Honmê° Franciscê° Baconê° Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno DnÌ„i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament Sâ—aâ—-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many yeâ—rs together Especially in his writing â—ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with â—undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-sâ—nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuriâ—s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Geâ—uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lordsâ—ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been â—ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should bâ— left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
for the Nobility Touching the Oppression of the People he mentioneth four points 1. The Conâ—umption of People in the Wars 2. The Interruption of Traffick 3. The Corruption of Iustice. 4. The Multitude of Taxations Unto all which points there needeth no long Speech For the first thanks be to God the Benediction of Crescite and Multiplicamini is not so weak upon this Realm of â—ngland but The Population thereof may afford such Losse of Men as were sufficient for the Making our late Wars and were in a perpetuity without being seen either in City or Countrey We â—ead that when the Romans did take Cense of their People whereby the Citizens were numbred by the Poll in the beginning of a great War and afterwards again at the ending there sometimes wanted a Third Part of the Number But let our Muster Books be perused those I say that certifie the Number of all Fighting Men in every Shire of vicesimo of the Queen At what time except a Handfull of Souldiers in the Low Countries we expended no Men in the VVars And now again at this present time there will appear small Diminution There be many Tokens in this Realm rather of Presse and Surcharge of People then of Want and Depopulation which were before recited Besides it is a better Condition of Inward Peace to be accompanied with some Exercise of no Dangerous Warr in Forrain parts then to be utterly without Apprentisage of Warr whereby People grow Effeminate and unpractised when Occasion shall be And it is no small strength unto the Realm that in these Warrs of Exercise and not of Perill so many of our People are trained And so many of our Nobility and Gentlemen have been made Excellent Leaders both by Sea and Land As for that he objecteth we have no Provision for Souldiers at their Return Though that Point hath not been altogether neglected yet I wish with all my Heart that it were more Ample then it is Though I have read and heard that in all Estates upon Casheering and Disbanding of Souldiers many have endured Necessity For the Stopping of Traffique as I referred my Self to the Muster-Books for the First So I refer my Self to the Custome-Books upon this which will not lye And do make Demonstration of no Abatement at all in these last years but rather of Rising and Encrease We know of many in London and other places that are within a small time greatly come up and made Rich by Merchandizing And a Man may speak within his Compasse and affirm That our Prizes by Sea have countervailed any Prizes upon us And as to the Iustice of this Realm it is true that Cunning and Wealâ—h have bred many Sutes and Debates in Law But let those Points be considered The Integrity and Sufficiency of those which supply the Iudiciall places in the Queens Courts The good Laweâ— that have been made in her Majesties time against Informers and Promoters And for the bettering of Trialls The Example of Severity which is used in the Star-chamber in oppressing Forces and Fraâ—des The Diligence and Stoutness that is used by Iustices of Assises in Encountring all Countenancing and Bearing of Causes in the Countrey by their Authorities and Wisedome The great Favours that have been used towards Coppy-holders and Customary Tenants which were in ancient times meerly at the Discretion and Mercy of the Lord And are now continually relieved from hard Dealing in Chancery and other Courts of Equity I say let these and many other Points be considered and Men will worthily conceive an Honourable Opinion of the Iustice of England Now to the Points of Levies and Distributions of Money which he calleth Exactions First very coldly he is not abashed to bring in the Gathering for Paules Steeple and the Lottery Trifles Whereof the former being but a Voluntary Collection of that Men were freely disposed to give never grew to so great a Sum as was sufficient to finish the Work for which it was appointed And so I imagine it was converted into some other use like to that Gathering which was for the Fortifications of Paris save that the Gathering for Paris came to a much greater though as I have heard no competent Sum. And for the Lottery it was but a Novelty devised and followed by some particular persons and onely allowed by the State being as a Gain of Hazzard Wherein if any Gain was it was because many Men thought Scorn after they had fallen from their greater hopes to fetch their odd Money Then he mentioneth Loanes and Privy Seales Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance and Indiscretion considering the Payments back again have been very Good and Certain And much for her Majesties Honour Indeed in other Princes Times it was not wont to be so And therefore though the Name be not so pleasant yet the Vse of them in our Times have been with small Grievance He reckoneth also new Customes upon Cloathes and new Impost upon Wines In that of Cloathes he is deceived For the ancient Rate of Custome upon Cloathes was not raised by her Majesty but by Queen Mary a Catholique Queen And hath been commonly continued by her Majesty Except he mean the Computation of the odd