the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolaberentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainroigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the leâ—st Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that stâ—eet through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonicall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their
for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul Thou fool said our Saviour almost in the like case first cast out the beam out of thine own eye and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye The next morning July 3 I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes and went on in our journey to Paris which that day we were to visite My eyes not permitting me to read and my eares altogether strangers to the French chat drave my thoughts back to Roven and there nothing so much possessed me as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre Thus. Sa did the Fox the coward'st of the heard Kick the dead Lyon and profane his beard So did the Greeks about their vanquisht host Drag Hectors reliques and torment his ghost So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead To whose victorious sword not lâ—ng before They would have sacrific'd their lives or more So do the French assault dead Bedfords spright And trample on his ashes in despight But foolish Curio cease and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle Maine Anjoy Guyen Normandie Thy father 's felt it Oh! thou worst of men If man thou art do not endevour then This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust But be not troubled Bedford thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name And tear it from thy marble yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise Thy brave atchievements in the times to come Shall be a monument above a Tombe Thy name shall be thy Epitaph and he Which once reads Bedford shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite Whilest France remains and Histories are writ Bedford shall live and France shall Chronicl ' it Having offered this unworthy yet gratefull sacrifice to the Manes of that brave Heros I had the more leasure to behold Mante and the Vines about it being the first that ever I saw They are planted like our Hop-gardens and grow up by the helpe of poles but not so high They are kept with little câ—st and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich had he neither King nor Landlord The Wine which is pressed out of them is harsh and not pleasing as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Paris or Orleans as their language doth in elegancy The rest of the Norman wines which are not very frequent as growing only on the frontiers towards France are of the same quality As for the Town of Maâ—â—e it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances having a wall a competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissen and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it bâ— Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in pâ—ssession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveiâ—d it over the Sâ—â—s into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upâ—n Aâ—thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Pâ—iâ—rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an
the later French writers for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein trained up by the Bastard of Orleans and the Seigneur of Baudricourte only for this service And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse and an Ambassadresse from heaven admit this and farewell witchcraft And for the sentence of her condemnation and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris it is with me of no moment being composed only to humour the Victor If this could sway me I had more reason to incline to the other party for when Charles had setled his estate the same men who had condemned her of sorcery absolved her and there was also added in defence of her innocency a Decree from the Court of Rome Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times and be placed in the same throne equall with the valiantest of all her sexe in time before her Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth proclaim her for a sorceresse for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier otherwise then of a noble Captain Audetque viris concurrere virgo Penthesilea did it Why not she Without the stain of spels and sorcerie Why should those acts in her be counted sin Which in the other have commended bin Nor is it fit that France should be deni'd This female souldier sinâ—e all Realms beside Have had the honour of one and relate How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state Of their decaying strengths Let Scythia spare To speak of Tomyris th' Assyrians care Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited Of Ninus wife Nor are the Dutch delighted To hear their Valleda extoll'd the name Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame And silenc'd their atchievements Let the praise That 's due to vertue wait upon her Raise An obelisque unto her you of Gaule And let her acts live in the mouthes of all Speak boldly of her and of her alone That never Lady was as good as Jone She died a virgin 't was because the earth Held not a man whose vertues or whose birth Might merit such a blessing But above The gods provided her a fitting love And gave her to St. Denis shee with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem You then about whose armies she doth watch Give her the honour due unto her match And when in field your standards you advance Cry loud St. Denis and St. Jone for France CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe For immediately after the death of Justinian who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law-writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes which we now call the Digests or the Pandects the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts nor did any for a long time professe or read them the reason was because Italy France Spain England and Germany having received new Lords over them as the Franks Lombards Saxons Saracens and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour wh 〈…〉 gan his reign anno 1126. being 560 years after the death of Justinian having taken the City of Melphy in Naples found there an old copy of the Pandects This he gave to the Pisans his confederates as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity whence it is called Littera Pisana Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia ordering the Civill Law to be profest there one Wirner being the first Professor upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum juris Schola una sola and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws to be thus neglected All other parts of learning both Arts and languages were in the same desperate estates the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens infacetum never being so applyable as in those times For it is with the knowledge of good letters as it was with the effects of nature they have times of groweth alike of perfection and of death Like the sea it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds and like the earth it hath its Winter wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten and lost in Europe for 700 years even untill Emanuel Chrysolaras taught it at Venice being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moath of dust and libraries Et nominabatur potius quod legebatur as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured till that Erasmus More and Reuchlyn in the severall Kingdomes of Germany England and France endeavoured the restauration of it But to return to the Civill Law After the foundation of the University of Bologne it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans for the same purpose anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this side the mountains This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this title Fructiferum universitatis Aurelianensts intra caetera citramontana studia prius solennius antiquius tam civilis quam Canonicae facultatis studium At the first there were instituted eight Professors now they are reduced to four only the reason of this decrease being the increase of Universities The place in which they read their Lectures is called Les grand escoles and part of the City La Universite neither of which attributes it can any way remit Colledge they have none either to lodge the students or entertain the Professors the former sojourning in divers places of the Town these last in their severall houses As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escoles it is only an old barn converted into a School by the
Eastward to the West of Sussex an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bonum est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there longer if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indeed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatest part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distance of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I confesse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Baggage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 horses True it is that his designes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with whm he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure concerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much marvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen seeing that it is as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fifth to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they besought him that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogne and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite confidering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximilian of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incaâ—tus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some monies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater then he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money
