Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
have produc'd those arguments by which some shameless persons endeavoured to maintain both the conveniency and necessity of such common Brothel houses Had Bishop Iewel been alive and seen but half so much from Dr. Harding pleâ—ding in behalf of the common women permitted by the Pope in Rome he would have thought that to cal to him an Advocate for the Stews had not beeen enough But that Doctor was nor half so wise as our Author is and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antidâ—te as our Author doth hoping thereby by but vainly hoping that the arguments alleadged will be wash'd away Some of our late Criticks had a like Design in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism to the intent that young Scholars when they read that Author might be fore-warn'd to pass them over Whereas on the contrary it was found that too many young fellows or wanton wits as our Author calls them did ordinarily skip over the rest and pitch on those which were so mark't and set out unto them And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also whose Arguments will be studied and made use of when his Answers will not Fol. 253. Otherwise some suspect had he survived King Edward the sixth we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy the Kings natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two Daughters in their Succession to the Crown A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond Earl of Nottingham and Earl Marshal of England and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown it self as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth he should have done well in the first place to have inform'd himself whether this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together And if my Books speak true they were not Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22. of Iuly Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12. of October An. 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar as he is at Heraldry he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case when the one person had been long dead before the other was born These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over we now proceed to the Examination of our Authors Principles for weakning the Authority of the Church and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great business which we have in hand First that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals to secular Laws and National Customs And the Laitie at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie Lib. 4. n. 88. And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus curbed and feâ—â—ered when it was at the highest there is no question to be made but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts when it began to sink in reputation and decline in strength How true and justifiable or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are we have shewn already and must now look into the rest which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power as our Author grants fol. 190. to which he adds Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Praemunire was made which did much restrain the Papal power and subject it to the Laws of the Land when Archbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command but at the pleasure of the King In which I must confess my self to be much unsatisfied though I finde the same position in some other Authors My reasons two 1. Because there is nothing in the Statute of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before that Act extending only to such as purchase or pursue or cause to be purchased or pursued in the Court of Rome or elsewhere any such translatations Processes Sentences of Excommunication Bulls Instruments or any other things whatsoever which touch the King against him his Crown and his Regality or his Realm or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive or make thereof notification or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without c. And 2. because I finde in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergie in their Convocation that the Convocation of the said Clergie is always hath been and ought to be assembled always by the Kings Writ And if they had been always call'd by the Kings Writ then certainly before the Statute of Praemunire for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publickly declare and avow a notorious falsehood especially in a matter of fact is not a thing to be imagined I must confess my self to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation the first being call'd by the Archbishops in their several and respective Provinces as the necessities of the Church the other only by the King as his occasions and affairs did require the same But whether this were so or not is not much material as the case now stands the Clergie not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings wâ—it only I only adde that the time and year of this submission is mistook by our Author who plâ—ceth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation Anno 1532. though it pass'd not into an Act or Statute till the year next following Well then suppose the Clergy call'd by the Kings Authority and all their Acts and Constitutions ratiâ—ied by the Râ—yal assent are they of force to binde the Subject to submit and conform unto them Not if our Author may be judge for he tels us plainly Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent subject not any for recusancy to obey their Canons to a civil penalty in person or property untill confirmed by 〈◊〉 of Parliament I marvel where our Author took up this opinion which he neither finds in the Registers of Convocation or Records of Parliament Himself hath told us fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations before the
Parliament that they should warn the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses some in their persons and others by their Procurators to attend there also But this hath been so long unpractic'd that we finde no track of foot-steps of it since the Parliaments of the time of King Richard the second It 's true indeed that in the 8. year of King Henry the sixth there passed a Statute by which it was enacted That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ together with their servants and Families should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty or immunity in coming tarrying and returning as the great men Commonalty of the Realm of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliament have used or ought to have or enjoy Which though it make the Convocation equal to the Parliament as to the freedom of their Persons yet can it not from hence be reckoned and much less commonly reputed for a part thereof Fol. 14. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection and no wonder to him that considereth 1. their Age he being about ten years older the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife c. In Queen Maries afâ—ection unto Poole and the reasons of it I am very well satisfied better then in the explication which he adds unto it For if by the Philosopher he means Aristotle as I think he doth he is very much out in making no more then ten years to be the proportion allowed by him betwixt the Husband and the Wife For Aristotle in the seventh Book of his Politicks having discoursed of the fittest time and age for marriage both in men and women concludes at last that it is expedient that maidens be married about the age of eighteen years and Men at seven and thirty or thereabouts His reason is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Because they shall then be joyned in wedlock while their bodies be in full strength and shallâ— cease from procreation in fit time Whether so great a dispâ—oportion were allowed of then or that it was a matter of Speculation only and not reducible to practice I dispute not now Only I note that it is twenty years not ten which the Philosopher requires in the different ages of the Man and Wife Fol. 19. Lincoln Diocess the largest of the whole Kingdom containing Leicester c. with parts of Haâ—tford and Warwickshires That the greatâ— Diocess of Lincoln containeth the whole Counties of Bedford Buckingham Huntington Leicester and Lincoln with part of Hartfordshire is confessed by all but that it containeth also some part of Warwickshire I doe very much doubt Certain I am that Archbishop Parker a man very well skilled in the jurisdiction of his Suffragan Bishops assigns no part of Warwickshire to the See of Lincoln dividing that County between the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and the Bishop of Worcester I see by this our Author is resolved to play at all games though he get by none Fol. 27. The Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted both as superfluoâ—s and superstitioâ—s Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Franckford who tâ—rn'd the publick Church Liturgy quite out of their Church fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship which had no warrant and foundation by the laws of this Realm And first saith he the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious Superfluous and superstitious in whose opinion In that of the Schismaticks at Franckford our Authors or in both alike Most probably in our Authors as well as theirs for otherwise he would have added some note of qualification such as they thought they judg'd or they suppos'd them according as he hath restrain'd them to their own â—ense in the clause next following viz. in place of the English Confession they used another adjudged by them of more effect Adjudged by them in this not the former sentence makes me inclinable to believe that the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies are both superfluous and superstitious in our Authors judgement not in theirs alone Secondly our Author as we have noted formerly on the second Book of this History reckons the Cross in Baptism used and required to be used by the Church of England among the superstitious Ceremonies and such like Trinckets with which that Sacrament is loaded And if he durst declare himself so plain in this second Book written as he affirms in the Reign of the late King when he might fear to be call'd to an account for that expression there is little question to be made but since Monarchy was turn'd into a State he would give his pen more liberty then he did before in counting the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies is superfluous and superstitious as the Cross in Baptism Thirdly having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contriv'd by the Schismaticks at Franckford he honoreth them with no lower Title then that of Saints and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness For so it followeth fol. 28. This saith he is the Communion of Saints who never account themselves peaceably possest of any happiness untill if it be in their power they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof If those be Saints who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy And if in order thereunto he counts the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies of the Church to be both superstitious and superfluous too who can blame him for it Fol. 39. Trinity Colledge built by Sir Thomas Pope â—I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope as our Author doth from Trinity Colledge naming no Bishop of this House as he doth of others He tells us that he liv'd in this University about 17 weeks and all that time Dâ— Skinner the Bishop of Oxford liv'd there too Dr. Wright the Bishop of Liâ—chfield pâ—obably was then living alâ—o for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643. but living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle Both of them Members of this Colledge and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Authors History And because our Author can finde no learned Writers of this Colledge neither I will supply him with two others in that kinde also The first whereof shall be Iohn Sâ—lden of the Inner Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that renown'd Humanitian and Philologer sometimes a Commoner of this House and here initiated in those Studies in which he afâ—erwards attain'd to so high an eminence The second William Chillingworth an able and acute Divine and once a
Fellow of this Colledge whose Book entituled The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation written in deâ—ence of Dr. Potters Book called Charity mistaken commended by our Author Lib. 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Iesuites notwithstanding all their brags beforehand to this very day Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel get thee gone thou accursed Book c. by Mr. Francis Cheynel the usu fructuary of the rich personage of Peâ—worth shall still survive unto the world in its own just value when the poor three-penny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small Wares shall be out of credit Of this Pageant see the Pamphet call'd Chillingworthi Novissima printed at London Anno 1644. Fol. 41. But now it is gone let it go it was but a beggerly Town and cost England ten times yearly more then it was worthâ— in keeping thereof Admit it be so yet certainly it was worth the keeping had it cost much more The English while they kept that Town had a dore open into France upon all occasions and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keyes of France at their Girdles Sound States-men do not measure the benefit of such Towns and Garrisons as are maintain'd and kept in an Enemies Countrey by the profit which they bring into their Exchequer but by the opportunities they give a Prince to enlarge his Territories Of this kinde was the Town of Barwick situate on the other side of the Tweed upon Scottish ground but Garrison'd and maintain'd with great charge by the Kings of England because it gave him the same advantage against the Scots as Calice did against the French The government of which last Town is by Comines said to be the goodliest Captain ship in the world so great an Eye-sore to the French that Mounsieur de Cordes who liv'd in the time of Lewis the eleventh was used to say that he would be content to lie in Hell seven years together upon condition that Calice were regain'd from the English and finally judged of such importance by the French when they had regain'd it that neither the Agreement made at the Treaty of Cambray nor the desire to free New-haven from the power of the English nor the necessities which Henry the fourth was reduc'd unto could ever prevail upon them to part with it But it is dry meat said the Countrey fellow when he lost the Hare and so let Caliâ—e pass for a Beggerly Town and not worth the keeping because we have no hope to get it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Ninth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary being briefly past over by our Author he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth not so much because her Reign was long but because it was a busie Age and full of Faction To which Faction how he stands affected he is not coy to let us see on all occasions giving us in the very first entrance this brief but notable Essay viz. Fol. 51. Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment the first minute is the fittest to abolish it all that have power have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion whereby every one is â—ound to advance Gods glory And if Soveraigns forget no reason but Subjects should remember their duty Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forwardâ— Spirits who not enduring the laâ—inesse of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation fell beforehand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein yet our Author will not but rather gives these Reasons for their justification 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it 3. Which is indeed the main that if the Soveraigns do forget there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty This being our Authors Master-piece and a fair gâ—â—â—ndwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the pâ—opositions as before we had them And 1. It will be hard for our Author to prove that the Romish Religion is Idolatry though possible it is that some of the members of that Church may be proved Idolaters I know well what great pains Dr. Reynolds took in his laborious work entituled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae and I know too that many very learned and moderate men were not thâ—oughly satisfied in his proofs and Arguments That they are worshippers of Images as themselves deny not so no body but themselves can approve them in it But there is a very wide difference betwixt an Image and an Idol betwixt the old Idolateâ—s in the state of Heathenism and those which give religious worship unto Images in some paâ—ts of Chrisâ—endom And this our Author being well stâ—died in Antiquity and not a stranger to the 〈…〉 of the present times cannot chuse but know thoâ—gh zeal to the good cause and the desire of being coâ—stanâ— to himself drew this pâ—â—â—age from him The Châ—istian faith delivered in the hâ—ly Gospels succeeded over the greatest part of the then known woâ—â—d in the place of that Idolatrous worship whiâ—h like a Leprosie had generally overspread the whole face thereof And therefore that the whole Mass of Wickliffes Heâ—erodoxies might be Christned by the name of Gospel our Author thinks it necessary that the Popish Mass and the rest of the Superstitious of that Church should be call'd Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it I shall easily grant But then it must be understood of a lawful power and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence Id possumus quod jure possumus was the rule of old and it held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times For when the Fabrick of the Jewish Church was out of order and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions or intermingled with Idolatries as it was too often did not Gods servants carry and await his leisure till those who were supreme both in place and power were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent and burnt â—â—cense to it before it was defaced by King Hâ—zekiah How many more might it have longer stood undefâ—ced untouched by any of the common people had not the King given order to demolish it How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel before it was hewn down and cut in pâ—eces by the good King Iosiah And yet it cannot be denyed but that it was as much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol and of the honest and religious Israâ—lites to break down that