yards which in strict Duty was ever answerable Though the Error were but lately looked into or rather the Tolleration taken away And to that of Wines being a Forrain Merchandize and but a Delicacy and of those which might be forborn there hath been some Encrease of Imposition which can rather make the Price of Wine Higher â—hen the Merchant poorer Lastly touching the Number of Subsidies it is true that her Majesty in respect of her great Charges of her Warrs both by Sea and Land against such a Lord of Treasure as is the King of Spain Having for her part no Indies nor Mines And the Revenues of the Crown of England being such as they lesse grate upon the People then the Revenues of any Crown or State in Europe Hath by the Assent of Parliament according to the ancient Customes of this Realm received divers Subsidies of her People which as they have been employed upon the Defence and preservation of the Subject Not upon Excessive Buildings nor upon Immoderate Donatives Nor upon Triumphs and Pleasures Or any the like veines of Dissipation of Treasure which have been Familiar to many Kings So have they been yielded with great good will and cheerfulness As may appear by other kinds of Benevolence presented to her likewise in Parliament which her Majesty neverthelesse hath not put in Ure They have been Taxed also and Asseissed with a very Light and Gentle Hand And they have been spared as much as may be As may appear in that her Majesty now twice to spare the Subject hath sold of her own Lands But he that shall look into other Countries and conâ—ider the Taxes and Tallages and Impositions and Assises and the like that are every where in use Will find that the English Man is the most
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
within the Compasse of any Moderation But theâ—e Things being with us to have an orderly passage under a King who hath a Royall power and approved Judgement And knoweth as well the Measure of Things as the Nature of them It is surely a needlesse Fear For they need not doubt but your Majesty with the advise of your Councell will discern what Things are intermingled like the Tares amongst the wheat which have their Roots so enwrapped and entangled as the one cannot be pulled up without endangering the other And what are mingled but as the Chaffe and the Corn which need but a Fanne to sift and sever them So much therefore for the first Point of no Reformation to be admitted at all For the Second Point that there should be but one form oâ— Discipline in all Churches And that imposed by necessity of a Commandement and prescript out of the word of God It is a Matter Volumes have been compiled of and therefore cannot receive a brief Redargution I for my part do confesse that in Revolving the Scriptures I could never find any such Thing But that God had left the like Liberty to the Church Government as he had done to the Civill Government To be varied according to Time and Place and Accidents which neverthelesse his high and Divine Providence doth order and dispose For all Civil Governments are restrained from God unto the general Grounds of Justice and Manners But the Policies and Forms of them are left Free So that Monarchies and Kingdoms Senates and Seignories Popular States and Communalties are lawfull And where they are planted ought to be maintained inviolate So likewise in Church Matters the Substance of Doctrine is Immutable And so are the generall Rules of Government But for Rites and Ceremonies And for the particular Hierarchies Policies and Disciplines of Churches they be left at large And therefore it is good we return unto the ancient Bounds of Vnity in the Church of God which was One Faith One Baptisme And not one Hierarchy one Discipline And that we observe the League of Christians as it is penned by our Saviour which is in substance of Doctrine this He that is not with us is against us But in Things indifferent and but of circumstance this He that is not against us is with us In these things so as the generall Rules be observed That Christs Flock be fed That there be a Succession in Bishops and Ministers which are the Prophets of the new Testament That â—here be a due and reverent use of tâ—e power of the Keyes That those that preach the Gospel live of the Gospel That all things tend to edification That all things be done in order and with decency And the like The rest is left to the Holy wiâ—dome and Spirituall Discretion of the Master Builders and inâ—eriour Builders in Christs Church As it is excellently alluded by that Father that noted That Christs Garment was without Seam and yet the Churches Gâ—rment was of divers Colours And thereupon setteth down for a Rule In veste varietas sit scissura non fit In which Variety neverthelesse it is a safe and wise Course to follow good Examples and Presidents But then by the Rule of Imitation and Example to consider not onely which are Best but which are the Likeliest as namely the Goverâ—ment of the Church in the purest Times of the first Good Emperours that embraced the Faith For the Times of Persecution before Temporall Princes received our Faith As they were excellent Times for Doctrine and Manners so they be unproper and unlike Examples of outward Government and Policie And so much for this Point Now to the particular Points of Controversies or rather of Reformation Circumstances in the Government of Bishops FIrst therefore for the Government of Bishops I for my part not prejudging the Presidents of other Reformed Churches do hold it warranted by the Word of God and by the Practise of the Ancient Church in the better Times And much more convenient for Kingdoms then Parity of Ministers and Government by Synods But then further it is to be considered that the Church is not now to plant or Build But onely to