once called Augusta Romanduorum and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great who repaired and beautified it Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe and that this is it which is called Constantia castra in Ammian Marcellinus Meantesque protinus prope â—astra Constantia funduntur in Mare lib. 15. To leave this controversie to the French certain it is that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute the County of Constantine one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a name As for the Town it self 〈◊〉 at this day accounted for a Vâ—cutè but more famous for the Bishoprick the first Bishop of it as the Roman Martyrologie and on the 23 if my memory fail not of September doth instruct us being one Paternus Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus the man as he conjectures that first converted it into the saith his next successors being St. Exuperance St. Leonard and St. Lo which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age yet not so old but that it still continues beautifull The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy and yeelding a fair prospect even as far as to â—hese Islands The Church it may be raised to that magnificent height that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his Diocese A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine and these Islands where now we are For the better executing of his Episcopall jurisdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge he had a Surrogat or Substitute whom they called a Dean in each Island one His office consisting as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction of that of a Chancellour and an Archdeacon mixt it being in his faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and withall to hold his visitations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the little Islet of Leâ—u of which in the last Chapter and when the houses of Religion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tithes I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure different from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or thereabouts The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tithes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body licenced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tithes rather were called Appropriated to digâ—esse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annâ—ts there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowee not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disine or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Ca. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman Conquerour who had taken such a speciall survey of his new purchase that there was not one hide of Land in all the Realme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures Fennes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmes and Tenements were in every shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomes-day book and that as some suppose because the judgement and sentence of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta fuerit contentio de his rebus quae illic continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus sententia infatuari non potest vel impune declinari so mine Authour Others conceive it to be corruptly called the Book of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the Conquerour laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his Majesties Exchequer not to be looked into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a groat Tanta est authorit as vetustatis So great respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Priories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the superstition of their Patrons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islands were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the appurtenances of some greater Abby or Monastery in France In this condition they continued till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the V. who purposing a war against the French thought fit to cut of all helpes and succours as they had from England at that time full of Priors Aliens and strangers possessed of Benefices To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred
the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers p. 104. CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. p. 113. La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The sawciness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St Croix Câ—nâ—ing an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joan the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that university Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our return to Paris p. 152. PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie The office of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feasted within it and the error of that action the Town how built-seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provost The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise
till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment But anno 1304. Joane Queen of Navarre wife to Philip the fair built that Colledge which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest Nonibi constituunt exempla ubi coeperunt sed in tenuem accepta tramitem latissime evagandi viam sibi faciunt as Velleius This good example ended not in it self but incited divers others of the French Kings and people to the erecting of convenient places of study So that in process of time Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges So many it still hath though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading either in Divinity or Philosophy Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte 2. Caillvi or the Petit Sorbonne 3. Lisseux or Lexovium 4 Boncourte 5. Montague 6. Le Marche 7. Navarre 8. De la Cardinal de Moyne 9. Le Plessis 10. De Beavais 11. La Sorbonne 12. De Clermont or the Colledge of the Jesuites there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants viz. the Carmelites the Augustins the Franciscans or Cordeliers and the Dominicans The other Colledges are destinated to other uses That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques employed for the reception of the Irish In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students who for their instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned In each of these Colledges there is a Rector most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London At the first erection of their Colledges they were all prohibited marriage though I see little reason for it There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it unto the scholars under their charge by the assuming of leases into their own hands for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick that they might marry the Cardinall of Toute Ville Legat in France giving unto them that indulgence Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge which in fine was granted to them and confirmed by the Court of Parliament The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it and that not as Rectors but as Priests These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since in comparison of the rest or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns-Inne The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks as mean and curtailed I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne and how small a trifle that is we shall tell you presently But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only all France is troubled with the same want the same want of encouragement in learning neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times having been in England and seen Cambridge to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense confidenter dicam superat vel decem nostra It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings in which sense he spake it but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues Yet I was given to understand that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges one of an especiall quality and so indeed it is if rightly considered There are said to be in it 20 Students places or fellowships as we call them The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens or Livres paid unto him after six years by his successor Vendere jure potest emerat ille prius A pretty market The Colledge of Sorbonne which is indeed the glory of this University was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the chamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved It confisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity neither can any of another profession nor any of the same profession not so graduated be admitted into it At this time their number is about 70 their allowance a pint of wine their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart and a certain quantity of bread daily Meat they have none allowed them unless they pay for it but the pay is not much for five Sols which amounteth to six pence English a day they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their chambers These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity the Rector and other officers of the University having nothing to do in it To them alone belongeth the examination of the students in the faculty the approbation and the bestowing of the honour and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair as are that way minded All of them in their turnes discharge this office of reading and that by sixes in a day three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon and as many in the afternoon These Doctors are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris the principal pillars of the French Liberty whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil When Gerson Chancellor of Paris he died Anno 1429. had published a book in approbation of the Councell of Constance where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope the Sorborne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine Afterwards when Lewis the 1 1. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction the Sorbonnists in behalf of the Church Gallican and the University of Paris Magnis obsistebant animis saith Sleidan in his Commentaries a Papa provocabant ad Concilium The Councell unto which they appealed was that of Basil where that sanction was made so that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis that the Councell was above the Pope And not long since anno viz. 1613. casually meeting with a book written by Becanus entituled Controversia Anglicana de potestate regis papae they called an assembly and condemned it For though the main of it was against the power and supremacy of the Kings of England yet