their private discontents into open practices endeavouring to settle their Religion by the destruction of the King and the change of Government And first beginning with the Papists because first in time Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark another of his own profession having fancied a Notional Treason imparted it to George Brooks To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant the Lord Gray of Whaddon a Puritan and Sir Walter Rawleigh an able Statesman and some other Knights In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault the one of omission and the other of commission A fault of omission in leaving out Sir Griffith Markham as much concerned as any of the principal actors design'd to have been Secretary of Estate had the Plot succeeded and finally arraign'd and condemn'd at Winchester as the others were His fault of commission is his calling the Lord Gray by the name of the Lord Gray of Whaddon a fault not easily to be pardon'd in so great an Herald whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and antâ—ent Seat his Ancestors being call'd LL. Gray of Wilton to difference them from the Lord Gray of Reuthen the Lord Gray of Codnor c. Having thus satisfied our Author in this particular I would gladly satisfie my self in some others concerning this Treason in which I finde so many persons of such different humors and Religions that it is very hard to think how they could either mingle their interefles or unite their counsels But discontentments make men fuel fit for any fire and discontents had been on purpose put upon some of them the more to estrange them from the King and the King from them And though I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx yet others who have had more light into the businesses of that time have made their discontents to grow upon this occasion Sir Robert Cecil then principal Secretary to the Estate fearing the great abilities of Rawleigh and being wearied with the troublesome impertinencies of Gray and Cobham all which had joyned with him in design against the Earl of Essex their common Enemy had done their errand to Kings Iames whose counsels he desired to ingross to himself alone before his coming into England And the Plot took so good effect that when the Lord Cobham went to meet the King as he came towards London the King checked him being then Warden of the Cinqne Ports for his absence from his charge in that dangerous time The Lord Gray was not look'd upon in the Court as he had been formerly there being no longer use of his rashness and praecipitations And the better to discountenance Rawleigh who had been Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth the King bestowed that Office on Sir Thomas Erskin then Vicount Fenton and Captain of his Guard in Scotland All which being publickly observ'd it was no haâ—d matter for George Brook to work upon the weak spiâ—its of Gray and Cobâ—am of which the last was his brother and the first his brothers special friend and by such Artifices as he us'd in laying before them their disgraces and shewing them a way to right themselves to draw them into the confederacy with Clark and Watson And it is possible that they not being substantive enough to stand alone might acquaint Rawleigh with the Plot whose head was able to do more then all their hands But of his actings in it or consenting to it when the paâ—ties were brought unto their Tryal there appear'd no proof but that Cobham in his confession taken before the Lords had accus'd him of it and that not only as an accessary but a principal actor But Cobham not being brought into the open Court to justifie his accusation face to face as the custom as it was thought a good argument by many that Rawleigh was not so criminal in this matter as his Enemies made him And though found guilty by the Jury on no other evidence then a branch of Cobhams confession not so much as subscribed by his hand yet all men were not satisfied in the manner of this proceeding it being then commonly affirm'd that Cobham had retracted his accusation as since it hath been said and printed that in a letter written the night before his Tryal and then sent to the Lordâ—â— he cleared Rawlâ—igh from all manner of Treasons against the King or State for which consult the Observations upon some particular Persons and passages c. printed Anno 1656. But from the practices of the Papists which have led me thus far out of my way it is now time that I proceed to the Petition of the Puritans presented to the King much about that time Fol. 7. This called the Millenary Petition And it was called so because given out to be subscribed by 〈◊〉 thousand hands though it wanted a fourth part of thiâ— number More modest now then they had been in Pâ—â—ries time when in stead of one thousand they threatnâ—â— to bring a Petition which should be presented by the hands of a hundred thousand More modest also in the style and phrase of their Petition and in the subject Mâ—â—ter of it then they had been when Martin Mar Prâ—â—â—rul'd the Rost and would be satisfied with nothing 〈◊〉 the ruine of the English Hierarchy Which notwithstanding the King thought fit to demur upon it and 〈◊〉 commended the answering of their Petition to the Uâ—â—versity of Oxford and was done accordingly The Anâ—â—â— and Petition printed not long after gave the first stopâ—â— this importunity represt more fully by the Conferâ—â—â— at Hampton-Court of which it is told us by our Authâ—â— how some of the Millenary party complained that 〈◊〉 Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only 〈◊〉 Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester their professed Adversaâ—â— to the great disadvantage of their Divines If so 〈◊〉 did it come to pass that none of their Divines thâ—â— present noâ— any other in their behalf did ever manifeâ—â— the world the partialities and falsehoods of it The 〈◊〉 was printed not long after the end of the Conference publickly passing from one hand to another and neâ— convicted of any such crime as it stands charged with 〈◊〉 any one particular pâ—â—â—age to this very day Only pleas'd some of the Zealoâ—s to scatter abroad some triâ—â—ing Papers not amounting to half a sheet amongst them which tended to the holding up of their sinking Party and being brought by Dr. Barlow were by him put in Print and publisht at the end of his Book Vt deterrim comparatione gloriam sibi compararet in the words of Tacitus He could not better manifest his own abilities then by having those weak and imperfect Scribbles for a foil unto them And here before I leave this conference I must make a start to fol. 91. for rectifying a mistake of our Authors which relates unto it Where speaking of Dr. King then Bishop of London and
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
â—ther things that the French King should marry the Laâ—y Mary King Henries Sister But he deceasing within few â—onthes aftter on the first of Ianuary the widow Queen â—as married in May next following Anno 1515. to Charles â—andon Duke of Suffolk The next accord which seemes 〈◊〉 be hear ment by the Historian was made between the 〈◊〉 King Henry and King Francis the first Anno 1518. 〈◊〉 which the surrendry of Tourney was agreed uâ—on and a â—pitulation made for marrying the young Dolphin of â—rance with another Mary being the daughter and not the Sister of King Henry then beiâ—g about two years old which is the marriage here intended thoâ—gh misâ—ook in the party fol. 2. Iames the fift the 108. King of Scotland Which may come some what neer the truth allowing the succession of the Scottiâ—h Kings 39. in number from the first Fergus to the second But that succession being discarded by all knowing Antiquaries King Iames the fift must fall so much short of being the 108. King of the Scottish Nation Nor can it hold exactly true as unto that number if that succession were admitted King Iames the first Monarch of great Britain and the Grandchild of this Iames the fift pretending onely to an hundred six Predecessors in the throne of Scotland as appears by this inscription which he somewhere used viz. Nobis haec invicta tulerunt Centum Sex Proavi Ibid. To palliat such potency he procures an interview with him at Nice a Maritine Town in the Confines of Provence A worse mistake in place and persons then we had before For if the interview procured was between King Henry and the Pope as by the Grammar of the Text must be unstood then is the Author much mistaken in the place and Persons but if he mean it of an interview between K. Hâ—â—â—y and King Francis it is true enough as to the Persons but not to the place An interview there was between the two Kings at Ardâ—es in the Marches of Calice far enough from the conâ—â—nes of Provence and a like interview there was between King Francis and the Pope at Nice here mentioned for enough from the borders of King Henries Dominions at which he neither was present nor desired to be fol. 8. Prelate Bishops brought in by Palladius The Author speaks not this as his own opinion but as the opinâ—on of some of the Scoâ—s who ground themselves on the Aâ—thority of Bâ—chanan a fiery Presbyâ—erian and consequnâ—â—â— a profest enemy to Bishops and his words are these Nam ad id nsque temâ—us Ecclesiae aâ—squâ— Episcopis per Monachos regebâ—â—ur that is to say the Church unto that time was governed by Mâ—nks without Bishops But Buchanan perhaps might borrow this from 〈…〉 another Writer of that Nation and of greater Credit who tells us this per Sacerdotes 〈◊〉 hos sine Episcopis Scoti in â—ide erudiebantar The Scots he said were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Mâ—nks without Bishops But I trow teaching and governing are two sâ—veral Offices And though it may be true that some particâ—lar persons of the Scotish Nation might be instrusted in 〈◊〉 Gospel by Priests and Monks withour help of Biâ—hops as is said by Major yet doth it not follow thereupon that their Churches were governed in the same manner as is said by Buchannan And yet upon these faulty grounds it is infered by the 〈◊〉 with great joy and triumph that in some places of the world the government by Bishops was never received for many years together For say they we read that in antient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks and were without Bishops 290. years Instructed possibly at the first without Bishops by such Priâ—sts and Monks as came thither out of Ireland or the 〈◊〉 of Man or the more Southern parts of Bâ—itain but not so governed when they were increased multiplied into several Churches and Congregations And so it is affirmed by Arâ—h-Bishop Spotswood who tellâ—th uâ—â—ut of 〈…〉 that antiently the Priests of Scotland whom they then called 〈◊〉 were wont for their better government to elect some one of their number by Common suffrage to be chief and principal amongst them without whose knowledge and conâ—â—nt nothing was done in any matter of importance and that the Person so elected was called Scotorum Episcopus the Scots Bishop or a Bishop of Scotland By which it doth appear most plainly first that the Prelate Bishop was not first ordained here by 〈◊〉 as the Scotish say and secondly that that Church was not so long a time without Bishops if it were at all as the English Presbyterians would fain have it fol. 15. Iohn Calvin a Freâ—â—hman of Aquitain â— Not so but a Native of Noyoâ—â— City of Picardie far enough from Aquitain as is affirmed by all others which have written of him The like mistake to which we finde fol. 9â— where it is said that the Lords of Aâ—bygny take name frâ—m Aubygny â— village in Aquitain Whereas indeed the Castle and Signeury of Aubygny from whence the younger house of Lenâ—â— takes their denomination is not within the Province of Aquitam but the Country of Berry fol. 20 And therefore to strike in with his Son and 〈…〉 his Fathers obsequies with magnifiâ—ent Solemnâ—ly in Pauls Church This spoken of the Obsequies of King Henry the second of France performed by Queen 〈◊〉 with great Magnificence not so much on the particular ground which I finde here mentioned as to preserve her Reputation and the Reputation of this Church by such Rites and Ceremonies with all forrain princes To which end she did Solemnize the Obsequies of such Kings and Emperors as died during her Reign in as great pomp and splendor as she did this Kings for before this in very Princely manner were performed solemn Obsequies for 〈◊〉 the fift a riâ—h â—all of gold laying upon the Herse the Emperours Embassador being chief Mourner accompanied with many Princes and Peers of England And after this 〈◊〉 did the like for many others with no great difficulty to 〈◊〉 found in our commâ—n Chronicles By means whereof 〈◊〉 did not onely maintain her own Estimation but caused thâ— Church of England to be looked on with greater veneratioâ— and 〈…〉 popish Princes then it hath been since thâ—â— leaving off 〈◊〉 due observances fol. 27. And â—y coâ—pute of their own Loâ—ds of the Congâ—gation a hundred marks a year was then sufficient for a single Minister Understand not here an hundred marks sterling at the rate of 13. s. 4. d. to the Mark as the English count it amounting to 66 l. 13. s. 4. d. in the total 〈◊〉 but an hundred Marks Scâ—tish each Mark containing no more then thiâ—teen pence halfe penny of our English money which make but 5. l. 13. s. upon our accompt A sorry pittance in it self though thought enough by their good Masters for their pains in preaching Fol. 53. Three of our Kings