be proiâ—ed from Corruption And to be repaired and restored in some decayes For it is worth the Noting that the Scripture saith Translato Sacerdotio necesse est ut Legis fiat Translatio It is not possible in respect of the great and neer Sympathy between the State Civill and the State Ecclesiasticall to make so main an alteration in the Church but it would have a perillous operation upon the Kingdoms And therefore it is fit that Controversie be in Peace and Silence But there be two Circumstances in the Administration of Bishops Wherein I confesse I could never be satisfied The one the sole Exercise of their Authority The other the Deputation of their Authority For the First the Bishop giveth Orders alone Excommunicateth alone Iudgeth alone This seemeth to be a Thing almost without Example in good Government and therefore not unlikely to have crept in in the degenerate and corrupt Times We see the greatest Kings and Monarchs have their Councells There is no Temporall Court in England of the Higher sort where the Authority doth rest in one person The Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer are Benches of a certain Number of Judges The Chancellour of England hath an Assistance of twelve Masters of the Chancery The Master of the Wards hath a Councell of the Court So hath the Chancellour of the Dutchy In the Exchecquer Chamber the Lord Treasurer is joyned with the Chancellour and the Barons The Masters of the Requests are ever more then One. The Iustices of Assise are two The Lord Presidents in the North and in Wales have Councells of divers The Star-Chamber is an Assembly of the Kings Privy Counâ—ell aspersed with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall So as in Courts the principall Person hath ever eitheâ— Colleagues or Assessours The like is to be found in other well governed Common-Wealths abroad where the Iurisdiction is yet more dispersed As in the Court of Parliament of France And in other places No man will deny but the Acts that passe the Bishops Iurisdiction are of as great Importance as those that passe the Civil Courts For Mens Souls are more precious then their Bodies or Goods And so are their Good Names Bishops have their Infirmities have no Exception from that generall Malediction which is pronounced against all Men Living Vae Soli nam si ceciderit c. Nay we see that the fiâ—st Warrant in Spirituall Causes is directed to a Number Dic Ecclesiae which is not so in Temporall Matters And we see that in generall Causes of Church Government there are as well Assemblies of all the Clergy in Councells as of all the States in Parliament Whence should this sole exercise of Jurisdiction come Surely I do suppose and I think â—pon good Ground That Ab Initio non fuit ita
Lordships Legitimate Issue And the Publishers and Printers of them deserve to have an Action of Defamation brought against them by the State of Learning for Disgracing and Personating his Lordships Works As for this present Collection I doubt not but that it will verifie it self in the severall Parcells thereof And manifest to all understanding and unpartiall Readers who is the Authour of it By that Spirit of Perspicuity and Aptnesse and Concisenesse which runs through the whole Work And is ever an Annex of his Lordships Penne. There is required now And I have been moved by many Both from Forrein Nations and at Home who have held in Price and been Admirers of this Honourable Authours Conceits and Apprehensions That some Memorialls might be added concerning his Lordships Life Wherein I have been more Willing then sufficient to satisfie their Requests And to that End have endeavoured to contribute not my Talent but my Mite in the next following Discourse Though to give the true Value to his Lordships Worth There were more need of another Homer to be the Trumpet of Achilles Vertues WILLIAM RAWLEY THE LIFE OF THE HONOURABLE AUTHOR FRANCIS BACON the Glory of his Age and Nation The Adorner and Ornament of Learning Was born in York House or York Place in the Strand On the 22th Day of January In the Year of our Lord 1560. His Father was that Famous Counseller to Queen Elizabeth The Second Propp of the Kingdome in his Time Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England A Lord of Known Prudence Sufficiency Moderation and Integrity His Mother was Ann Cook one of the Daughters of Sir Anthony Cook unto whom the Erudition of King Edward the Sixth had been committed A choyce Lady and Eminent for Piety Vertue and Learning Being exquisitely Skilled for a Woman in the Greek and Latin Tongues These being the Parents you may easily imagine what the Issue was like to be Having had whatsoever Nature or Breeding could put into Him His first and childish years were not without some Mark of Eminency At which Time he was endued with that Pregnancy and Towardness of Wit As they were Preâ—ages of that Deep and Universall Apprehension which was manifest in him afterward And caused him to be taken notice of by several Persons of Worth and Place And especially by the Queen who as I have been informed delighted much then to confer with him And to prove him with Questions unto whom he delivered Himself with that Gravity and Maturity above his years That her Majesty would often term Him The young Lord Keeper At the ordinary years of Ripeness for the university or rather something earlier He was sent by his Father to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge To be educated and bred under the Tuition of Doctor John White-Gift then Master of the Colledge Afterwards the Renowned Arch-Bishop of Canterbury A Prelate of the First Magnitude for Sanctity Learning Patience and Humility Vnder whom He was observed to have been more then an Ordinary Proficient in the severall Arts and Sciences Whilst he was