a hearty and a loving Nation not to one another only but to strangers and especially to us of England Only I would wish that in their speech and complement they would not use the Latine tongue or else speak it more congruously You shall hardly finde a man amongst them which cannot make a shift to expresse himself in that language nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly Galleriam Compagniam Gardinum and the like are as usuall in their common discourse as to drink at three of the clock and as familiar as their sleep Had they bent their studies that way I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes their tongues so naturally falling upon those words which are necessary to a Declaration But amongst the rest I took notice of one Mr. Gebour a man of that various mixture of words that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of languages Cras main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nous irons ad magnam Galleriam was one of his most remarkable speeches when we were at Paris but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold If ever he should chance to die in a strange place where his Countrey could not be known but by his tongue it could not possible be but that more Nations would strive for him then ever did for Homer I had before read of the confusion of Babel in him I came acquainted with it yet this use might be made of him and his hotch-pot of languages that a good Chymicall Physician would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone In a word to go no more upon the particular I never knew a people that spake more words and lesse Latine Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans compounded if at the least it be lawfull to call it an University as I think it be not The name of Academie would beseem it better and God grant as Sanco Panco said of his wife it be able to discharge that calling I know that those names are indifferently used but not properly For an Academie the name is derived from a place neer Athens called Academia where Plato first taught Philosophy in its strict and proper sense is such a study where some one or two Arts are professed as Law at Orleans and Bononia and Physick at Montpelier and Padua an University is so called Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae as the name importeth where learning is professed in the generality and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it the first the Germans call Schola illustris the latter Generale studium very opposite titles and in which there is little of a German CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that University Their strictness unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our returne to Paris THe difference between an University and an Academie standing thus Those which lived in our Fathers dayes could hardly have called Orleans an University a School of Law being the name most fit for it At this time since the coming of the Jesuites that appellation may not misbecome it they having brought with them those parts of learning which before were wanting in it but this hath not been of any long standing their Colledge being not yet fully finished By an inscription over the gate it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Gagliery one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris a man of large practise and by consequence of great possessions and who having no childe but this Colledge is said to intend the fastning of his estate upon it In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters in the pursuit whereof as the rest of this fracernity are they are good proficients and much exceed all other sorts of Fryers as having better teachers and more leasure to learn That time which the other spent at high Masses and at their Canonicall hours these men bestowed upon their books they being exempted from these duties by their order Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Musick nor spend their moneths upon the chanting out of their services They have other matters to imploy their brains upon such as are the ruin of Kingdoms and desolation of Countries It was the saying of Themistocles being requested to play a lesson on the Lute That he could not fidle but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City The like we may say of the Jesuites They are no great singers but are well skilled in making little Cities great and great ones little And certain it is that they are so far from any ability or desire this way that upon any of their solemn Festivals when their Statutes require musick they are faine to hire the singing men of the next Cathedrall As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius being the 21 of July they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the Church of St. Croix To this advantage of leasure is added the exact method of their teaching which is indeed so excellent that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor and that in such abundance that wheresoever they settle other houses become in a manner desolate or frequented only by those of the more heavie and phlegmatick constitutions Into their Schooles when they have received them they place them in that forum or Classis into which they are best fitted to enter Of these Classes the lowest is for Grammar the second for Composition or the making of Theames as we call it the third for Poetry the fourth for Oratory the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions the sixt for the Poesie and Rhetorick of that language the seventh for Logick and the eight and last for Philosophy In each of these Schooles there is a severall Reader or Institutor who only mindeth that art and the perfection of it which for that year he teacheth That year ended he removeth both himself and Scholars with him into the Classis or Schooles next beyond him till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity In this last forme which is that of Philosophy he continueth two years which once expired his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning and themselves manumitted from their labours and permitted their private studies Nor do they only teach their Scholars an exactnesse in those several parts of Learning which
is layed upon them of obedience be the imployment never so dangerous And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order of any whatsoever not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont reading about the fall of the Angels ended his Lecture with these words Denique in quibuseunque for then was the warning given and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule as to speak out his sentence But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only and Universities only to oppose their fortunes they have also the most accomplisht malice that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live can fasten upon them Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessions some because of the excellency of their learning some hate them for their power some for the shrewdnesse of their brains all together making good that saying of Paterculus that Semper eminentis fortune comes est invidia True indeed it is that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall affairs of Court and state but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can upon those of the other Orders The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi then those doe of the rest of the Clergy A great crime in those men who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections Neither is the affection born to them abroad greater then that at home amongst those I mean of the opposite party who being so often troubled and crumped by them have little cause to afford them a liking and much lesse a welcome Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen although at first they were destinate to that service It was well known how odious that name was amongst us and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse sent hither in their places the Oratorians or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii a race of men never as yet offensive to the English further then the generall defence of the Romish cause and so lesse subject to envie and exception They were first instituted by Philip Nerius not long after the Jesuits and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end that by their incessant Sermons to the people of the lives of Saints and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities they might get a new reputation and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites Baronius that great and excellent Historian and Bozius that deadly enemie to the Soveraignity of Princes were of the first foundation of this Order I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits and must prepare for my return to Paris Which journey I begun the 23 of July and ended the day following We went back the same way that we came though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in for in stead of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles some Gentlemen of Germany and two Fryers of the Order of St. Austin we had the perpetuall vexation of four tradesmen of Paris two filles de joye and an old woman the Artizans so slovenly attired and greasie in their apparell that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery One of them by an Inkehorne that hung at his girdle would have made us believe that he had been a Notarie but by the thread of his discourse we found out that he was a Sumner so full of ribaldrie was it and so rankly did it favour of the French bawdie-courts The rest of them talked according to their skill concerning the price of commodities and who was the most likely man of all the City to be made one of the next years Eschevins Of the two wenches one so extreamly impudent