severally chalenged that Trial against the French King and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Taâ—â—acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat not between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Tarracone as is here affirmed but between Peter King of Arragon and Charles Earl of Anâ—ou pretending severally to that Kingdom 10. Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch mâ—n the Lord Ree and David Ramsey Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames but King 〈◊〉 his time Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles c. 11 Katheriâ—e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second and mother to Charles the ninth Frâ—nch Kings but by no means a â—â—â—thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh For first Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 who was killed young and unmarried had nâ— brother at all And secondly Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin son of Peter de Medeâ—es and Grâ—ndson of Laurence de Medicâ—s the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers and so that Queeu not Broâ—hers Daughter to the Pope Of nearer kiâ— she was to Pope Leo the tenth though not his Brothers Daughter neither Pâ—pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices this great Ladies Grand-father Fol. 84. This yâ—â—r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France The name of the Province is Poictou of which Poictires is the pâ—â—â—cipal City accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 â—ll that Kingdom And such anothâ—r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the absâ—nce of the Duke of Arran Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar as he after calls him the Title of Duke being first confâ—â—'d by King Charls upon Iames Marquess of Hâ—milâ—on created Duke Hâ—milâ—on of Arran Anno 1643. The like mâ—â—nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth writ by 〈◊〉 whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows being clapt to by the publisher of it and possibly may be no other then Camdeâ—s Annals of that Queen in the English Tongue The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures with some iustice in Rebellion elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. Not so but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 called â—harls being the yongest Son of â—harls Duke of 〈◊〉 whereas Henry King of Navar was the onely Son and Heir of Anâ—hoâ—y the eldest Brother So that not oâ—ely the King of Navar but the Princes of the Hâ—use of 〈◊〉 deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein the second Brother had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 But being of the Catholick party and of the Royal Hâ—use of Bourbon in which the Rights of the Crown remained and withal a man of great Age and small Abilities he was set up to serve the turn and screen'd the main Plot of the Lâ—aguers from the eyes of the people Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph bred a Civilian was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford Not otherwise to be made good in case he were of that House in Oxford which is now called Pembroke Colledge but by Anticipation Lavinaqueveâ—t Littora as in the like case the Poet has it that which is now called Pembroke Colledge was in those times call'd Broadgates Hâ—ll not changed into a Colledge till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of that University and in hope of some endowment from him called Pembroke Colledge Fol. 189. The other Title was of the Iâ—â—ant of Spain In laying down whose several Titles the Author leaves out that which is most material that is to say the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain from the Lady Katherine Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster marryed to Henry the third King of Castile and Mother to King Iohn the second from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day Fol. 191. Hawkins Drake Baskervile c. Fiâ—e sâ—ne Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies They fired indeed some Towns in Hispanâ—olâ— and amongst others that of Dominica or St. Domâ—ngo But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica which is one of the Châ—rybes and they had no reason that Island being governed by a King of its own at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 anâ— conseqâ—ently more likely to be aydâ—d then annâ—yed by those Sea Adventurers A like mistake we had before in the name of Câ—â—mâ—rdin fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs not being named 〈◊〉 but Carwâ—rdin Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly and by degrees Knight of the Garter Not so Knight of the Garter first by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton as appeares by the Registers of the Order and then Earl of Kelly Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles Dâ—nvers fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris for Sr. Iohn Norris fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex in which it is said first that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe Not so but Earl of Essex onely as appears by Camden in his Britannia fol 454. If either he or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe they take it not by vertue of this last Creation but in right of their descent from William Boâ—rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth Secondly it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Walâ—er that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition and had no command And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place saying that Ambitious of common fame he put himself to Sea and got aboard the Fleet conceiting that their respect to his biâ—th and quâ—liâ—y would receive him their chief but was mistaken in that honouâ— Fol. 155. Thirdly it is said of this
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
their yongest Sons some Earldom or other until the time of Edward the third after which time they were invested with the Title of Dukes as appears evidently to any who are studied in their Chronologies But that they or any of them were Earls by Birth is a new piece of learning for which if the Historian can give me any good proof I shall thank him for it Fol. 278. Henry the eight thus cousened into some kindness both by his own power and purse makes Charls Emperor and the French King his Prisoner 1519. Neither so nor so For first though King Henry did contribute both his power and purse to the taking of the French King Prisoner yet to the making of Charls Emperor he contributed neither the one nor the other And secondly though Charls were created Emperor Anno 1519 yet the French King was not taken Prisoner till six years after Anno 1525. Fol. 31â— Oswald united the Crowns of England and Scotland which were 〈◊〉 afterwards for many Ages 3â— That Oswald King of Northumberland here mentioned was a Puiâ—â—ant Prince as being the ninth Monarch of the English I shall easily grant but that he united the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland is not any where found Our Author therefore must be understood of his uniting the two Realms of Deâ—ra and Pernicia part of which last hath for long time been accounted part of Scotland which after his decease were again divided Fol. 317. Whose Results notwithstanding are not to be obtruded on the Sâ—culars to be obsâ—rved with the Authority of Laws until they be allowed by assent of the King and both Houses An error far more pardonable in our present Author to whom the concernments of the Church are not so necessary to be known or studied then in our Church Historian where before we had it and which hath had a full Conâ—utation in our Animadversions to which for brevity sake I shall now refer Fol. 320. Rory Duke of Solia from France Either the Printer or the Author are mistaken here The Ambassador who was sent from France was neither called Rory nor Duke of Solia but Marquess of Rhosney created afterward Duke of Sully and Lord High Treasurer of that Kingdom by King Henry 4. A Protestant and therefore purposely selected for that imployment Of whom it is reported in the conference at Hampton-Court that having observed the order and gravity of our Church Service in the Cathedral Chuâ—ch at Câ—nâ—erbury he was heard to say that if the like had been used in France there would have been many thousands of Protestants more then were at that present Fol. 329. Ceâ—il foâ— his good Service was created Earl of Salisbury That is to say for so it must be understood for his activity and diligence in discovering the Powder-Treason But he was Earl of Salisbury before that Discovery call'd so by the Historian himself in the course of thaâ— Naâ—rative and made so by King Iames in the Mâ—y foregoâ—ng at what time also his Brother Thomas Lord Burley was made Earl of EXCESTER The like mistake I finde in the advancement of Thomas Lord Buckhurst to the Earldom of Dorcet plac'd by the Author fol. 342. in the year 1605. whereas indeed he was created Earl of Dorcet in the first year of King Iames March 13. Anno 1603. Fol. 333. The Earl of Flanders c. being by Storm cast upon our Coast c. was fain to yield to all the Kings demands in delivering up the Countess of Warwick and other Fugitives resident in Flanders This story is well meant but not rightly told there being at that time no Earl of Flanders commonly so called to be cast upon the Coast of England nor any such Woman as a Countess of Warwick whom King Henry the seventh could be afraid of the truth is that the person here meant was Philip King of Castile Duke of Burgundy Earl of Flanders c. who in his return from Spain was driven by Tempest on the Coast of England and being Royally Feasted by King Henry the seventh was detained here till he had delivered into the Kings hands the Earl of Suffolk who had fled into the Nether-lands for protection and began to work new troubles against his Soveraign The story whereof we have at large in the History of King Henry the seventh writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban from fol. 222. to 225. Fol. 334 The fate of that Family evermore false to the crown This spoken of the Piercies Earls of Northumberland too often false to the Crown though not always so For Henry the second Earl of this Family lost his life fighting for King Henry the sixth in the Battle of St. Albans as Henry his Son and Successor also did at the Battle of â—owton And so did Henry the fifth Earl in the time of King Henry the seventh for his Fidelity to that King in a tumultuous Insurrection of the Common People not to say any thing of his Son and Successor who dyed without any imputation of such disloyalty Fol. 362. Zutphen and Gelders did of right belong to the Dukâ— Arnold who being Prisoner with the last Duke of Burgundy who died before Nancy that Duke intruded upon his Possession c. 40. Not so it was not Arnold Duke of Gelders that was Imprisoned by Charls Duke of Burgundy but his Son Adolphus who having most ungratiously Imprison'd his aged Father was vanquished by Duke Charls and by him kept Prisoner and the old Duke restored again to his power and liberty In a grateful acknowledgement of which favor he made a Donation of his Estates to Duke Charls and his Heirs to commence after his decease though it took no effect till Conquered under that pretence by Charls the fifth uniting it unto the rest of his Belgick Provinces Anno 1538. Fol. 423. Sir William Seymour Grandchilde to the third Son and the Heir of the Earl of Hertford created by Henry the eighth whose sister he marryed c. And being thus near the Crown c. In this business of Sir William Seymer now Marquess of Hertford there are two mistakes For first the Earl of Hertford from whom he derived his discent married not any of the Sisters of King Henry the eighth he having but two Wives in all the first the Daughter of Filol of Woodland from whom comes Baronet Seymer of the West the second Anne Daughter of Sir Edward and Sister to Sir Michael Stanhop from whom discends the House of Hertford still in being It s true King Henry married a Sister of Sir Edward Seymer by him created Earl of Hertford but not é contra the Earl of Hertford married not with a sister of his Secondly The nearness of this House to the Crown of England came not from any such Marriage of this first Earl with that Kings Sister but from the Marriage of Edward the second Earl with a Neece of that Kings that is to say with 〈◊〉 Daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk and of Fâ—aâ—ces his Wife
men set on John Scot Director of the Chancery a busie person to inform against his Descent In the story of this Earl not only as to his Original and descent but as to his being Earl of Menteith our Authour is not to be faulted but on the other side not to be justified in making him to be Earl of Strathern by the power of Buckingham that Duke being dead some years before though by his power made Lord President of the Council for the Realm of Scotland Therefore to set this matter right and to adde something to our Authour that may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge I am to let him understand that after the death of David Earl of Strathern second Son to King Robert the third this Title lay dormant in the Crown and was denied to the Lord Dromond created afterwards Earl of Perth when a Suitor for it But this Gentleman Sir William Graham Earl of Menteith descended from an Heir General of that David a man of sound abilities and approved affections was by the King made Lord President of the Councill of Scotland as before is said In which place he so behaved himself and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master upon all occasions that nothing could be done for advance of Hamiltons designs till he was removed from that place In order whereunto it was put into his head by some of that Faction that he should sue unto the King to be created Earl of Strathern as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House that his merits were so great as to assure him not to meet with a deniall and that the King could do no lesse then to give him some nominall reward for his reall services On these suggestions he repaired unto the Court of England where without any great difficulty he obtained his Suit and waited on the King the most part of his Summers progresse no man being so openly honoured and courted by the Scottish Nation as he seemed to be But no sooner was he gone for Scotland but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the dangers which he had run into by that Creation whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious person the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland as being derived from David Earl of Strathern before mentioned the second Son of Robert the Second by his lawfull Wife that the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots slockt about him after this Creation when he was at the Court and would do so much more when he was in Scotland And finally that the proud man had already so farre declared himself as to give it ouâ— that the King held the Crown of him Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest Number to enquire into his life and actions and to consider of the inconveniences which might redound unto the King by his affecting this New Title On the Return whereof the poor Gentleman is removed from his Office from being one of the Privy Council and not only deprived of the Title of Earl of Strathern but of that also of Menteith which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth yet this great fall did so discourage him from all publike businesses that he retired to his own house and left the way open to the Hamiltonians to play their own game as they listed Faithfull for all this to the King in all changes of Fortune neither adhering to the Covenanters nor giving the least countenance to them when he might not only have done it with safety but with many personal advantages which were tendered to him Fol. 238. The Marquesse now findes this place too hot for him and removes to Dalkieth without any adventuring upon the English Divine Service formerly continuâ—lly used there for twenty years in audience of the Council Nobility and Iudges Compare this passage with another and we shall finde that our Authour hath mis-reckoned no lesse then fifteen years in twenty For in the year 1633. he puts this down after the Kings return from Scotland agreeable to the truth of story in that particular What care saith he King Iames took heretofore to rectifie Religious worship in Scotland when he returned from his last visiting of them the like does King Charles so soon as he came home The â—oul undecent Discipline he seeks to reform into sacred worship and sends Articles of order to be observed only by the Dean of his private Chappell there as in England That Prayers be performed twice a day in the English manner A monethly Communion to be received on their knees He that officiates on Sunday and Holydaies to do his duty in his Surplice No publick reading of the English Liturgy in Scotland since the year 1562. but only during the short time of King Iames his being there Anno 1617. therefore not read continually twenty years together as our Authour states it But twenty years is nothing in our Authours Arithmetick For telling us that the sufferers viz. Dr. Bastwick Mr. Prinne and M. Burton obtained an order for satisfaction to be made them out of the Estates of those who imposed their punishments that none of those Judges being left but Sir Henry Vane the Elder it was ordered that satisfaction should be given by him to one of their Widows and thereupon it was observed for a blessed time when a single Counsellour of State after twenty years opinion should be sentenced by Parliament to give satisâ—action for a mis-judgement acted by a body of Counsell fol. 867. But the punishment inflicted on those sufferers was in the year 1637. and this order made about eight years after Anno 1645. being but twelve years short of our Authours twenty which is no great matter Fol. 282. As for Sir John Finch Chief Iustice of the Common Pleas who succeeded him in the place of the Lord Keeper he could not hold out so many moneths as he did years from being in hazard to have forfeited his head But first this Gentleman was somewhat more then Sir Iohn Finch he being created Lord Finch of Forditch in the beginning of the April before Secondly If he were in any hazard it was not for any thing he had done in the place of Lord Keeper but only for his zeal to the Kings service in the case of Ship money or to his actings under the Earl of Holland in Forrest businesses before he came unâ—o that place neither of which could have extended to the losse of his head though he thought not fit to trust that head to such mercilesse Judges With like prudence did Sir Francis Windebank principal Secretary of Estate withdraw into France of whom our Author telleth us That he remained there to his death a profest Roman Catholick fol. 338. But first Sir Francis Windebank remained not there until his death for he came