commorant in the University about 16. years of Age As his Lordship hath been pleased to impart unto my Self he first fell into the Dislike of the Philosophy of Aristotle Not for the Worthlesnesse of the Authour to whom he would ever ascribe all High Attributes But for the Unfruitfulnesse of the way Being a Philosophy as his Lordship used to say onely strong for Disputations and Contentions But Barren of the Production of Works for the Benefit of the Life of Man In which Mind he continued to his Dying Day After he had passed the Circle of the Liberall Arts His Father thought fit to frame and mould him for the Arts of State And for that end sent him over into France with Sir Amyas Paulet then Employed Ambassadour Lieger into France By whom he was after a while held fit to be entrusted with some Message or Advertisement to the Queen which having performed with great Approbation he returned back into France again With Intention to continue for some years there In his absence in France his Father the Lord Keeper died Having collected as I have heard of Knowing Persons a considerable summe of Money which he had separated with Intention to have made a competent Purchase of Land for the Lively-hood of this his youngest Son who was onely unprovided for And though he was the youngest in years yet he was not the lowest in his Fathers Affection But the said Purchase being unaccomplished at his Fathers Death there came no greater share to him than his single Part and Portion of the Money dividable amongst 5. Brethren By which meanes he lived in some streits and Necessities in his younger years For as for that pleasant Scite and Mannour of Gorhambury he came not to it till many years after by the Death of his Dearest Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon A Gentleman equall to him in Heigth of Wit Though inferiour to him in the Endowments of Learning and Knowledge Vnto whom he was most nearly conjoyned in Affection They two being the sole Male Issue of a second Venter Being returned from Travaile he applyed himself to the study of the Common Law which he took upon him to be his Profession In which he obtained to great Excellency Though he made that as himself said but as an Accessary and not as his Principall study He wrote severall Tractates upon that Subject Wherein though some great Maisters of the Law did out-go him in Bulk and Particularities of Cases yet in the Science of the Groundsâ— and Mysteries of the Law he was exceeded by none In this way he was after a while sworn of the Queens Counsell Learned Extraordinary A Grace if I err not scarce known before He seated himself for the Commodity of his studies and Practise amongst the Honourable Society of Greyes Inn Of which House he was a Member where he Erected that Elegant Pile or Structure commonly known by the Name of the Lord Bacons Lodgings which he inhabited by Turns the most part of his Life some few years onely excepted unto his Dying Day In which House he carried himself with such Sweetnesse Comity and Generosity That he was much revered and loved by the Readers and Gentlemen of the House Notwithstanding that he professed the Law for his Livelyhood and Subsistence Yet his Heart and Affection was more carried after the Affaires and Places of Estate For which if the Majesty Royall then had been pleased he was most fit In his younger years he studied the Service and Fortunes as they call them of that Noble but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Esâ—ex unto whom he was in a sort a Private and free Counseller And gave him safe and Honourable Advice Till in the end the Earl inclined too much to the violent and precipitate Counsell of others his Adherents and Followers which was his Fate and Ruine His Birth and other Capacities qualified him above others of his Profession to have
in our Eye yet the Body of the Kingdome is but thin sown with People And whosoever shall compare the Ruines and Decayes of ancient Towns in this Realm with the Erections and Augmentations of new cannot but judge that this Realm hath been far better peopled in foâ—mer times It may be in the Heptarchy or otherwise For generally the Rule holdeth The smaller State the greater Population proratâ— And whether this be true or no we need not seek further then to call to our remembrance how many of us serve here in this place â—or desolate and decayed Burroughs Again Mr. Speaker whosoever looketh into the Principles of Estate must hold it that it is the Mediterrane Countries and not the Mariâ—â—me which need to fear surcharge of People For all Sea â—rovinâ—es and specially Islands have another Element besides the Earth and Soil for their Sustentation For what an infinite Number of people are and may be sustained by Fishing Carriage by Sea and Merchandizing wherein I do again discover that we are not at all pinched by Multitude of People For if we were it were not possible that we should relinquish and resign such an infiâ—ite Benefit of Fishing to the Flemmings as it is well known we do And therefore I see that we have wastes by Sea as well as by Land which still is an infallible Argument that our Industry is not awaked to seek maintenance by any over great Press or charge of people And lâ—stly Mr. Speaker there was never any Kingdome in the Ages of tâ—e world had I think so fair and happy means to issue and discharge the Multitude of their People if it were too great as this Kingdome hath In regard of that desolate and wasted Kingdome of Ireland which being a Countrey blessed with almost all the Dowâ—ies of Nature As Rivers Havens Woods Quarries good Soyl and temperate Climate And now at last under his Majesty blessed also with obedience Doth as it were continually call unto us for our Colonies and Plantations And so I conclude my second