that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language and of such a shamelesse deportment that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living Since I first knew mankinde and the world I never observed so much impudence in the generall as I did then in her particular and I hope shall never be so miserable as to suffer two dayes more the torment and hell of her conversation In a word she was a wench born to shame all the Fryers with whom she had traficked for she would not be casta and could not be cauta and so I leave her a creature extreamly bold because extreamly faulty And yet having no good property to redeem both these and other unlovely qualities but as Sir Philip Sydney said of the Strumpet Baccha in the Arcadia a little counterfeit beauty disgraced with wandring eyes and unwayed speeches The other of the younger females for as yet I am doubtfull whether I may call any of them women was of the same profession also but not half so rampant as her companion Haec habitu casto cum non sit casta videtur as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable if a French Monsieur had not given me her character at Orleans besides there was an odd twinkling of her eye which spoyled the composednesse of her countenance otherwise she might have passed for currant So that I may safely say of her in respect of her fellow Harlot what Tacitus doth of Pompey in reference to Caesar viz. Secretior Pompeius Caesare non melior They were both equally guilty of the sin though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it and avoid the infamie and censure due unto it And so I come to the old woman which was the last of our goodly companions A woman so old that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'T was well I had read the Scriptures otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation and that by some mischance or other she had escaped the flood her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print or that of Solomons two harlots in the painted cloth you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relicks of the first age after the building of Babel for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadfull then that of languages As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer entituled The Ruines of time was not purposely intended on her sure I am it is
Bishop of it was one Firminus a native of Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre who suffered Martyrdome under the Emperour Diocletian To him succeeded another Firminus to whom the first foundation of the Church is attributed The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber his intrade about 6000 crownes a year Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty of whose revenue I could not learn any thing neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St. John Baptist whis is said to be here entire though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chappell at Paris besides those fractions of it which are in other places CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Maior or Provost The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tired My preferment to the Trunke-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreville The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville by the river of Some a river of no great breadth but deep and full the boat which carryed us was much of the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames but that is was made more wiâ—ldie and fit for speed There were in it of us in all to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts people of all conditions and such with whom a man of any humor might have found a companion Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses mixt with some young Gentlemen To them we applyed our selves and they taking a delight to hear our broken French made much of our company for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French as a little child after a years practise hath of his mothers tongue Linguis dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus loquela ipso offensantis linguae fragmine dulciori The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans were the handsomest that I had seen in France very pleasant and affable one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the crosse of her beads Thus associated we passed merrily down the streame though slowly the delight which our language gave the companie and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us beguiling the tediousnesse of the way The first thing we met with observable was the Town and Castle of Piquigni The Town poor and beggerly and so unlikely to have named the Province as Mercator would have it besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names The Castle situate on the top of the hill is now a place of more pleasure then strength as having command over an open and goodly Countrey which lyeth below it It belongeth as we have said to the Vid 〈…〉 te of Amiens and so doth the Town also This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it but in whose reign and under whose conduct they could not tell us Being thus routed they fled to this Town into which their enemies followed with them intending to put them all to the sword but at last their fury being allaied they proposed that mercy to them which those of G 〈…〉 ad did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni were all of them put to the sword thus far the Tradition The Truth of story by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI upon the concluding of their nine years truce A circumstance of no great moment of it self had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England being Bishop of Ely made an oration to both Kings beginning with a prophesie which said that in this place of Piquigni an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms on this ground which himself also is the only man that relateth he hath built two observations the one I have not the originall by me That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies the other That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies How far those times were guilty of that humor I cannot say though sure I am that we are not the only men that were so affected Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories I remember not the particular hath vindicated that quarrell for us and fastned the same imputation on the French So true is that of the Tragedian Quod quisque fecit patitur authorem scelus repetit And now being past Piquigni I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens The fairest Fabrick and most rich to see That ere was guilty of mortalitie No present Structure like it nor can fame In all its bed-rols boast an equall name Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extoll their huge Pyramides Let them grow silent of their Pharus and Conceale the other triumph of their Land And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise This Church alone doth the 〈…〉 much excell As they the lowest Cottages where do dwell The least of men as they those urnes which keep The s 〈…〉 st ashes which are laid to sleep Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night Nor let a cloud of darknesse mesk thy light That renewnd Temple which the Greeks did call The worlds seventh wonder and the fairest of all That pile so famous that the world did see Two only great and high thy same and thee Is neither burnt and perisht Ephesus Survives the follies of Erostratus Only thy name in Europe to advance It was transported to the Realm of France And here it stands not robb'd of any grace Which there it had nor altred save in place Cast thy beams on it and t will soon be prov'd Thy Temple was not ruin'd but remov'd Nor are thy rites so chang'd but thou'lt aver This Christian is thy old Idolater But oh good God! how long shall thy decree Permit this Temple to Idolatrie How long shall they profane this Church and make Those sacred wals and pavements to partake Of their loud sins and here that Doctrine teach ' Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach Reduce them Lord unto thee make them see How ill this building and their
rites agree Or make them know though they be still the same This house was purpos'd only to thy name The next place of note that the water conveied us to was the Town and Castle of Pontâ—d ' Arme a place now scarce visible in the ruines and belonging to one Mr. Quercy It took name as they say from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army but this I cannot justifie Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville a Town conveniently seated on the Some which runneth through it It is of greater circuite within the wals then the City of Amiens and hath four Parish Churches more then it but is not so beautifull nor so populous For the houses here are of an older stampe and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground I went round about the wals and observed the thinness of the houses the largeness of the fields which are of that capacity and extent that for ought I could apprehend the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages The wals are of earth within and stone without of an unequall breadth and in some places ruinous A Castle it once had of which there is now scarce any thing remaining In stead of which and in places more convenient they built out three Bastions very large and capacious and such well manned need not yeeld upon a summons There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall at that place where the Countrey is most plain upon which good Ordinance would have good command but at this time there were none upon it Without the wals it is diversly strengthned having in some places a deep ditch without water in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the benefit of the river in others only a moorish and fennie levell more dangerous to the enemie and secure to the Town then either of the rest and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison But the chief strength of it is five Companies of Swiss 100 in a company proper tall fellowes in appearance and such as one would imagine fit for the service It was my chance to see them begin their watch to which imployment they advanced with so good order and such a shew