contrary in the close thereof gives them a latitude of breaking with Spaine yet notwithstanding they have been provoked severall wayes by them as all know that have observed the War yet they will not breake with them we see which is a cleare demonstration their friendship is firmer then we imagine 3. The importunities of France which we know have been great that England would engage with them against Spaine allso hitherto we see have prevailed nothing therein 4. The assurance we know England hath given the Court of Spaine both there and at Bruxels concerning the Spanish Netherlands makes us not doubt of their intentions allthough we doe of France's by reason both of
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere
owne mountaines And thus you see what necessity there is that the French be kept within bounds and consequently that the ballance of Europe be both brought and held in a greater equality For intrests changing continually with the revolution of times and Kingdoms and Commonwealths Cities and places having their youth strength and old age as well as particular persons If lesser Powers combine not together they singly become like the smaller fishes easily swallowed up and devoured by the greater Thus the league between the King of Naples Lib. 1. Duke of Millain and Florence A. D. 1480. secured Italy against the power of the Venctians and the Confederacy of the Italians at Venice in 95 preserved them from being all ruind by the French under Charles the 8 who had in a small time conquered severall and got the Kingdome of Naples he came for Lib. 2. as that wise Historian Guicciardine shews in his excellent Historie of the Wars of Italie Nor let any thinke to obstruct my passage with saying that Wars to bring downe the growing greatnes of others are unlawfull For though very many both Lawiers and Historians are of the opinion they are De jure belli l. 1. c. 14. as may be seene in Gentilis and some Divines allso yea the whole Colledge of Sorben gave their determination for this and the Learned Bacon * Essay or sermo fidelis 19. saies plainely that the contrary opinion is not to be received and many other moderne Authors concur heerein besides the many Precedents of States that have made preventive Wars as the Lacedemonians against the Arhenians of old and many especially of later times and the Arguments for it are not contemptible yet notwithstanding I am rather of Grotius's opinion De jure belli pac l. 2. c. 1. §. 17. c. 22. §. 5. that neither our owne feares and jealousies nor the growing greatnes of others are sufficient causes of warring against them But indeed neither of these is the cause we plead but the following which we will maintaine jure gentium or by the law of Nations to be just and equitable 1. Let any Kingdome or Common-wealth grow as great as they can by Gods blessing yet so long as they keep themselves within the bounds of justice and equity with others there is no just cause of breaking downe their power by War For jealousie that we may thereby suffer is no sufficient ground for us to fight them It being with publick as wel as private safety as Physitians say it is with our health tollerably well but never absolute and perfect And therefore against such force as we may feare we must trust the Providence of God and use lawfull meanes cautiously to prevent dangers our Saviour having taught all Christians to use the wisdome of the Serpent with the innocencie of the dove and cursed be they that seperates what Christ hath joyned together 2. When Neighbor Nations see the growing power of any whence they have just cause of jealousie they ought to combine together that so they may prevent the dangers they feare And if any of the Confederates be unjustly invaded they have all a just cause of War against the Agressor As the Italians being jealous of the Venetians Power Guicciardine's Hist of Ital. l. 1. leagued themselves for their owne defence so that though the Republick of Venice was too strong for any of them singly yet being far too weake for them all was kept within bounds and they thereby wisely secured themselves 3. When any Potentate that is stronger then his Neighbors aggresses any of them the rest ought to Confederate and if his cause be just compell him to accept of due satisfaction and if he will not his cause then becoming unjust and much more if it was so originally to make War against him As the Italians did against the French when they under Charles the 8 were invaded And the Triple Alliance of late when the same nation had taken the County of Burgundie commonly called the French Comté and invaded Flanders both which belong to the Crowne of Spaine Thus our Neighbors allso should now allie with us in point of honest intrest that so we may reduce France to keepe within bounds lest we should all be ruind by them I shall make these things plaine by familiar example The ballancing of Nations is like to that of boats they that by an even poize might all sit safe in a boate on a rough Sea by the rising up of some are all in danger to be drowned In such case therefore the company perceiving a quarrel likely to arise amongst some of them must either agree before hand to keepe them quiet or if the contest come suddenly afterwards resolve together to compel those that are injurious to keepe their place and if they will not throw them over-board And this ballancing of powers I shall defend by the Fundamentall Law of Nature selfe-preservation and from the Law of Nations as well as from the Word of God and back the same by many approved examples if any one hath a mind to contest with me heerein Le ts see a litle how and by whom stronger powers must be ballanced and I shall give a release to your patience 1. By the Confederacy of weaker Nations that are their Neighbors and are in danger thereby of being overcome as we have allready shewne 2. Or by a Neutrall Nation that reserve themselves free to league with the weaker when they see them injured by the stronger powers And this was the Ancient policy of England Memoires de Ribier T. 1. l. 2. l. 347. Memoires de du Plessis Memoire du Duc de Sulli T. 2. c. 4. p. 14. Ambassades du Cardinal Ossat part 1. p. 180. Annales Eliz. A. 1577. since France and Spaine became the two great ballances in Europe Which as I have said begun to be so under Charles the 5 and Francis the first whom Henry the 8 of England still kept even as the many Histories of those times shew as well as other writers of State affaires engraving this motto upon his Gold Cui adhaereo praeest From this maxim of State Q. Elizabeth allso his Daughter first assisted Henry the 4 which Mornay strongly pleaded to Walsingham and after when France was growne great assisted these Provinces lest they should fall into the hands of France as we have before shewne out of the best Historians of those times Thuanus and Cambden the latter whereof after his declaring this reason of State in the place formentioned A. 1575 afterwards shews how this noble Heroine sate as the honourable Arbitratrix holding the ballance in her hands between Spaine France and these Low Countries Sect. 13. The Conclusion of the whole Discourse I Have now done and it is high time having been much larger then I intended at first allthough not so large by far as I found being once entred upon the Argument I might be And yet I hope