Answer to this pâ—etended Inconvenience of surcharge of People Tâ—e Third Answer Mr. Speaker which â— give is this I demand what is the worst Effect which can follow of Surcharge of People Look into all Stories and you shall find it none other thâ—n some Honourable War for the Enlargement of their Bordeâ—s which find themselves pent upon Forrain parts Which Incoâ—venience in a valourous and Warlike Nation I know not whether I should term an Inconvenience or no For the saying is most true though in another Sense Omne solum Forti Patria It was spoken indeed of the patience of an exil'd Man But it is no less true of the valour of a Warlike Nation And certainly Mr. Speaker I hope I may speak it without offence That if we did hold our selves worthy whensoever just Cause should be given Either to recover our ancient Rights Or to revenge our late wrongs Or to attain the Honour of our Ancestors Or to enlarge the Patrimony of our Posterity We would never in this manner forget Considerations of Amplitude and Greatness and fall at variance about profit and Reckonings Fitter a great deal â—or private Persons then for Parliaments and Kingdoms And thus Mr. Speaker I leave this first objection to such Satisfaction as you have heard The second Objection is that the Fundamentall Laws of both these Kingdoms of England and Scotland are yet divers and severall Nay more that it is declared by the Instrument that they shall so continue And that there is no intent in his Majesty to make Innovation in them And therefore that it should not be seasonable to proceed to this Naturalization whereby to endowe them with our Rights and Priviledges except they should likewise receive and submit themselves to our Laws And this Objection likewise Mr. Speaker I allow to be a weighty Objection and worthy to be well answered and discussed The Answer which I shall offer is this It is true for mine own part Mr. Speaker that I wish the Scottish Nation governed by our Laws For I hold our Laws with some reducement worthy to govern if it were the world But this is that which I say and I desire therein your Attention That according to true reason of Estate Naturalization is in Order First and precedent to union of Laws In degree a less Matter then union of Laws And in Nature separable not inseparable from union of Laws For Naturalization doth but take out the Marks of a Forrainer But union of Laws makes them entirely as our selves Naturalization taketh away separation But union of Lawes doth take away Distinction Do we not see Mr. Speaker that in the Administation of the world under the great Monarch God himself that his Lawes are divers One Law in Spirits another in Bodies One Law in Regions celestiall another in Elementary And yet the Creatures are all one Mass and Lump without any vacuum or separation Do we not see likewise in the State of the Church that amongst People of all Languages and Linages there is one Communion of Saints And that we are all Fellow Citizens and naturalized of the Heavenly Hierusalem And yet nevertheless divers and severall Ecclesiasticall Lawes Policies and Hierarchies According to the Speech of that worthy Father In veste varietas sit scissurae non sit And therefore certainly Mr. Speaker the Bond of Law is the more speciall and private Bond And the Bond of Naturalization the more common and generall For the Lawes are rather Figura Reip then Forma And rather Bonds of Perfection then Bonds of Entirenesse And therefore we see in the Experience of our own Government that in the Kingdome of Ireland all our Statute-Lawes since Poynings Law are not in force And yet we deny them not the Benefit of Naturalization In Gersey Garnesey and the Isle of Man our Common-Lawes are not in force And yet they have the Benefit of Naturalization Neither need any Man doubt but that our Laws and Customes must in small time gather and win upon theirs For here 's the Seat of the Kingdome whence come the supreme Directions of Estate Here is the Kings Person and Example of which the Verse saith Regis ad exemplum totus componitur Orbis And therefore it is not possible Although not by solemne and formall Act of Estates yet by the secret Operation of no long time but they will come under the yoak of our Lawes And so Dulcis tractus pari jugo And this is the Answer I give to this second objection The third Objection is some Inequality in the Fortunes of these two Nations England and Scotland By the Commixture whereof there may ensue Advantage to them and Loss to us Wherein Mr. Speaker it is well that this Difference or Dispaparity conâ—isteth but in externall Goods of Fortune For indeed it must needs be confessed that for the Goods of the Mind and the Body they are Alteri Nos Other our selves For to do them but
should not be troubled at this time Neverthelesse He pressed him to answer saying He desired to know it that he mought pray with him I know not that S. W. is an Ecclesiastick that he should cut any Man from Communion of Prayer And yet for all this vexing of the Spirit of a poor Man now in the Gates of Death Weston neverthelesse stood constant and said I die not unworthily My Lord Chief Iustice hath my mind under my hand and he is an Honourable and just Iudge This is S. W. his Offence For H. I. he was not so much a Questionist but wrought upon the others Questions And like a kind of Confessor wished him to discharge his Conscience and to satisfie the World What World I marvaile It was sure the World at Tyburn For the World at Guild-Hall and the World at London was satisfied before Teste the Bells that rang But men have a got fashion now a dayes that two or three busie Bodies will take upon them the Name of the World And broach their own Conceits as if it were a general Opinion Well what more When they could not work upon