of stomach as if they had not gone to guard a Town but possesse one Their watch was at Porte de Boyes and Porte St. Valery the first lying near un Hesain a frontier Town of Artoys the other five leagues only from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery From those places most danger was feared and therefore there kept most of their Souldiers and all their Ordinance Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè a Grison by birth and reported for a good Souldier Besides him they have no Military Commander the Maior of the Town contrary to the nature of Towns of war being there in highest authority A priviledge granted unto the Maiors hereof not long since as a reward due to one of their integrities who understanding that the Governour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch-duke apprehended him and sent him to the Court where he received his punishment This Abbeville and so I leave it and in it my bevie of French lasses is so called quasi Abbatis Villa as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it And yet before I leave this Town I must needs take notice of an Adventure which might have proved prejudiciall to me if my good fortune had not overcome all contrary accidents My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens but presently they betook themselves to the Post-house without the Town that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorow France as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorow Venice resolved to satisfie my self in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation Which having done and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities I betook my self to the Corps du guard where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town and to observe the situation strength and defences of it But so it hapned that before I came to the gate which led towards the Post-house I found in newly locked up by the Captain of the watch son that night and thought I might have found passage at the next gate had I hastned towards it yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards being all proper followes and well appointed that before I came to that gate it was locked up also which being the two only gates on that side of the River deprived me of all ordinary meane to come that night to my Companions who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets within which I seemed to be imprisoned but could meet none that could informe me how to free my self out of that restraint at last I met with and old Burger of a comely presence who I thought promised better satisfaction then the rest had given me who being acquainted with my desire of uniting my self with my companions and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me directed me to the house of the Provost who as he told me had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorow the Town by which I might finde a way out of it if I could wooe him to make use of his priviledge in that point which he thought hard if not impossible to be effected Well to the Provosts house I went whom I sound at home acquainted him that I came with Letters from the Court of England that I was returning thither with my dispatches that my companions being lesse curious then my self had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town that it would be a great reproach to me if I should not be in England as soon as they and therefore humbly did beseech him in aâ— good French as I could that he would be my means no set me on the other side of the River without the Town which I understood to be in his power To this request he yeelded with a great deâ—l of chearfulnesse assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman which said he presently dispatched a servant for his Bayliffe delleaw or Water Bailiffe being a sworn officer of the Town to attend upon him and in the mean time entertained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queens reception News being brought that the Water Bailiffe was coming forwards he conducted me into a low Parlor very handsomely furnished where
besides that of Nostre Dame which is Cathedrall The streets not many and those narrow unlesse it be in the Market-place where the Corpus du Guarde is kept What the outworks are or whether it have any or no I cannot say Even in this time of League and Peace their jealousie will not permit an English man to walke their wals either within or without the Town A Castle they said that it hath but such a one as serveth more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies 60 in a Company which amount in all to 300 their Governour being Mr. D' Aumont son to the Marshall D' Aumont who so faithfully adhered to Henry IV. in the beginning of his troubles The cause why this Town being so small is so strongly Garrisoned is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Countrey The first of the services it can hardly performe without much injury to the low Town which standeth between them but for the ready discharge of the last it is daintily seated for though to spare the low Town they should permit an enemie to land yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Countrey their Ordinance will tear him into pieces But for the immediate security of the Haven their Ancestors did use to fortifie the old Tower standing on the top of the hill called La tour d'ordre It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar at the time of his second expedition into Britaine this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriacus This Tower which we now see seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work and by the height and situation of it one would guesse it to have been the Keepe or Watch-tower unto the rest It is built of rude and vulgar stone but strongly cemented together the figure of it is six square every square of it being nine paces in length A compasse too little for a Fortresse and therefore it is long since it was put to that use it now serving only as a Sea-marke by day and a Pharos by night Ubi aecensae noctu faces navigantium cursum dirigunt The English man calleth it The old man of Boulogne and not improperly for it hath all the signes of age upon it The Sea by undermining it hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it the stones begin to drop out from the top and upon the least rising of the wind you would think it were troubled with the Palsie In a word two hard Winters seconded with a violent tempest maketh it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the impolitick thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and safety of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisoned True it is that Henry VIII did erect Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we were sufficiently garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story Qui gloriosius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neither will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a full view of my dearest England from which for want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pest-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently shut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the worst condition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' escue not to be resisted he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our walke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came halfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripple who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty steeple then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odcombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first sight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not far distant and some old women drying the insected cloathes on a bank adjoyning the sight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then speed But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmities That done I turned my face toward England which afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dover Castle
of Nevers by whom he had no children To his second wife he took the Lady Katherine of Tremoville sister to the Duke of Thovars anno 1586. Two years after his marriage he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup which was given him anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son which is the now Prince of Conde Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legitimation whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud to belong to the Prince of Conde And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title 24 Physitians of good faith and skill made an open protestation upon oath in the Court that it was not only possible but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth On this it was awarded to the Prince This Decree of Parliament notwithstanding if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse it is said that the young Count of Soissons his father died anno 1614 will not so give over his title He is Steward of the Kings house as his Father also was before a place of good credit and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly In case it should come to a tryall quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which God prohibit he is like to make a great party both within the Realm and without it Without it by means of the house of Savoy having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazâ— the second son of that Dukedome now living a brave man of armes and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree next heir of his father after the death of Don i Amadeo yet childlesse Within the Realm the Lords have already declared themselves which hapned on this occasion In the year 1620 the month of March the King being to wash the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud and on the other side the Count of Soissons seized on it as appertaining to his office of See ward and Prince of the bloud also The King to decide the controversie for the present commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother yet did not this satisfie for on the morning the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke of Luynes and Guâ—â—â— in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrew themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open saction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a Catholick kindred whereas the Prince though at this instant a Catholick yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but dissembled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Physitians both weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Physitians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty Laurentius a professour of Montpellier in Languedoc in his excellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or else dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they had gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duobus sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedii additur aliquod ad perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris The last time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papirius a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance in open Court though his Mother confessed him to be borne in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Corduba relateth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had seen a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the â—urthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time after the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but malicionsly caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures