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
Writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest who mentioneth Josephs coming hither For Anâ—wer wheâ—eunto it may first be said that where there is a conâ—â—nt uncontrol'd tradition there is most commonly the lesse care taken to commit it to writing secondly that the Charters of Glassenbury relating from the Norman to the Saxon Kings and from the Saxons to the Britâ—ns being all built upon St. Iosephs coming hither and pâ—eaching here may serve in stead of many Authors bearing witness to it and thirdly that Fryer Bale as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome as our Author can deâ—ire to have him hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto that is to say Melkinus Avalonius and Gildas Albanus whose writings or some fragments of them he may be believed to have seen though our Authoâ— hath not As for some circumstances in the stoâ—y that is to say the dedicating of Iosephs first Church to the Virgin Mary the burying of his body in it and the inclosing of the same with a large Church-yard I look upon them as the products of Mâ—nkish ignorance accommodated unâ—o the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in Theâ—e is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar whose History would not be subject to the like misconstructions if the additaments of the middle and darker times should be produced to the disparagement of the whole Narration But such an enemy our Author is to all old traditions that he must need have a blow at Glassenbury Thorn though before cut down by some Souldieâ—s as himself confesseth like Sir Iohn Falstaffe in the Play who to shew his valour must thrust his sword into the bodies of those men which weâ—e dead before The budding or blossoming of this Thorn he accounts untrue which were it true c. fol. 8. affirming fâ—om I know not whom that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas day but on the dayes near it or about it And were it no otherwiâ—e then so the miracle were not much the lesse then if it budded câ—itically upâ—n Christmas day as I have heard from persons of great worth and credit dwelling near the place that indeed it did though unto such as had a minde to decry the Festival it was no very hard mâ—tter to bely the miracle In fine our Author either is unwilling to have the Gospell as soon preacht here as in other places or else we must have Preachers for it from he knowes not whence Such Preachers we must have as either drop down immediately from the heavens as Dianas Image is said to have done by the Town-â—lerk of Ephesus or else mâ—st suddenly rise out of the earth as Tages the first Soothsayer amongst the Thuscans is reported to have done by some antient Writers And yet we cannot say of our Author neither as Lactantius did of one Acesilas if my memory fail not Recte hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas sed non rectè sundavit suam that is to say that though he had laid no good grounds for his own opinion yet he had solidly confâ—ted the opinions of others Our Aâ—thor hath a way by himself neither well skill'd in pulling down nor in building up From the first conversion of the Britans proceed we now unto the second as Parsons cals it or rather from the first Preaching to the Propagation The Christian faith here planted by St. Peter or St. Ioseph or perhaps planted by the one and watered rather by the other in their severall times had still a being in this Island till the time of Lucius So that there was no need of a new conversion but only of some able Labourers to take in the harvest The Miracles done by some pious Christians induced King Lucius to send Elvanus and Meduinus two of that profession to the Pope of Rome requesting principally that some Preachers might be sent to instruct him in the faith of Christ. Which the Pope did accoâ—ding to the Kings desiâ—e sending Faganus and Derwianus two right godly men by whom much people were converted the Temples of the gods converted into Christian Churches the Hierarchy of Bishops setled and the whole building raised on so good a foundation that it continued undemoâ—isht till the time of the Saxons And in the summing up of this story our Author having refâ—ted some petiâ— Arguments which had been answered to his hand though much mistaken by the way in taking Diotarus King of Galatia for a King of Sicilie fol. 10. gives us some other in their stead which he thinks unanswerable First he obâ—ects against the Popes anâ—weâ— to the King that Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King Lâ—cius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Lawes which being at that time in force in the 〈◊〉 if Britain was but actum agere But certainly thoâ—gh those parts of Britain in which Lucius reign'd were governed in part and bâ—t in part by the Lawes of Rome yet were the Lawes of Rome at that time more in number and of a far more generall practice then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions Two thousand Volumes we finde of them in Iustinians time out of which by the help of Theophilus Trebonianus and many other learned men of that noble faculty the Emperor compos'd that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its compâ—ehension we still call the Pandects So that King Lucius being desirous to inform himself in the Lawes of that Empire whether in force or out of use we regard not now might as well make it one of his desires to the Pope of Rome as any great person living in Ireland in Queen Elizabeths time might write to the Archbishop of Canterbury to procure for him all the Books of Statutes the Year-books Commentaries and Reports of the ablest Lawyers though Ireland were governed at that time by the Lawes of England For though Pope Eleutherius knew better how to suffer Martyrdom for Christs cause as our Author hath it then to play the Advocate in anothers yet did not that render him unable to comply with the Kings desires but that he thought it better to commend the knowledge of Gods Law to his care and study In the next place it is objected that This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne making him the Monarch or King of Britain who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here but partial and subordinate to the Romans This we acknowledge to be true but no way prejudiciall to the cause in hand Lucius both was and might be call'd the King of Britain though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors as the two Baliols Iohn and Edward were both Kings of Scotland though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first and third of England the Kings of Naples to the Pope and those of Austria and Bohemia to the German Emperors Nor doth the next objection give us any
endued with the spirit of Prophesie which I think he will not if not then a contingency so remoâ—e could not be taken by him into consideratior as indeed it was not For first London at that time was the chief City of the Kingdom of East-sex one of the weakest of the seven and so not likely to prevail over all the rest Secondly if any of the greater Kingdoms of Mercia West-sex or Northumberland should in fine prevail it was not not probable that the Conquerors would remove the Seat Royal from their own Dominions into any of the conquered Countries And thirdly though the Kings of the West-Saxons who prevailed at last and became Monarchs of the whole setled the Royal Seat in London yet was it not till Winchester their own Regal City was destroyed by fire and made unable to receive them Fol. 60. The first cast of his office was to call a Councel for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together in the confines of the Wiccians and West-Saxons Our Author placeth this meeting within few lines after in the confines of Worcester and Herefordshire and more rightly there Worcestershire or the Countrey of the Wiccii confining on the County of Hereford but bordering in no place on the Kingdom of West-sex the whole County of Glocester being interposed So that our Author being mistaken in the place of the meeting it is no wonder if he stumble at the Monuments and Records thereof Of one of which he telleth us Fol. 61. That we can part with it without any losse to our selves and therefore bids it to make shift for its own Authenticalness fol. 60. The Record slighted thus is a Memorial of the Answer of the Abbot of Bancor to Archbishop Austins proposition communicated by Peter Moston a Welch Gentleman to that learned and industrious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman and by him placed in his collection of the British and Saxon Councils Which honour he had never given it had he not conceived it worthy to deserve that place nor had the Papists used such violence to wrest it from us without the hope of gaining somewhat to themselves But to proceed this conâ—erence being ended without success there followed not long after the great slaughter of the Monks of Bancor for which our Author in a merrier humor then becomes the sadness of the matter or the gravity of an Ecclesiastical History hath caused Austin to be indited impanelling a Jury and producing his evidence Amongst which Matthew Parker the learned Archbishop of Cantâ—rbury and Iohn Iewel the renowned Bishop of Salisbury must be reâ—ected by the Jury as incompetent witnesses partly because of their known opposition to the Romish Church and partly because of their modern writing almost a thousand years after the matter in fact fol. 64. And all this done to add the greater honour to Mr. Fox as Modern as either of the two and as averse as either of them from the Church of Rome But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox no friend unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England whereas the other two were Bishops and great sticklers for them This maâ—â—es our Author magnifie Foâ— for his moderation whose moderate testimony saith he much moved the whole Court and as much to condemn the others for the sharpeness of their expressions against Austin whom our Author himself reproacheth often for his pride and haughtinesâ— fol. 62. which made them of lesse credit amongst the Jury A thread of which fine spinning we shall finde frequently interwoâ—en in the whole web of this History and towards the latter end thereof not a few whole pieces made of no better yarne And let the Reader take this with him for a taste of our Authors good affections to the severall parties that it is bare M. Parker and plain Bishop Iewel without welt or guard but reverentâ— Mr. Fox by all means and so let him passe And let us passe also to the residue of the Acts of Austin Fol. 66. Who all this while was very industrious and no lesse successfull in converting the Saxons to the Châ—istian faith Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire be in one day baptized above ten thousand The certain Author whom he means is an old fragment of a namelesse Author cited by Camden fol. 136. who rels the story otherwise then our Author doth For though the Fragment tell us that the River was callâ—d Swale yet that it was the River Swale near Richmond in York-shire is the addition of our Author That there is a River of that name neer Richmond is affirmed by Camden who withall telleth us That it was reputed very sacred amongst the antient English for that in it when the English-Saxons first embraced Christianity there were in one day baptized with Festival joy by Paulinus the Archbishop of York above ten thousand Men besides Women and little Children Of Austins baptizing in this River not one word saith he Neither doth Beda touch upon it as ceâ—tainly he would have done had theâ—e been ground for it And therefore if I may have leave to venture my opinion I shall concur with the old fragment as to the name of the Riveâ— and yet not carry Austin ouâ— of Kent and much lesse into Richmondshire to performe that office For when we finde in Camden that the Medwayâ—alling â—alling into the Thames is divided by the Isle of Sheppey into two great branches of which the one is called East-Swale the other West-Swale I see no reason why we should look any where 〈◊〉 foâ— that River Swale mentioned in the old fragment which before we spake of But herein I must submit â—y self to more able judgements The place agreed on â—e should next inquire into the numbers but that our Author seems to grant as much as the fragment craveth Only he telleth us that Fol. 66. If so many were baptized in one day it appears plainly that in that age the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those superstitious Ceremonies as essential thereunto of crossing spittle Oyl Cream Salt and such like Trinkets Our Author here reckoneth the sign of the Crosse in Baptism amongst the 〈◊〉 trinkets and superstitious Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and thereby utterly condemneth the Church of England which doth not only require it in her Rubricks but also pleads for it in her Canons Not as essential to that Sacrament the Papists not making Spittle Oylâ—â—ream Salt c. to be essential thereunto as our Author saith but only for a Sign significative in token that the party signed shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified and manfully to fight under his Banner against sin the world and the Devil and to continue Christs faithful Souldier and servant unto his lives end A Ceremony not so new as to be brought within the compass of Popish Trinkets though by them abused For when the point was agitated in the Conference