Weston then H.I. in an Indignation turned abont his Horse when the other was turning over the Ladder And said he was sorry of such a Conclusion That was to have the State honoured or justified But others took and reported his words in another degree But that I leave seeeing it is not Confessed H. I. his Offence had another Appendix before this in time which was that at the day of the Verdict given up by the Iury He also would needs give his Verdict Saying openly that if he were of the Iury he would doubt what to do Marry he saith he cannot tell well whether he spake this before the Jury had given up the Verdict or after Wherein there is little gained For whether H. I. were a Pre-Jurour or a Post-Jurour The one was as to prejudge the Iury the other as to taint them Of the Offence of these two Gentlemen in generall your Lordships must give me leave to say that it is an Offence greater and more dangerous then is conceived I know well that as we have no Spanish Inquisitions nor Iustice in a Corner So we have no Gagging of Mens Mouths at their Death But that they may speak freely at the last Hour But then it must come from the free Motion of the Party not by Temptation of Questions The Questions that are to be asked ought to tend to furâ—her Revealing of their own or others Guiltiness But to use a Question in the Nature of a false Interrogatory to falsifie that which is Res Iudicata is intollerable For that were to erect a Court or Commission of Review at Tyburn against the Kings Bench at Westminster And besides it is a Thing vain and idle For if they anâ—swer according to the Iudgement past it adds no Credit Nor if it be contrary it derogateth nothing But yet it subjecteth the Majesty of Iustice to popular and vulgar Talk and opinion My Lords these are great and dangerous Offences For if we do not maintain Iustice Iustice will not maintain us But now your Lordships shall hear the Examinations themselves upon which I shall have occasion to note some particular Things c. The Effect of that which was spoken by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England at the taking of his place in Chancery In performance of the Charge his Majesty had given him when he received the Seal 1617. BEfore I enter into the Business of the Court I shall take advantage of so many Honourable witnesses to publish and make known summarily what charge the Kings most excellent Majesty gave me when I received the Seal And what Orders and Resolutions my Self have taken in Conformity to that charge That the King may have the Honour of Direction And I the part of Obedience Whereby Your Lordships and the Rest of the Presence shall see the whole Time of my sitting in the Chanceryâ— which may be longer or shorter as please God and the King contrâ—cted into one Houre And this I do for three Causes First to give Account to the King of his Commandement Secondly that I may be a Guard and Custody to my self and mine own Doings That I do not swerve or recede from any Thing that I have professed in so Noble Company And thirdly that all men that have to do with the Chancery or the Seal may know what they shall expect And both set their Hearts and my Ears at rest Not moving me to any Thing against these Rules Knowing that my Answer is now turned from a Nolumus into a Non possumus It is no more I will not But I cannot After this Declaration And this I do also under three Cautions The first is that there be some Things of a more Secret and Counsell like Nature which are rather to be Acted then Published But these Things which I shall speak of to day are of a more publick Nature The second is that I will not trouble this Presence with every Particular which would be too long But select those Things which are of greatest efficacy and conduce most ad summas Rerum Leaving maâ—y other Particulars to be set down in a Publick Table According to the good Example of my last Predecessour in his Beginning And lastly that these Imperatives which I have made but to my Self and my Times be without prejudice to the Authority of the Court or Wiser Men that may succeed me And chiefly that they are wholy submitted unto the great Wisdom of my Soveraignâ— The absolutest Prinâ—e in Iudicature that hath been in the Christian World For if any of these Things which I intend to be Subordinate to his Directions shall be thought by his Majesty to be Inordinate I shall be most ready to reform them These things are but tanquam Albâ—m Praetoris For so did the Roman Praetors which have the greatest Affinity with the Iurisdiction of the Chancellor here who used to set down at their Entrance how they would use their Iurisdiction And this I shall do my Lords in verbis Masculis No flourishing or Painted Words but such as are fit to go before Deeds The Kings Charge which is my Lanthorn rested upon four Heads THe first was that I should contain the Iurisdiction of the Court within his true and due Limits without Swelling or Excesse The second that I should think the putting of the Great Seal to Letters Patents was not a Matter of Course after precedent Warrants But that I should take it to be the Maturity and Fulness of the Kings Intentions And therefore that it was one of the greatest Parts of my Trust if I saw any Scruple or Cause of stay that I should acquaint him Concluding with a Quod dubites ne feceris The third was that I should retrench all unnecessary delayes That the Subject mought find that he did enjoy that same Remedy against the Fainting of the