The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome was about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their followers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers petty Councels the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had done in France whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcâ—patus beneficia they are Platinas own words per cupiditatem Simonaâ—cam committat aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Ruâ—us the controversie being whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recovered it and his successors kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crosiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilandi rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of December 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in confession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Diocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quod qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pigâ—inus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their
his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there partly sleeping and partly stroaking of their beards enact laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e 〈…〉 sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of conferring places of charge and even of the severest censure of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensible articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Vt ad opus relictum festinasse videatur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very learned in their studies and exceeding painfull in their calling By the first they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy by the second their lazinesse And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be for living in a Countrey full of opposition they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the cause and being continually as it were beset with spies they do the oftner frequent the Pulpits to hold up their credits The maintenance which is allotted to them scarce amounteth to a competency though by that name they please to call it With receiving of tithes they never meddle and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity they do hardly allow of the paying of them Some of them hold that they were Jewish and abrogated with the Law Others think them to be meerly jure humano and yet that they may lawfully be accepted where they are tendred It is well known yet that there are some amongst them which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly or a little more Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but 80 l. a year and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension when he Preached at Charenton These stipends are partly payed by the King and partly raised by way of Collection So the Ministers of these Churches are much of the nature with the English Lecturers As for the Tithes they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due and they I 'le warrant you according to the little learning which they have will maintain them to be jure divino The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun little in them of the Fathers and lesse of humane learning it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits They consist much of Exhortation and Use and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections but withal to starve the understanding For the education of them being children they have private Schools when they are better grown they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies besides the new University of Saumur which is wholly theirs and is the chiefe place of their study CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons HAving thus spoken of the Churches I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth Religion is as the soul of a State Policy as the body we can hardly discourse of the one without a relation to the other if we do we commit a wilfull murder in thus destroying a republick The Common-wealth without the Church is but a carkasse a thing inanimate The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body and therefore as they are in nature so in my relation Connutio jungâ—m stabili Moreover such a secret sympathy there is between them such a necessary dependance of one upon the other that we may say of them what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato Eodem tempore â—orum morbus gravescit eodem levaiur They grow sick and well at the same time and commonly run out their races at the same instant There is besides the general respect of each to other a more particular band betwixt them here in France which is a likenesse and resemblance In the Church of France
are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I wiil therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto six Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were very advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 15â—1 being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay salt and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Querâ—u Xaintogne and the County of Boulâ—nnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady Nostre Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon The Bretagnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Besides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictou and Quercu have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the Gascoynes the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish people very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Biscanes liberty and spirits from whom they are descended Le droict de fouage the priviledge of levying a certain piece of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long since one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldiers to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Taille or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ant este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being freed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the
for without the sweat and bloud of the people no Pillages no Impositions upon our private wares no Gabels upon our commodities Nullum in tam inâ—enti regno vectigal non in urbibus pontiumve discriminibus Publicanorum stationes as one truely hath observed of us The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities are here freely given him He doth not here compell our bounties but accept them The Laws by which we are governed we in part are makers of each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free-voice in the enacting of them if not in his person yet in his proxie We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords and may therefore say safely what the Jewes spake â—actiously That we have no King but Caesar The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge we acknowledge no difference Here do we inhabite our own houses plough our own Lands enjoy the fruits of our labour comfort our selves with the wives of our youth and see our selves grow up in those children which shall inherit after us the same felicities But I forget my self To endevour the numbring of Gods blessings may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people I conclude with the Poet O fortunati minium bona si sua norint Agricolae nostri And so I take my leave of France and prepare for England towards which having stayed 3 days for winde and company we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August the day exceeding fair the Sea as quiet and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails and betake themselves unto their Oares Yet at the last with much endevour on their side and no lesse patience on ours we were brought into the midst of the channell when suddainly But soft what white is that which I espie Which with its â—â—stre doth eclipse mine eye That which doth Nâ—ptunes fury so disdain And beates the Billow back into the main Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear Or is 't some Island floating on the wave Of which in writers we the story have T is England ha t is so clap clap your hands That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palâ—ie Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie O were the same As dear to you as me that very word Would make you dance and caper over board Dull shipmen how they move not how their houses Grow to the planks yet stay here 's sport enough For see the sea Nymphs fooâ— it and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish Triton doth sound his shell and to delight me Old Nereus hobleth with his Amphitrite Excellent triumphs But curs'd fates the main Quickly divides and takes them in again And leaves me dying till I come to land And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand Hail happy England hail thou sweetest