on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendom whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Phiâ—ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spenâ—â—rs whom he speaks this of were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being These two Spencers Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Clâ—re became Earl of Gloster Men more to be commended for their Loyalty then accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not only misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not only men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Grâ—at Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 in which appear not only some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall â—â—â—â—or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Lawes and of good affectionâ— and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fol. 116. This yearâ— viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter Right enough as unto the time but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand neither consulting the Records noâ— dealing in this business with men of credit For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Winâ—or but thirteen only with the Dean it being King Edwards purpoâ—e when he founded that Oâ—deâ— consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights himself being one to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knightsâ— to be pensioned there Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention He tels us secondly that if he be not mistaken as indeed he is Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor which is nothing so For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also yet ab initio non suit sic it was not so from the beginning The first Dean who was also Register being Iohn Boxul Anno 1557. Before which time beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans but how many more before that time I am not able to say their names not being on Record And soâ—â—thly he tels us that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks with the picture of St. George appendant and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing and of such necessary use that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it unless they be to take a journey in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter Lastly whereas our Author tels us that the Knights heâ—eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory and attributes this wearing as some say to King Charles I will first put him out of doubt that this addition was King Charles his then shew him his mistake in the matter it self And first in the first year of that King Ap. 26 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the Oâ—der viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks Coats and riding Cassacks at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs and in all places of Assembly an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George id est a Crosse within a Garter not enriched with Pearls or Stones in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour Our Authour secondly may perceive by this Act of the Kings that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing and might be either used or not used but only for conformities sake as they would themselves So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with The Fourth Book From the first Preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which
thereof in the main body of it not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses This I can say on certain knowledge being casually invited to his Funeral when I thought not of it though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of Fol. 153. The Right to the Crown lay not in this Henry but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March descended by his Mother Philippa from Lionel Duke of Clarence elder son to Edward the third I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster though I think it no hard matter to defend it and much less shall I venture on the other controversie viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry though I finde him better studied in it then in matter of History And certainly our Author is here out in his own dear Element Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March whom Richard the second to despite the House of Lancaster declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England 'T is true this Edmond was the son of another Philippa that is to say of Philip Montacute wife of a former Roger Earl of March one of the founders of the Garter So that in whomsoever the best Title lay if lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it 〈◊〉 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing 〈…〉 the Temporaâ—â— and Spiritual Lordsâ— that 〈…〉 be tryed per pares by their Peers being 〈…〉 Noâ— shall I here dispute the point 〈…〉 may not challenge to be tryed by his 〈…〉 wheâ—â—er the Bishops were not Barons and 〈◊〉 of the Realm Our Author intimates that they were not but I think they were and this I think on the authority of the learned Selden in whom we finde that at a Parliament at Northampton 〈◊〉 Henry the 2. the Bishops thus challenge their own â—ee age viz. Non sedemus hiâ— Episcopi sed Barones Nos â—â—â—â—nes vâ—s Barones Pares hiâ— sumus that is to 〈◊〉 We 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 as Bishops only but as Barons We are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also 〈…〉 in terminis by the words of a Statuâ—e 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to â—e Peers of the Land And for further proof heâ— eoâ— Ihon â—tratford Archbishop of Canterbury if I remember it aright being fallen into the displeâ—sure of King Edward the third and denyed entrance into the House of 〈◊〉 made his Protest that he was Primus 〈◊〉 Regni the 〈◊〉 Peer of the Realm and therefoâ—e not to be 〈…〉 from his place and Suffrage But of this Argument enough iâ— not too much as the case now stands 〈…〉 thing to consider what they have 〈…〉 what they are at this preâ—ent 〈…〉 Reign theâ—e paâ—â— an Act of Paâ—liament by which it was enacted That the Countrey of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorpoâ—aâ—ed united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said principality countrey or dominion of Wales shall have inâ—oy and inhe â—it all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Lawes within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally boâ—n within the same have and injoy and inheâ—â—it And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed boâ—e an hundâ—ed and twenty years which intimates a longer time then some years after as out Author words it Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this Univeâ—sity where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The oâ—dinary and unwary Reâ—der might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of distâ—â—bance By which it seems our Author doth 〈◊〉 to the time of the War when men from all 〈◊〉 did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the fear Royall of the King at 〈◊〉 time notwithstanding all provisions were so plenâ—â—ull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the 〈◊〉 of them No better argument of the 〈◊〉 of the soil and richness of the 〈◊〉 in which Oxford standeth then that the 〈…〉 on the accession of such 〈…〉 at that 〈◊〉 and on that occasion 〈◊〉 Author therefoâ—e 〈◊〉 be thought to relate unto somewhat else then is here expâ—essed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time 〈◊〉 him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration And 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 son to complain of the Vniversity or the dearness of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarryed where he was for I never heard that he was sent foâ— and then this great complaint against the dearness of that Vniversity would have found no place Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity 〈◊〉 should be seen save only on holy-dayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fachering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Not is oâ—r Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially â—aith he if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meantâ— scited in the fâ—rthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was a waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in thoâ—e dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediately of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of â—njou on the expiring of which House by the last will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him and his successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine cals Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or
am that it continued and the money was duly paid into the Exchequer for many years after the true cause thereof was taken away the Queens displeasure against Pilkington ending either with his life or hers and all the Garrisons and forces upon the Borders being taken away in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames. So true is that old saying Quod Christus non capit fiscus rapit never more fully verified then in this particular The Sixth Book Containing the History of Abbeys THis Book containing the History of Abbeys seems but a Supplement to the former but being made a distinct book by our Author we must do so likewise In which the first thing capable of an Animadversion is but meerly verbal viz. Fol. 266. Cistercians so called from one Robert living in Cistercium in Burgundy The place in Burgundy from whence these Monks took denomination though call'd Cistercium by the Latins is better known to the French and English by the name Cisteaux the Monks thereof the Monks of Cisteaux by the English and Lesmoines de Cisteaux by the French and yet our Author hath hit it better in his Cistercians then Ralph Brook York Herald did in his Sister-senses for which sufficiently derided by Augustin Vincent as our Author being so well studied in Heraldry cannot chuse but know Fol. 268. But be he who he himself or any other pleaseth brother if they will to St. George on Horseback â— Our Author not satisfying himself in that Equitius who is supposed to be the first Founder of Monks in England makes him in scorn to be the Brother of St. George on Horseback that is to say a meer Chimera a Legendary Saint a thing of nothing The Knights of that most noble Order are beholding to him for putting their Patron in the same Rank with St. Equitius of whose existence on the Earth he can finde no Constat But I would have him know how poorly so ever he thinks of St. George on Horseback that there hath more been said of him his Noble birth Atchievements with his death and Martyrdom then all the Friends our Author hath will or can justly say in defence of our present History Fol. 270. So they deserve some commendation for their Orthodox judgement in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuites Our Author speaks this of the Dominicans or preaching Fryers who though they be the sole active managers of the Inquisition deserve notwithstanding to be commended for their Orthodox judgement How so Because forsooth in some Controversies of importance that is to say Predestination Grace Free-will and the rest of that link they hold the same opinions against the Iesuites and Franciscans as the Rigid Lutherans do against the Melanchthonians and the Rigid or Peremptory Calvinists against the Remonstrants As powerful as the Iesuites and Franciscans are in the Court of Rome they could never get the Pope to declare so much in favour of their Opinion as here our Author out of pure zeal to the good Cause declares in favour of the Dominicans It was wont to be the property or commendation of Charity that it hoped all things believed all things thought no evill and in a word covered a multitude of â—ins But zeal to the good cause having eaten up Charity so far ascribes unto it self the true qualities of it as to pass over the sins and vices of such who have engaged themselves in defence thereof And he that favours the good cause though otherwise heterodox in Doctrine irregular in his Conversation as bloudy a Butcher of the true Protestants as these Preaching Fryers shall have his imperfections covered his vices hidden under this disguise that he is Orthâ—dox in judgement and a true Professor Otherwise the Dominicans had not â—ound such favour from the hands of our Author who would have drawn as much bloud into their cheeks with his pen as they have drawn from many a true Protestant by their persecutions Fol. 300. We will conclude with their observation as an ominous presage of Abbies ruine that there was scarce a great Abbey in England which once at least was not burnt down with lightning from Heaven â— Our Author may be as well out in this as he hath been in many things else it being an ordinary thing to aâ—scribe that to Lightning or fire from Heaven which happened by the malice or carelesness of Knaves on Earth of which I shall speak more hereafter on occasion of the firing of St. Pauls sâ—eeple in London lib. 9. Now only noting by the way that scarse any and but thirteen for our Author names no more which were so consumed hang not well together If only thirteen were so burnt and sure our Author would have nam'd them if they had been more he should have rather chang'd his style and said that of so many Religious Houses as suffered by the decayes of time and the fury of the Danish Wâ—â—s or the rage of accident I fires scarse any of them â—â—d been striken by the hand of Heaven Fol. 313. Hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion wherein all the open undertakers were North of Trent c. Not all the open undertakers I am sure of that our Author telling us in the words next following that this commotion began first in Lincolnshire no part whereof except the River Isle of Axholm lies beyond the Trent Concerning which we are instructed by Iohn Stow that at an Assise for the Kings Subsidie kept in Lincolnshire the people made an insurrection and gathered nigh twenty thousand persons who took certain Lords and Gentlemen of the Country causing them to be sworn to them upon certain Articles which they had devised For which Rebellion and some other practises against the State 12 of that County that is to say 5 Priests and 7 Lay-men were not long after drawn to Tyborn and there hang'd and quarteâ—ed By which we see that all the open undertakers in the Northern Rebellion were not North of Trent nor all the principal undertakers neither some Lords and Gentlemen of that County though against their wills appearing in it and amongst others Sir Iohn Hussey created Baron not long before by King Henry the eighth and shortly after punisht by him with the loss of his head for being one of the Heads of this Insurrection Fol. 316. Where there be many people there will be many offenders there being a Cham amongst the eight in the Ark yea a Cain amongst the four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world In this our Authors Rule is better then his Exemplification For though there where but eight persons in the Ark whereof Cham was one yet in all probability there were more then four persons in the world at the Birth of Abel reckoning him for one For though the Scripture doth subjoyn the Birth of Abel unto that of Cain yet was it rather in relation to the following story wherein Abel was a principal party then that no other children
74. But leaving him to stand or fall to his own Master I would fain know what text of Scripture ancient Writer or approved Councel can be brought to justifie Bounds Doctrines which he affirms for ancient truths and consonant to holy Scripture But more particularly where he can shew me any ground for the third Position viz. That there is as great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath it being one of the moral Commandements whereof all are of equall authority This if it be a truth is no ancient truth and whensoever it be received and allowed for truth will in conclusion lay as heavy and insupportable Burthens upon the consciences of Gods people as ever were imposed upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees And secondly I would fain know the meaning of the following words in which it is said that others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion it was pity to oppose them I would fain know I say considering that the foundation of the Christian faith is laid on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles Christ himself being the chief corner stone how any thing which is not built upon this foundation but grounded on a wrong bottom as this seemed to be could tend to the manifest advance of the true Religion That it tended to the manifest advance of some Religion I shall easily grant and if our Author mean no otherwise we shall soon agree But sure I am no part of the true Religion was ever grounded upon â—alshood and therefore is 〈◊〉 Doctrine were grounded on so ill â— bottom aâ— they say it was it might â—onâ—â—â— to the advancement of a Faction and mens private 〈◊〉 but to the true Religion it was likely to contribute nothing but disgrace and scandal Lâ—stly I am to minde our Author that he makes Mr. Greenhams Treatise of the Sabbath to be published in pursuance of Bounds opinions which could not be till in or after the year 1595. Whereas he had laid him in his grave above two years before telling us that he died of the Plugue in London Anno 1592. fol. 219. By which it seems that Greenham either writ this Treatise after his decease oâ— else our Author hath done ill in giving the fâ—â—st honour of these new Doctrins unto Dr. Bound In the next place we shall see our Author engage himself in defence of the Calviâ—an Doctrins about Predestâ—ation Grace c. of which he telleth us that Fol. 229. Having much troubled both the Schools and Puâ—pit Archbishop Whitgift out of his Christian care to propogate the truth and suppress the opposite errors 〈◊〉 used a solemn meeting of many grave and learned 〈◊〉 at Lanibâ—th The occasion this The controversâ—â— about Predestination Grace c. had been long 〈◊〉 in the Schools between the Dominicant on the one