his Book Procure reverence to the King and the Law Inform my people truly of me which we know is hard to do according to the Excellency of his Merit but yet Endeavour it How zealous I am for Religion How I desire Law may be maintained and flourish That every Court should have his Iurisdiction That every Subject should submit himselâ— to the Law And of this you have had of lâ—te no small Occasion of Notice and Remembrance by the great and strait Charge that the King haâ—h given me as Keeper of his Seal for the Governing of the Chancery without Tumour or Excesse Again è re natae you at this present ought to make the People know and consider â—he Kings Blâ—ssed Care and Pâ—ovidence in goveâ—ning this Realm in his Absence So thâ—t sitting at the Helm of another Kingdom Nâ—t without gâ—eat Affairs and Business yet he governs all things here by his Letters and Directions as punctually and perfectly as if he were present I assure you my Lords of the Counsell and I do much admire the Extention and Latitude of his Care in all Things In the High Commission he did conceive a Sinnâ—w of Government was a little shrunk He recommended the care of it He hath called for the Accounts of the last Circuit from the Judges to be transmitted unto him into Scotland Touching the Infestation of Pyrates he hath been carefull and is and hath put things in way All things that concern the Reformation or the Plantation of Ireland He hath given in them punctuall and resolute Diâ—ections All this in Absence I give but a few Instances of a publique Nature The Secrets of Counsell I may not enter into Though his Dispatches into France Spain and the Low-Countries now in his absence are also Notorious as to the outward sending So that I must conclude that his Majesty wants but more Kingdomes For I see he could suffice to all As for the other Glasse I told you of Of representing to the King the Griefs of his People without doubt it is properly your Part For the King ought to be informed of any thing amisse in the state of his Countries from the Observations and Relations of the Iudges That indeed know the Pulse of the Country Rather then from Discourse But for this Glasse thanks be to God I do hear from you all That there was never greater Peace Obedience and Contentment in the Country Though the best Governments be alwayes like the fairest Crystals wherin every little Isicle or Grain is seen which in a Fouler Stone is never perceived Now to some Particulars and not Many Of all other things I must begin as the King begins That is with the Cause of Religion And especially the Hollow Church Papist Saint Aug. hath a good Comparison of such Men affirming That â—hey are like the Roots of Nettles which themselves sting not but yet â—hey bear all the Stinging Leaves Let me know of such Roots and I will root them out of the Country Next for the Matter of Religion In the principall place I recommend both to you and the Iustices the Countenancing of Godly and Zealous Preachers I mean not Sectaries or Novellists But those which are sound and conform But yet pious and Reverend For there will be a perpetuall Defection except you keep Men in by Preaching as well as Law doth by punishing And commonly Spirituall Diseases are not Cured but by Spirituall Remedies Next let me commend unto you the Repressing as much as may be of Faction in the Countrys of which ensue infinite Inconveniences and perturbations of all good Order And Crossing of all good Service in Court or Country or wheresoever Cicero when he was Consul had devised a fine Remedy A Milde one but an effectuall and an apt one For he saith Eos qui otium perturbant reddam otiosos Those that trouble others Quiet I will give them Quiet They shall have nothing to do Nor no Authority shall be put into their Hands If I may know from you of any who are in the Country that are Heads or Hands of Faction Or Men of turbulent Spirits I shall give them Cicero's Reward as much as in me is To conclude study the Kings Book And study your selves how you profit by it And all shall be well And you the Iustices of Peace in particular Let me say this to you Never King of this Realm did you so much Honour as the King hath done you in his Speeeh By being your immediâ—te Directors And by sorting you and your seâ—vice with the Service of Ambassadours and of his nearest Attendants Nay more it seems his Majesty is willing to do the state of Iustice of Peace Honour actively also By bringing in with time the like Form of Commission into the Government of Scotland As that Glorious King Edward the third did plant this Commission here in this Kingdome And therefore you are not fit to be Coppies except you be Fair Written without Blots or Blurs or any thing unworthy your Authority And so I will trouble you no longer for this time The Speech used by Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England to Sir William Jones upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 1617. Sir WILLIAM IONES THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly informed of your sufficiency every way Hath called you by his Writ now returned to the State and Degree of a Serjeant at Law But not to stay there but being so qualified to serve him as his Chief Iustice of his Kings Bench in his Realm of Ireland And therefore that which I shall say to you must be applied not to your Sâ—rjeants place which you take but in passage But to that great place where you are to settle And because I will not spend Time to the Delay of the Businesse of Causes of the Court I will lead you the short Iourney by Examples and not the Long by Precepts The Place that you shall now serve in hath been fortunate to be well served in four successions before you Do but take unto you the Constancy and integrity of Sir Robert Gardiner The Gravity Temper and Direction of Sir Iames Lea The Quicknesâ—e Industry and Dispatch of Sir Humphry Winch The Care and Affection to the Common-wealth and the Prudent and Politick Administration of Sir Iohn Denham And you shall need no other Lessons They were all Lincolns Inn Men as you are You have known them as well in their Beginnings as in their Advancement But because you are to be there not only Chief Iustice but a Counseller of Estate I will put you in mind of the great Work now in hand that you may raise your thoughtes according unto it Ireland is the last Ex Filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from Desolation and a Desert in many parts to Population and Plantation And from Savage and Barbarous Customes to Humanity and Civility This is the Kings Work in chief It is his Garland of Heroicall Vertue