Isle Within whose bounds no Pagan rites defile The purer faith Christ is by Saints not mated And he alone is worship'd that created In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth Not subject to his Lords rape or the stealth Of hungry Publicans In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling But is himself and by his awfull word Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake Such as outgo report and make â—ame see They stand above her hig'st Hyperbale And yet to strangers will not grâ—teâ— the blisse Of salutation and an harmlesse kisse Hail then sweet England may I 〈◊〉 my last In thy loâ—'d armes and when my dayes are past And to the silence of the gr 〈…〉 I must All I desire is thou wouldst keep my â—ust The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey THE SECOND JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey With the ISLES appending According to their Politie and Formes of Government both Ecclesiasticall and Civill THE SIXTH BOOK LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey c. The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this Work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our Voyage with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre WHen first I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship I resolved also to do somewhat for my self and if possible unto the places For my self in bettering what I could my understanding if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing to which I was a stranger At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity as being not a little emulous of this kind of living Multorum mores hominum qui vidit urbes which had seen so much of men and of their manners It was also not the last part of mine intention to do something in the honour of the Island by committing to memory their Antiquities by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government by representing as in a Tablet the choycest of their beauties and in a word by reducing these and the Achievements of the people as far as the light of Authors could direct me into the body of an History But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble The Churches naked of all Monuments and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window for fear as I conjecture of Idolatry No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends in their remembrancers whereby to ennoble them in time to come unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles The Countrey indeed exceeding pleasant and delightsome but yet so small in the extent and circuit that to speak much of them wereto put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant For being in themselves an abridgement only of the greater works of nature how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume Having thus failed in the most of my designes I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government in which I must needs confesse I met with much which did exceedingly affect me Their Lawes little beholding in the composition of them to Justinian and of no great affinity with the laws of England which we call Municipall or common The grand Customarie of Normandy is of most credit with them and that indeed the only rule
the execution of it in their first Synod No sooner had they this incouragement but they presently mustered up their forces betook themselves unto the quarrell and the whole Realme was on the suddain in an uproar The Parliaaments continually troubled with their Supplications Admonitions and the like and when they found not there that favour which they looked for they denounce this dreadfull curse against them That there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper to be a Parliament man or bear rule in England any more The Queen exclaimed upon in many of their Pamphlets her honourable Counsell scandalously censured as opposers of the Gospell The Prelates every were cryed down as Antichristian Petty-popes Bishops of the Devill cogging and cousening knaves dumb dogs enemies of God c. and their Courts and Chanceries the Synagogues of Satan After this they erected privately their Presbyteries in divers places of the Land and contoned the whole Kingdome into their severall Classes and divisions and in a time when the Spaniards were expected they threaten to petition the Queens Majesty with 100000 hands In conclusion what dangerous counsels were concluded on by Hacket and his Apostles with the assent and approbation of the Brethren is extant in the Chronicles A strange and peevish generation of men that having publick enemies unto the faith abroad would rather turn the edge of their Swords upon their Mother and her children But such it seemeth was the holy pleasure of Geneva and such their stomach not to brook a private opposition Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda trophaeis Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos Yet was it questionlesse some comfort to their souls that their devices however it succeeded ill in England had spred it self abroad in Guernzey and in Jarsey where it had now possession of the whole Islands For not content with that allowance her Majesty had given unto it in the Towns of St. Peters and St. Hillaries the Governours having first got these Isles to be dissevered from the Diocese of Constance permit it unto all the other Parishes The better to establish it the great supporters of the cause in England Snape and Cartwright are sent for to the Islands the one of them being made the tributary Pastor of the Castle of Cornet the other of that of Mont-orguel Thus qualified forsooth they conveene the Churches of each Island and in a Synod held in Guernzey anno 1576. the whole body of the Discipline is drawn into a forme Which forme of Discipline I here present unto your Lordship faithfully translated according to an authentick copy given unto me by Mr. Painsee Curate of our Ladies Church of Chastell in the Isle of Guernzey CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governors in a Syâ—od holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17 dayes of October 1597. CHAP. I. Of the Church in Generall Article I. 1. THe Church is the whole company of the faithfull comprehending as well those that bear publick office in the same as the rest of the people II. 2. No one Church shall pretend any superiority or dominion over another all of them being equall in power and having one only head CHRIST JESUS III. 3. The Governours of the Christian Church where the Magistrates professe the Gospell are the Magistrates which professe it as bearing chief stroke in the Civill Government and the Pastors and Overseers or Superintendents as principall in the Government Ecclesiasticall IV. 4. Both these jurisdictions are established by the law of God as necessary to the Government and welfare of his Church the one having principally the care and charge of mens bodies and of their goods to govern them according to the Laws and with the temporall Sword the other having cure of souls and consciences to discharge their duties according to the Canons of the Church and with the sword of Gods word Which jurisdiction ought so to be united that there be no confusion and so to be divided that there be no contrariety but joyntly to sustain and defend each other as the armes of the same body CHAP. II. Of the Magistrate THe Magistrate ought so to watch over mens persons and their goods as above all things to provide that the honour and true worship of God may be preserved And as it is his duty to punish such as offend in Murder Theft and other sins against the second Table so ought he also to correct Blasphemers Atheists and Idolaters which offend against the first as also all those which contrary to good order and the common peace addict themselves to riot and unlawfull games and on the other side he ought to cherish those which are well affected and to advance them both to wealth and honours CHAP. III. Of Ecclesiasticall functions in generall Article I. 1. OF Officers Ecclesiasticall some have the charge to teach or instruct which are the Pastors and Doctors others are as it were the eye to oversee the life and manners of Christs flock which are the Elders and to others there is committed the disposing of the treasures of the Church and of the poor mans Box which are the Deacons II. 2. The Church officers shall be elected by the Ministers and Elders without depriving the people of their right and by the same authority shall be discharged suspended and deposed according as it is set down in the Chapter of Censures III. 3. None ought to take upon him any function in the Church without being lawfully called unto it IV. 4. No Church-officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions viz. neither a Minister over a Minister nor an Elder over an Elder nor a Deacon over a Deacon yet so that they give reverence and respect unto each other either according to their age or according to those gifts and graces which God hath vouchsafed to one more then another V. 5. No man shall be admitted to any office in the Church unlesse he be endowed with gifts fit for the discharge of that office unto which he is called nor unlesse there be good testimony of his life and conversation of which diligent enquiry shall be made before his being called VI. 6. All these which shall enter upon any publick charge in the Church shall first subscribe to the confession of the faith used in the reformed Churches and to the Discipline Ecclesiasticall VII 7. All those which are designed for the administration of any publick office in the Church shall be first nominated by the Governours or their Lieutenants after whose approbation they