side and the Francisâ—ans on the other 〈◊〉 the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of St. Augustin Prosper and some others of the following 〈◊〉 the Franciscans on the general current of the 〈◊〉 Fathers who lived ante motâ— certamina Pelagiana before the rising of the Pelagian Hereâ—ies 〈◊〉 disputes being after taken up in the 〈◊〉 Churches 〈◊〉 moderate Lutherans as they 〈◊〉 them followed the Doctrine of Melanchâ—hon conformable to the 〈…〉 those particulars The others whom they 〈…〉 or rigid Lutherans of whom 〈◊〉 Illyricus was the chief go in the same way with the Dominicans The authority of which last opinion after it had been entertained and publishe in the works of Calvin for his sake found admiâ—â—ance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches And having got footing here in England by the preaching of such Divines as had fled to Geneva in Queen Maries time it was defended in the Schools of Cambridge without opposition till Peter Barâ— a French man came and setled there Who being the Lady Margarets Pâ—ofessor in that University and liking better of the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin defended it openly in the Schools many of parts and qâ—ality being gained unto his opinion Which gave so much displeasure to Dr. Whitaker Dr. Tyndall Mr. Perkins and some other leading men of the contrary judgement that they thought best to use the Argument ab Authoritatâ— to convince their Adversaries and complained thereof to the Archbishop and in the end prevailed with him to call that meeting at Lambeth which our Author speaks of in which some Articles commonly called the Nine Articles of Lambeth were agreed upon and sent down to Cambridge in favour of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates But our Author not content to relate the story of the Quarrel must take upon him also to be a judge in the Controversie He had before commended the Dominicans for their Orthodoxie in these points of Doctrine as they were then in agitation betwixt them and the Iesuits He now proceeds to do the like between the two parties men of great piety and learning appearing in it on both sides disputing the same points in the Church of England honouring the opinion of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates with the name of the truth and branding the other with the Title of the opposite error And yet not thinking that he had declared himself sufficiently in the favour of the Calvinian party he telleth us not long after of these Lambeth Articles fol. 232. that though they wanted the Authority of Provincial Acts yet will they readily be received of all Orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears conformity to Gods word Which last words though somewhat perplextly laid down must either intimate their conformity to the word of God or else signifie nothing But whatsoever opinion our Author hath of these Nine Articles certain it is that Queen Elizabeth was much displeased at the making of them and commanded them to be supprest which was done accordingly and with such diligence withall that for long time a Copy of them was not to be met with in that University Nor was King Iames better pleased with them then Queen Elizabeth was Insomuch that when Dr. Renalds mov'd in the Conference of Hampton-Court that the Nine Articles of Lambeth might be superadded to the 39. Articles of the Church of England King Iames upon an information of the true staâ—e of the businesse did absolutely refuse to give way to it But of this more at large elsewhere I only add a Memorandâ—m of our Authors mistake in making Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London to be one of the Bishops which were present at the meeting at Lambeth whereas indeed 〈◊〉 was Richard Fletcher Bishop elect of London and by that name entituled in such Authors as relate this story Dr. Bancroft not being made Bishop of London or of any place else till the year 1597. which was two years after this Assembly Alike mistake relating to this business
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
secrets of the heart of man Interest tenebris interest cogitationibus nostris quasi alteris tenebris as Minutius hath it The man here mention'd had been in the Confeâ—sion of our Aâ—thor himself Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia â— dignity of great power and reputation and consequently of a fair Revenue in propoâ—tion to it He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors â—eckoning to betake himself to a strange Countrey where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the â—â—eedom of conscience Our Author might have said with more probability that covetousness and not consâ—ience 〈…〉 cause of his going hence no bâ—it of proâ—â—t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 â—s they were both by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming oâ—er unto ouâ—s The 〈◊〉 of â—o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen then by the defection of his Person his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ being still unanswered In which respect those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts in which he durst no longer tarry But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets they began to work upon him by more secret practises insinuating that he had neither that respect nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth was his special friend that he might chuse his own preferments and make his own conditions if he would return And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices so that the poor man being in a manner lost on both sides was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction For which and for the rest of the story the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots This must be understood with reference to the Church of England King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland And if he did not the like here as indeed he did not it neither was for want of affection to them nor of confidence in them but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English who looked on those preferments as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum Proemia si â—ollin Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain The Protestants grieved thereat fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion c. The buâ—â—ness of the match with Spainâ—ath â—ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Authoâ— of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator And yet I must adde someâ—hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral They knew they liv'd under such a King who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland They knew they liv'd under â—â—ch a King whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it If any Protestants â—eared the funeral of their Religion they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had â—ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy but even Monarchy also And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain fearing â—nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might aâ—m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England But as it seems they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 How so Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists c 〈…〉 nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party Ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreaâ—onable Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practice especially in driving Sâ—aâ—e-bargains of all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of â—ales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding The bâ—each which â—ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the fault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said But well â—are our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breaâ—h and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibiâ— Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliâ—ment But multa apparent quae non sunt Every thing is not as it seems The Parliament
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign nor of any Parliament Fasts as far as I can remember till the 21 of King Iames when they first engaged him in this War whose example followed by King Charls who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point gave such incouragement to the Commons that no Parliament could begin without them and gave them such an head at last as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority not onely without the Kings consent but against the very express words of his Proclamations How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it that is to say with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening I could make known by a very memorable story had I list and leisure And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lectures to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth but without success Of this indulgence of the Kings our Author takes no notice as he doth of the other viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation Concerning which he telleth us that Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes c. Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses as he calls them which were prohibited at that time were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever and secondly the use of Bull-baiting Bear-baiting Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes In the composure of which Act the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Paâ—ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches commonly called and known by the name of Wakes Such feasts of love and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood though they drew some People out of their own Parishes were no abuses in themselves though so called by our Author And as for Bull-baiting Bear-baiting and the rest there mentioned they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day for ought that I am able to call to mind in all the time of my Boyage So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship and laid the first foundation of those many Rigorâ— which afterward they imposed upon it For in the next Parliament of this King they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts nor Wain-men with any wain or waines nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves or any others travel upon the said day upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 s for every such offence committed and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day on the forfeiture of 6s 8 d. toties quoties Matters whith had been moved in Parliament in the 18 year of K. Iames but without success the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill when sent up by the Commons as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom and some inconveniencies to the Poor But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other and at last became their own Carvers imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament by their Orders and Ordinances so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure and civil businesses that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees nor by some Casuits on the Papists nor by Dr. Bound the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England on his Puritan Proselytes But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas that 's his Office and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral Our Author is as much out in this particular as the Mariners had been in another The Mariners thought if Mr. H. L. report them rightly that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse as is proved by the Observator And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this Sr. Robert Mansel to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone But had he consulted with the Sailers as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals which hold their places from the King and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western partâ— of those Seas And finally that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those
of Tirone who had the conduct of that War was forced to submit unto him upon condition of his Pardon which not without great difficulty was obtain'd of the Queen After whose death the Lord Mountâ—oy returned into England brought the said Earl of Tyrone with him and presented him unto King Iames who by this means reaped the fruit of that Victory and setled Ireland upon a better foundation of Peace and Happiness then all the Kings which had Reign'd before him Thirdly There was never any such Lord Deputy of Ireland as Sir William Fitzers mentioned within few lines after Sir William Fitz-Williams was once Deputy there whom I think he means Nor â—ourthly was Sir George Cary whom he brings in by Head and shoulders to be the Governor of Ireland f. 187. ever advanced unto that Honor and our Author being as much mistaken in the name of the Man as of his Office Sir George Cary never had Command in Ireland Sir George Caâ—ew had made by the Queen Lord President of Muâ—ster which place he worthily discharg'd but not the Governor of that Kingdom Fol. 192. The Queen was delivered of her second Son the 13 of October 1633. and not upon the 14 of November 1634. he was 〈◊〉 ten days 〈…〉 James and created Duke of York by Letters Patents c. Our Author here corrects the former Historian for making the Kings second Son to be born on the 14 of 〈◊〉 and deâ—erves himself to be corrected for making him to be created Duke of York by Letters Patents on 〈…〉 day after his Birth For though he was by the King dâ—signed to be Duke of York and that it was commanded that he should be called so accordingly yet was he not created Duke of York by Letters Patents until ten years after and aâ—ove those Letters Patents bearing date at Iâ—nuaryâ—7 â—7 Anno 1643. The like mistake to that which he corrects in the former Historian he falls intâ— himâ—elf fol. 312. wheâ—e he makes Henry Duke of Glocester the Kings yongest Son to be born on the twentieth day 〈◊〉 Iuly Anâ—o 1640. whereas it appears by the Arch Bishops Breviâ—t that he was born on Wednesday the eighth day of that Moneth being the day of the solemn Faâ—t And by this rule we may correct a passâ—ge in the sâ—oâ—t view of this Kings life pag. â—3 wherâ— he is 〈…〉 born on the seventeenth of this Moneth though rightly 〈◊〉 46. on the eighth day of it he is said to be bâ—rn upâ—n the eighth And thus he fails fol. 232. in making Edwâ—rd 〈◊〉 the onely Son of George Duke of Clarence to be Duke of Warwick whom all our Heralds and 〈…〉 Earl of Warwick The like mistake I finde in the name of a Town near unto which a great Battle was fought between the 〈◊〉 and the Swedes The Town near which that Battle was fought being named Norlinghen a City of that part of Svevia which is called North-schwâ—hâ—n misâ—akingly by 〈◊〉 Author called the Battle of Norlington The loss of which Battle drew after it the loss of the Palatinate restored to the Electoral Family but the year before Fol. 209. And that Story of truth that John of Orleans of this Family like a second Judith saved France from the Oppression of Strangers Not now to quarrel the ungrammaticalness of this passage nor the mistake of Iohn of Orleans for Iohane I would fain know by what Authority our Author makes this Iohn orâ— Ioane to be descended of this Illustrious Family of the Dukes of Lorrein Most of the French who have written the Story of her life report her to be a poor mans daughter of Ocolieur a Town in that Dukedom instructed by the Earl of Dunois commonly called the Bastard of Orleans to pretend to some Divine Revelations the better to incourage that dejected Nation and to take upon her the Conduct of the French Armies against the English in which she sped fortunately at the first but in the end was taken Prisoner and burnt at Rouen Nor does the paralel between her and Iudish hold so well as our Author would have it that Lady adventuring into the Tent of Holophernes accompanied onely with her Maid this Damosel Errant never looking on the face of an Enemy but when she was backt by the best Commanders and united Forces of the French that Lady carrying back with her the head of her Enemy which occasioned the total overthrow of all his Aâ—my this Damosâ—l not being able to save her own Head from the power of the Conqueror that Lady dying honorably in the Bed of Peace and this ingloriously in a Ditch Fol. 219. A severe eye had been upon the Roman Catholicks and their numerous râ—sorts c. to the ancient Chappel at Denmark House An ancient Chappel questionless of not much above twenty years continuance when our Author writ this part of his History and then built for the devotions of a small Covent of Capuchins whom the Queen had got leave â—o sâ—ttle there for her personal comfort No Chappell anciently belonging to that House which our Authour cals by the name of Denmark but is more commonly called Somerset House It having been observed of Edward Duke of Somerset the first Founder of it that having pull'd down one Parish Church and three Bishops houses each of which had their several Oratories to make room for that Palace for himself he could not finde in his heart to build a Chappell to it for the Service of God And though some Room was afterward set apart in it for Family-duties and devotions by the name of a Closet yet so uncapable was that Closet of admitting any numerous resort of Catholiques out of other places that it was not able to contain the Queens Domesticks at her first coming hither But perhaps our Authour will hit it better in the affairs of Scotland and therefore passe we on to them where first we finde That He makes Sir Iohn Stewart Earl of Traquair to succeed the Earl of Marr in the Office of Lord Treasurer of Scotland fol. 193. Whereas it is most undoubtedly true and acknowledged by himself in another place that he succeeded in that Office to the Earl of Morton the Earl of Morton being made Captain of the guard in the place of the Earl of Holland and the Earl of Holland made Groom of the Stool upon the death of the Earl of Carlile His making of Sir Iohn Hay of Scotlandâ—o â—o be the Master of the Robes for that Kingdom fol. 237. in stead of Master of the Rolls Clerk-Register they call him there I look on as a mistake of the Printer only though such mistakes condemn our Authour of no small negligence in not reviewing his own work Sheet by Sheet as it came from the Presse and making an Errata to it as all Authours carefull of their credit have been used to do Fol. 230. And because the Earl of Strathern a bold man and had the Kings ear and deservedly too being faithfull and true these
both Kingdoms and the payment of Advance-Money beforehand to the Sum of an hundred thousand pounds the Scots resolv'd not to stir a foot in their way towards England They knew in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their Assistance and therefore thought it good to make â—ay while the Sun shiâ—â—d and husband that necessity to their best Advantage So that there was no Marching over Tine on the 13. of March Anno 164â— where our 〈…〉 it we must look for it in the Year next following if we mean to finde it And finding them there we shall finde this of them Fol. 669. 〈…〉 with a party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to advantage not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings In all which 〈◊〉 and desires he is said to have been crossed by General 〈◊〉 an old experienced Soldier but a Scot by Nation whom hiâ— Majesty had recommended to the Marquess of Newcastle as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprizes and he withal took such a fancy to the man that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions Had this man been imployed in the Kings own Army he might have done as good Service as any other whatâ—oeverâ— But being in this Army to serve against the Scots 〈◊〉 own dear Countrey-Men he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all Attempts which were offered to be made against them giving them thereby opportunity of gaining ground upon the English till the Marquess his retreat towards York And those affections he is reported to have carried also with him in the Battle of Marston-Moor near York where he is said to have charged so faintly that he not onely lost all thâ—se Advantages which the Prince had gotten but gave the Enemy my opportunity to make head again to the loss of all which brings into my minde the politick Conduct of Eumenes once one of Alexanders meanest Captains but afterwards a great Commander in Asia-minor He had an Army compounded of the Greek and Barbarous Nations and being to fight with Craterus Alexanders great Favorite whilst he lived who had an Army made up of the like Ingredients he plac'd 〈◊〉 Asiatick Soldiers against the 〈…〉 Fol. 604. 〈…〉 Our Author speaks this of the Divines asâ—embled at Westmâ—â—ster by an Oâ—din of the Lords and Commons to be advis'd withal in matters which concerned Religion for the establishing whereof there was much pretended by them but little done These men besides their four 〈◊〉 per diem were either gratified with Lectures in and about London or 〈◊〉 in the Universities or the best Sequestred Benefices in the Countrey holding their own preferment still without sticking at such Pluralities in themselves which before they had condemn'd in others But though they did little work for their Wages yet they did moâ—e then our Author speaks of Ceâ—tain I am that they rose not without 〈◊〉 their intended Directory publisht in Print and Authorized by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament The â—itle of the Book runs thus viz. A Directory for the publick Worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland c. Printed at London for the Company of Stationers The Ordinance bears Daâ—e on the third of January Anno 1644. and is thus Entituled viz. An Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Praâ—er and for the establishing and putting in Execution of the Directory for the publick Worship of God By which we see that their intended Directory was not onely finished but also Authorized and published before they roâ—e Though our Author speaking again of these Divines fol. 974. and in the year 1647. telleth us That the Prince Elector was 〈◊〉 by the Commons to sit amongst them for his 〈◊〉 in the Composure of the Directory which will come out one day The Directory was come out before and if the Prince 〈◊〉 sat not with them till 1647. as our Author 〈◊〉 it he must needs come too late to give them any assistance in that Composure 〈…〉 Fâ—elding was questioned and committed at Oxford and by a Councel of War sentenced to 〈◊〉 his Head c. But this I look upon as a Court Pageant onely to entertain the People and take off their edge against the man who certainly was a person of too much Honor Vaâ—or and Fidelity to betray the Town if he could possibly have held it Although the King knew well enough and knew withal how unable he was at that time to give him any â—it supplies or to â—aise the â—iege though it conâ—ern'd him for the reputatâ—on of his Cause to march in Person unto Reading and shew his willingness to relieve it But so great a fear fell on all those that were in Oxford and such a general Report there was of Fieldings Treachery that to appease their murmuâ—ings and compose their thoughts Fielding was called in question and condemned to die a Scaffold set up in the Castle Green for his Execution and a day appointed on which he was to be Beheaded Before which time the Earl of Essex not advancing and the â—it being over the Execution was â—eprieved till a further time and Fielding by degrees recovered as much estimation amongst those at Oxâ—ord as formerly he had attained to in the Court or Camp And to say truth the fear at Oxford was not 〈◊〉 when the News came of the taking of Reâ—â—ing the Town being â—o unfortified on the North side of it the King so 〈◊〉 at that time of necessary Ammunition to make good the place that it could not possibly have been deâ—ended i◠〈◊〉 had marched directly towards it and 〈…〉 Fol. 615. And brought to bed at Exceter of a Daughter the 16. of June named Henrietta Maria Not so but Henrietta only Maria is added by our Authour who was none of the Gossips and therefore should not take upon him to name the childe But such Misnomers are so frequent in him as might make a sufficient Errata at the end of his History were there none else in it Fol. 622. And so a New one was framed engraven thereon the picture of the House of Commons and Members sitting Reversed the Arms of England and Ireland â—rosse and Harp pale â— If so this new Seal could not so properly be called the Great Seal of England but the great Seal of the House of Commons represented in it who are so far from being the High Court of Parliament though were they such they could have no Authority for a Great Seal of their own that they are not so much as Members of the Great Councell Most true it is that the prevailing party in both Houses of Parliament conceived it necessary to have a Great Seal lying by them as well for the dispatch of such Commissions as they well to speed in in reference to the present War as for the sealing of such Decrees and processes as were to be
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
have read that he called in any of the Scyâ—hick Nations to assist him against the Saracens so there was no reason why he should The Saracens in his time had neither extended their Conquests nor wasted his Empire so far Northwards as to necessitate him to invite any such Rake-Hâ—ll Rabble of Scythâ—ans to oppose their proceedings By doing whereof he must needs expose as great a part of his Dominioâ—s to the spoil of the Scythians as had been wasted and in part conquered by the Saracens I read indeed That Cosâ—oâ—s one of the Kings of Persia the better to annoy Herâ—â—lius in those parts of the Empire which were dearest to him hired a compounded Army of Sâ—laves Avares Gepidâ— and others neighboring near unto them to invade Thrace and lay siege unto Constantinople the Imperial Seat to curb whose Insolencies and restrain their further progress into the heart of that Countrey Heraclius hired another Army compounded of the like Scythick Nations which in those days passed under the common name of the Chasnari and it was very wisely done For by that means he did not onely waste those Barbarous Nations all of them being his very bad Neighbors in warring one against another but reserved his own Subjects for some other occasions And as it was done wisely so was it done as lawfully also there being no Law of God or Man which prohibits Princes when they are either invaded by a foreign Enemy or overlaid by their own Subjects to have recourse to such helps as are nearest to them or most like to give them their Assistance Which point our Author prosecutes to a very good purpose though he mistake himselfe in the instance before laid down The Irish were then upon the point of calling the French unto their aid under pretence that their own King was not able to protect them against the Forces of those men who had conâ—iscated their Estates and were resolved upon their final extermination And had the King upon the first rising of the Scots poured in an Army of the Danes to waste their Countrey and fall upon them at their backs as Heraclius poured in the Câ—snari upon the Selaves Avares and the rest of that Rabble he had done his work and he had done it with half the charge but with more security then the bare ostentation of bringing an English Army to the Borders of Scotland did amount unto Which as he might have done with less charges so I am sure he might have done it with far more security The Danes being Lutherans fear nothing more then the grouth of the Calvinian party and therefore would have fought with the greater Zeal and the fiercer Courage on the very merit of the cause And having no confederacies or correspondencies with the Scots in order to Liberty or Religion as the Scots had with too many of the people of England the King might have relied upon them with a greater confidence then he could do on a mixt Body of his own in which the Puritan party being more pragmatical might have distempered all the rest Such aids were offered him by his Uncle of Denmark when the two Houses had first armed his people against him But he refused them then for fear of justifying a Calumny which cunningly had been cast upon him of admitting Foreign Nations into the Kingdom to suppress the Liberties of the people and to change their Laws Afterwards when he sought for them then the could not have them the Houses no less cunning hiring the Swedes to pick a Quarrel with the Danes the better to divert that King from giving assistance to his Nephew in his greatest needs But the consideration of this mistake in my Author about the Scythians hath ingaged me further in this point then I meant to have been I go on again Fol. 1002. But the Members were not well at ease unlâ—sse some settlement were made for them by Orders and Ordinances c. â— Nor were they at ease till they had made the like settlement for some others beside themselves Some sequestred Divines conceiving that all things were agreed on between the King and the Army had unadvisedly put themselves into their Benefices and outed such of the Presbyterians as had been placed in them by the Committee for Plandered Ministers or the Committees in the Countrey And on the other side divers Land-holders in the Countrey conceiviâ—g that those Ministers who had been put into other mens livings could not sue in any Court of Law for the Tythes and Profits of those Churches for want of a Legall Title to them did then more resolutely then ever refuse to make payment of the same For remedy of which two mischiefs the Independent Members having setlâ—d themselves by Orders and Ordinances concur with the Presbyterian Members to settle their Brethren of the Clergy in a better condition then before And to that end they first obtained an Ordinance dated the 9. of August Anno 1647. in which it is declared That every Minister put or which shall be put into any Parsonage Rectory Vicarage or Ecclesiasticall Living by way of Sequestration or otherwise by both or either the Houses of Parliament or by any Committee or other person or persons by Authority of any Ordinance or Order of Parliament shall and may sâ—e for the Recovery of his Tythes Rents and other duties by vertue of the said Ordinance in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as any other Minister or other person whatsoever This being obtain'd to keep in awe the Landholders for the time to come they obtained another Ordinance dated the 23 of the same Moneth for keeping the poor sequestred Clergy in a far greater awe then the others were by which iâ— was Ordered and Ordained That all Sheriffs Mayors Bayliffs Justices of the Peace Deputy Lieutenants and Committees of Parliament in the several Counties Cities and places within this Kingdom do forthwith apprehend or cause to be apprehended all such Minister as by authority of Parliament have been put out of any Church or Chappell within this Kingdom or any other person or persons who have entred upon any such Church or Chappell or gained the possession of such Parsonage Houses â—ithes and profits thereunto belonging or have obstructed the payment of Tithes and other profits due by the Parishioners to the said Ministers there placed by Authority of Parliament or Sequestrators appointed where no Ministers are setled to receive the same and all such persons as have been Aiders Abettors or Assisters in the Premises and commit them to prison there to remain until such satisfaction be made unto the severall Ministers placed by the said Authority of Parliament for his or their damages sustained as to the said Sheriffs Mayors c. shall appear to be just c. So little got the Sequestred Clergy by their Petition and Addresse to Sir Thomas Faâ—rfâ—x that their condition was made worse by it then it was before in that the Acts of the Committees