addition of five ranks of formes and a pew in the middle you never saw a thing so mock its own name Lucus not being more properly called so a non lucendo then this ruinous house is a great School because it is little The present professors are Mr. Furner the Rector at my being there Mr. Tuillerie and Mr. Grand The fourth of them named Mr. Augrand was newly dead and his place like a dead pay among Souldiers not supplyed in which estate was the function of Mr. Brodee whose office it was to read the Book of Institutions unto such as come newly to the Town They read each of them an hour in their turns every morning in the week unlesse Holydayes and Thursdayes their hearers taking their Lectures in their tables Their principall office is that of the Rector which every three months descends down unto the next so that once in a year every one of the professors hath his turn of being Rector The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellour whose office is during life and in whose name all degrees are given and the Letters Authenticall as they term them granted The present Chancellour is named Mr. Bouchier Dr. of Divinity and of both the Laws and Prebend also of St. Croix his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans and so are the Chancellors places in all France at the bestowing of the Diocesan Antiently it was thus also with us at Oxford the Bishop of Lincolne nominating to us our Chancellors till the year 1370. William of Remington being the first Chancellour elected by the University In the bestowing of their degrees here they are very liberall and deny no man that is able to pay his fees Legem ponere is with them more powerfull then legem dicere and he that hath but his gold ready shall have a sooner dispatch then the best Scholar upon ticket Ipse licet vâ—â—ias Musis comitatus Homere Si nihil attuleris ibis Homere foras It is the money which disputeth best with them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 money makes the man said the Greek and English proverb The exercise which is to be performed before the degree taken is very little and as trivially performed When you have chosen the Law which you mean to defend they conduct you into an old ruinous chamber They call it their Library for my part I should have thought it to have been the warehouse of some second hand Bookseller Those few books which were there were as old as Printing and could hardly make amongst them one cover to resist the violence of a rat They stood not up endlong but lay one upon the other and were joyned together with cobwebs in stead of strings He that would ever guesse them to have been looked into since the long reign of ignorance might justly have condemned his own charity for my part I was prone to believe that the three last centuries of years had never seen the inside of them or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called Nâ—lime tangere In this unluckie roome do they hold their disputations unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation and after two or three arguments urged commend the sufficiency of the Respondent and pronounce him worthy of his degree That done they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they fitted the Candidati that it is necessary to the Common-wealth of learning that industry should be honoured and that on that ground they have thought it fitting pâ—st angustias sulamen post vigilias requietem post dolorem gaudia for so as I remember goeth the form to recompense the labours of N. N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate with a great deal of the like formall foolery Et ad hunc modum fiunt Doctores From the study of the Law proceed we unto that of the Language which is said to be better spoken here then in any part of France and certainly the people hereof speak it more distinctly then the rest I cannot say more elegantly Yet partly for this reason partly because of the study of the Law and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French But in the greatest measure it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University then the University This Corporation consisteth of a Procutator a Questor an Assessor two Bibliothecarii 12 Counsellors They have all of them their dâ—stinct jurisdiction and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third moneth The Consulship of Râ—me was never so welcome to Cicero as the office of Procurator is to a Dutch Gentleman he for the time of his command ordering the affaires of all his Nation and to say truth being much respected by those of the Town It is his office to admit of the young comers to receive the moneys due at their admission and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Questor at the expiting oâ— his charge The office of Assessor is like that of a Clerk of the Councels and the Secretary mixt For he registreth the Acts of their Councels writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings at their new coming to the Crown and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town he entertaineth him with a speach The Bibliothecarii looke to the Library in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their severall turns A prety room it is very plentifully furnished with choise books and that at small charge for it is here the custome that every one of the Nation at his departure must leave with them one book of what kind or price it best pleaseth him Besides each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet to be expended according as the necessitie of the state requires which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Library Next unto this citèdes Lettres as one of the French writers calleth Paris is their Councell house an handsome square Chamber and well furnished In this they hold their Consultations and in this preserve their Records and Priviledges the keeping of the one and summoning the other being meerly in the hands of the Procurator About the Table they have five chairs for the five principall Officers those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on stools the armes of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats If it happen that any of them die there they all accompany him to his grave in a manner mixt so orderly of grief and state that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnized And to say truth of them they are
to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aliens and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm except only Priors Conventuals such as have institution and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Virgil ad Reip. commodum sancâ—tum est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullius Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3 Hen. 5. cap. 3. By this means the Priors Aliens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islands and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 200 l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Priors of any Monastery or Priory c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels whereof they be Priors and Governors but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient and to whom such Cels belong and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time and accomptez of the profits of such Cels at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors to whom such Cels belong c. This once the difference between them but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary To proceed upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands and their Revenue falling unto the Crown there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes which hath continued hitherto unaltered except in the addition of the Deserts of which more hereafter Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng JARSEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen the Dean The 3 of the kings tithe Josuah de Carteret Seign de Trinite St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary The 10 of the kings tithe Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez St. Saviours Mr. Effart The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb Ph. L' Empriere Sr. de Delament St. Clements Mr. Paris The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe Ph. de Carletet Sr. de Vinchiles de haut St. Grovilles Mr. de la Place The 8 and 9 c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abas St. Trinities Mr. Molles The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne St. Johns Mr. Brevin The Deserts c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace S. Lawrences Mr. Prinde The Deserts c. Aron Messervie St. Maries Mr. Blandivell jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe Ben. la cloche Sr. de Longueville St. Owens Mr. La cloche The Deserts c. Jo. Harde St. Burlads  The 8 and 9 c. Abr. Herod St. Peters Mr. Grueby The Deserts c. Ph. Marret Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth every Perche being 21 foot GUERNZEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Peters on the Sea M. de la March The 7 of tithe and champarte Tho. Andrewes Sr. de Sammarez St. Martins Mr. de la Place The like Pet. Carey sen La Forest Mr. Picote The 9 of tithe and champarte John Fautrat Sr. â—de Coq Tortevall Mr. Fautrat The 3 of tithe and champarte Joh. Bonamy S. Andrews The 4 of c. Joh. Ketville St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard The 3 of the tithe only James Guile Sr. des Rohais St. Saviours  The Desert and the tenths in all 600 sheafes Tho. Blundell Chastell Mr. Panisee The 9 of the tithe only Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet The 4 of the Kings tithe only Pet. Gosselin St. Sampson The like Josias Merchant Serke Mr. Brevin 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn Pet. Carey jun. Alderney Mr. Mason 20 l. stipend  Note that the Parish called in this Diagram La Forest is dedicated as some say to the holy Trinity as other to St. Margaret that which is here called Tortevall as some suppose unto St. Philip others will have it to St. Martha but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin which is therefore called in the Records our Ladies Castle Note also that the Justices or Jurates are here placed as near as I could learn according to their Seniority not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed For the better understanding of this Diagram there are three words which need a commentary as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue and hardly Denizens in French Of these that in the Diagrams called the Deserts is the first A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit As it is taken at this present and on this occasion it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste and is now made arable The case this At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours there was in either Island much ground of small advantage to the Church or to the