it But upon the best judgement which I am able to make I conceive it to be so full so punctuall and satisfactory that our Authour calling all the Doctors of his own making to his assistance is not able to mend it Fol. 1068. Some of these mutinied against each other and in the dissention a rumour was rais'd there of a Designe to impoyson the King c. Our Historian makes very slight of this matter disparaging both the Informer and the Information The Informer he disparageth by telling us that he was but an ordinary man though Osburn himself in a Letter to the Earl of Manchester takes on himself the Title of Gentleman which is as much as our Authour though he take upon himself the name of an Esquire can pretend unto The Information and the Evidence which was brought to prove it he censures to be disagreeing in it self and irregular in Law of which more anon In the mean time take here the whole Information word for word as Osburn published it in print as well for his own justification as the satisfaction of all loyall and wellâ—affected Subjects But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this generall account the Intelligence I speak of concerning his designe I received from Captain Râ—lfe a person very intimate with the Governour privy to all Counsels and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army he my Lord informed me that to his knowledge the Governour had received severall Letters from the Army intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way either by pâ—â—son or otherwise And that another time the same person perswaded me to joyn with him in a deâ—igne to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy profering to take an Oath with me and to do it without the Governours privity who he said would not consent for losing the allowance of the House His pretence for this attempt was that the King was in too publike a place from whence he might be â—escued but if he might be conveighed into some place of Secrecy he said we might dispose of his person upon all occasions as we thought fit and this he was confident we could effect without the Governours privity This Nâ—rrative he inclosed in a Letter to the Lord Wharton dated Iuâ—e 1. 1648. But finding that the Lord Wharton had done nothing in it the better as he conceived to give those time that were concerned in it to think of some stratagem to evade the discovery He inclosed it in another Letter to the Earl of Manchester by whom it was communicated to the House of Peers on the 19. of Iune But they in stead of sending for him to make good the Information on his corporall Oath as he earnestly desired in the said Letters committed both him and Rolfe to prison there to remain till the next Assizes for the County of Southhampton and not the Southhampton Assize as our Authour makes it At what time M. Sergeant Wilde a man for the nonce as we poor Countrey folks use to say was sent to manage the proceedings who so cunningly intangled the evidence and so learnedly laid the Law before the Jurors that Rolfe was acquitted and Osburn left under the disgrace of a salse Informer But the best is I should rather have said the worst though M. Serâ—eant could finde no Law to condemn Rolfe for an attempt to poison the King he could finde Law enough within few moneths after to condemn and execute Captain Burleigh for an intent to free him from the hands of those who were suspected to have no good intentions towards him as it after proved Fol. 1069. The Earl of Holland is sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle where he continued until his Arraignment and execution at Westminster the 9. of March â— Of this Earl we have said somewhat already enough to shew with what disloyalty and ingratitude he forsook the King his Master in the time of his greatest need To which I shall adde nothing now but this generall Note viz. that none of those who had prov'd disloyall to the King or acted openly against him in the Wars or otherwise had ever so much blessing from Heaven as to prevail in any thing which they undertook either for the re-establishment of his person or the re-stauration of his posterity witnesse in the first place Sir Iohn Hotham accursed in his mothers belly as himself confessed in an intercepted Letter brought to Oxford witnesse the fruitlesse attempts of Lougnern Powell and Poier not only in Pembrokeshire but other Counties of Southwales which they had made themselves Masters of in order to his Majesties Service witnesse the unfortunate expedition of Marquesse Hamilion of which more anon and the unseasonable rising of the Earl of Holland of whom now we speak witnesse the frequent miscarriages of the Lord Willoughby of Parham a man whom the King had courted to Loyalty beyond all example in his attempt to head a New Army against the old to employ some part of the Kings Navy against the rest and to make good the Barbador in despight of the Houses I take no notice â—ere of the miscarriages of such who had at first declared against him in set Speeches in the Houses of Parliament none of which prospered either in their persons or their actings when they returned to their own duty and endeavored the Advancement of the Kings Affairs And that I may not contain may self within England onely or be thought perhaps to partial in this Observation we have the Examples of the Lord Inchequin in Ireland and of the gallant Marquess of Montross in Scotland Of which the first for the actings of the other are known well enough was one of the first if not the very first of all who openly read any Protestation at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh against the Kings Proceedings in the Book of Common Prayer and other subsequent Actions which concerned the happiness of that Kingdom Fol. 1071. The Estates of Scotland had formed a Committee of Danger who had of themselves Voted to raise Forty thousand Men. â— But the Vote was bigger then the Army though the Army were much bigger then our Author makes it by whose calculation it amounts not to above Ten thousand five hundred men besides such additional Forces as were expected out of England and Ireland An Army gallantly appointed both for Horse and Arms which they had plundered out of England in the long time of their Service there for both Houses of Parliament the like being never set so out by that people since they were a Nation And it was big enough also to do more then it did had it been under a more forâ—unate Commander then the Marquess of Hamilton who brought from Scotland a greater Enemy within him then he was like to finde in England And possibly that inward Enemy might spur him on to a swift destruction by rendring him impatient of tarrying the coming of
if the Squire had markt it well he might have found that the Respondeâ—t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated and those or England setled in the place thereof but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation For which mistake as the Resâ—ondent hath observed in the place before-cited though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 and that by M. Sâ—nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it if you mark it well For if it can be proved as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix pag. 88. that the Articles of Ireland were called in and those of England were received in their place then whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall And for the proof of this that the Aâ—ticles of Ireland were repealed and the Articles of the Church of England as in the way of a super-induction were setled in the place thereof there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued and in that called The Respondit Petrus as may satisfie any rationall and impaâ—tiall Reader So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity which he makes to be a great rarity in him and much more in defaming a whole Nation with a matter of truth in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only appâ—oved but revived in the Church of Ireland and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least if not also formally substituted in the place thereof Against which though the Lord Primate have said something he hath proved just nothing and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he And here again I do desire that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come Et placida compostâ—â— morte quiesâ—aâ— as the Poet hath it But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living â—ame of this deceased but learned Prelate to shew his malice to the dead there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification The Panmâ—phleter will not suffer him to go â—ff so quietly and therefore tels us that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature neither in charity with the dead noâ— at peace with the living I specially if they come under the name and notion of emiâ—nent and pious men but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson yet I can confidently say that it is Novum crimen anie hoc tempus in auditum a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon do most clearly evidence Against which Declaration the Squire is able to instance only in one particular whereas indeed he hath but one particular to make instance in his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it that it is only one degree removed from a sâ—ander For first omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux either at Woodstock or elsewhere Secondly The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear And for the proof hereof since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it I shall only say First That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper For if he did it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Balâ—ol Colledge and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall in which D. Prideaux was concerned and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check yet M. Fâ—ller from whom he borrowed the whole relation is more punctual in it and reports it thus viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuersâ—y 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagiâ—g in their behalf The former of these two Doctors ingenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 to the King that Nemo motalium omnibâ—s hoâ—is sapit which wrought more on his Maâ—esties affectioâ—s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 Church-Hist lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth That if M Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself as he now seems to do he would have given it some place in his History to shew with what credit D Prideaux came off from that â—econd encounter at Woodstock and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information And secondly The Respondent saith that he was then one of his Majestâ—es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August preaching before him at Oâ—t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation to which there is no question but he had been called if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him And if he had been called to iâ— it is not probable that the Doctor had gone
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
He tells me indifinitely of my Helpers page 5. of the charitable Collections of my numerous Helpers pag. 23. Helpers import a plural number and numerous Helpers signifie a multitude and who can stand against so many when they joyn together But I would not have my Squire affright himself with these needless terrors my helpers are but few in number though many in vertue and effect for though I cannot say that I have many helpers yet I cannot but confess in all humble gratitude that I have one great Helper which is instar omnium even the Lord my God Aurilium meum a domino my help cometh even from the Lord which hath made heaven and earth as the Psalmist hath it And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of Gods mercies to me as Iacob did when he was askt about the quick dispatch which he had made in preparing savery meat for his aged Father Voluntas Dei suit ut tam citoâ— occurreâ—et mihi quod volebam Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods goodness and his onely that I am able to do what I do And as for any humane helpers as the French Courâ—iers use to say of King Lewis the XI That all his Councel rid upon one Horse because he relyed upon his own Judgement and Abilities onely So may I very truly say That one poor Hackney-horse will carry all my Helpers used be they never so numeâ—ous The greatest help which I have had since it pleased God to make my own â—ight unuseful to me as to writing and reading hath come from one whom I had entertained for my Clerk or Amanuensis who though he reasonably well understood both Greek and Latine yet had he no further Education in the way of Learning then what he brought with him from the School A poor Countrey School And though I have no other helps at the present but a raw young fellow who knows no Greek and understands but little Latine yet I doubt not but I shall be able to do as much reason to my Squire as he hath reason to expect at my hands My stock of Learning though but small hath been so well husbaâ—ded that I am still able to winde and turn it to the vindication of the truthâ— never reputed such a Banckrupt till I was made such by my Squire as to need such a charitable Collection to set me up again as is by him ascribed to my numerous helpers Thus singly armed and simply seconded I proceed to the examination of those personal charges which defect he is pleased to lay upon me and first he tells us how gladly Dr. Heylyn would take occasion to assume fresh credit of copeing with â—he deceased now at rest whom he hath endeavored to disturb even the most Râ—verend Name and living Fame of that approved Learned Prelate the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland pag. 5. And still he might have been at rest without any dâ—sturbance either unto his Reverend Name or Living Fame if Dr. Barnâ—â—d first and afterwards Squire Sanderson had not rated him out of his Grave and brought him back upon the Stage from which he had made his Exit with so many Plaudites And being brought back upon the Stage hath given occasion to much discourse about his advising or not advising the King to consent unto the Earl of Straâ—â—ords death and his distinction of a personal and political conscience either to prepare the King to give way unto it or to confirm him in the justice and necessity of it when the deed was done Both these have been severally charged on the Observator by Dr. Barnard and his Partakers Pag. 18. and both of them severally disclaimed by him both in the Book called the Observator rescued pag. 296 297 349. and in the Appendix to the Book called Respondâ— Petrus c. p. 143 144 and 152. Nay so far was the Obseâ—vator of his alâ—er idem from disturbing the reverend Name living Fame of that learned Prelate that in the Book called Extraâ—eâ—s vâ—pulans he declares himself unwilling to revive that question Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not in regard the parties were both dead and all displeasures buried in the same grave with them page 292. And in the Book called Respondit Petrus he affirms expresly That having laid the Lord Primate down again in the Bed of Peace he would not raise him from it by a new disturbance and that having laid aside that invidious argument he was resolved upon no provocation whatsoever to take it up again pag. 124. Had not this promise tyed me up I could have made such use of these provocations as to have told the Doctor and his Squire to boot that the Lord Primate did advise the King to sign that destructive Bill by which that Fountain of Blood was opened which hath never been fully shut up again since that ebolishion for which I have my Author ready and my witness too And as for the distinction of a political and a personal conscience ascribed to the Lord Primate by the Author of the Vocal Forest as Mr. Sanderson in his History saith nothing to acquit him of it so neither doth the Squire affect to act any thing in it if he speaks sence enough to be understood in this Post-Haste Pamphlet for having told us that Petrus fancied him to act for Dr. Barnard in acquitting the Lord Primate from the distinction of a poliâ—ical and a personal conscience page 18. he adds That it is confessed by himself the self-same Peâ—rus to have been done to his hand by Mr. Howels attestation of his History who was concerned in those words In which passage if there be any sence in it it must needs be this that it appeareth by the attestation which Iames Howell gave unto his History that he had acted nothing toward the discharge of the Lord Primate from the fatall distinction which D. Bernard had ascribed in his Funerall Sermon to the Vocall Forrest So that the Respondent may conclude as before he did pag. 144. of the said Appendix that as well the errour of that distinction as the fatall application of it must be left at the Lord Primâ—teâ— door as neither being removed by D. Bernard himself or by any of his undertakers The next Charge hath relation to the Lord Primate also in reference to the Articles of the Church of Ireland which he will by no means grant to be abrogated anâ— those of England setled inserted in his own word in the place thereof How so Because the Respondent hath prevented any further confirmation of either by his own confessing of his being too much â—â—edulous in beleeving and inconsiderate in publishing such mist then intelligence which are his own words fol. 87. And his own words they are indeed but neither spoken nor applied as the Squire would have it who must be thought to be in very great Post-haste when he read them over For