and Felicity Denied to his Progenitors and Reserved to his Times The Work is not yet conducted to perfection but is in fair Advance And this I will say confidently that if God blesse this Kingdom with Peace and Justice No Usurer is so sure in seven years space to double his Prâ—ncipall with Interest And Interest upon Interest As that Kingdom is within the same time to double the stock both of Wealth and People So as that Kingdom which once within these Twenty years Wise men were wont to doubt whether they should wish it to be in a Poole Is like now to become almost a Garden And younger Sister to Great Britain And therefore you must set down with your self to be not only a just Governer and a good Chief Iustice as if it were in England But under the King and the Deputy you are to be a Master Builder and a Master Planter and Reducer of Ireland To which end I will trouble you at this time but with Three Directions The First is that you have speciall care of the Three Plantations That of the North which is in part acted That of Weshford which is now in Distribution And that of Longford and Letrim which is now in survey And take this from me That the Bane of a Plantation is when the Vndertakers or Planters make such hast to a little Mechanicall present profit as disturbeth the whole Frame and noblenesse of the work for Times to come Therefore hold them to their Covenants and the strict Ordinances of Plantation The Second is that you be carefull of the Kings Revenew And by little and little constitute him a good Demeasn if it may be Which hitherto is little or none For the Kings Case is hard when every Mans Land shall be improved in value with increase manifold And the King shall be tied to his Dry Rent My last Direction though first in weight is that you do all good Endeavours to proceed resolutely and constantly and yet with due Temparance and Equality in Matters of Religion least Ireland Civill become more dangerous to us then Ireland Savage So God give you Comfort of your Place After Sir William Iones Speech I had forgotten one Thing which was this You may take exceeding great Comfort that you shall serve with such a Deputy One that I think is a Man ordain'd of God to do great Good to that Kingdome And this I think good to say to you That the true Temper of a Chief Iustice towards a Deputy is Neither servilly to second him nor factiously to oppose him The Lord Keepers Speech in the Exchecquer to Sir John Denham when he was called to be one of the Barons of the Exchecquer SIR Iohn Denham the King of his grace and favour hath made choice of you to be one of the Barons of the Exchecquer To succeed to one of the gravest and most Reverend Iudges of this Kingdome For so I hold Baron Altham was The King takes you not upon Credit but Proof and great Proof of your former Service And that in both those kinds wherein you are now to serve For as you have shewed your self a good Iudge beween party and party so you have shewed your self a good Administer of the Revenue Both when you were Chief Baron And since as Counseller of Estate there in Ireland where the Counsell as you know doth in great part mannage and messuage the Revenew And to both these Parts I will apply some Admonitions But not vulgar or discursive But apt for the Times and in few words For they are best remembred First therefore above all you ought to maintain the Kings Prerogative And to set down with your self that the Kings Prerogative and the Law are not two Things But the Kings Prerogative is Law And the Principall Part of the Law The First-Born or Pars Prima of the Law And therefore in conserving or maintaining that you conserve and maintain the Law There is not in the Body of Man one Law of the Head and another of the Body but all is one Entire Law The next Point that I would now advise you is that you acquaint your self diligently with the Revenew And also with the Ancient Recordâ— and Presidents of this Court. When the famous Case of the Copper Mines was argued in this Court And judged for the King It was not upon the fine Reasons of Witt As that the Kings Prerogative drew to it the chief in quaque specie The Lion is the chief of Beasts The Eagle the chief of Birds The Whale the chief of Fishes And so Copper the chief of Minerals For these are but Dalliances of Law Ornaments But it was the grave Records and Presidents that grounded the Iudgement of that Cause And therefore I would have you both guide and arm your self with them against these Vapours and Fumes of Law which are extracted out of Mens Inventions and Conceits The third Advice I will give you hath a large Extent It is that you do your Endeavour in your place so to mannage the Kings Iustice and Revenue as the King may have most Profit and the Subject least vexation For when there is much vexation to the Subject and little Benefit to the King then the Exchecquer is Sick And when there is Much Benefit to the King with lesse Trouble and vexation to the Subject then the Exchecquer is sound As for Example If there shall be much Racking for the Kings old Debts And the more Fresh and Late Debts shall be either more negligently called upon or over easily discharged or over indulgently stalled Or if the Number of Informations be many and the Kings Part or Fines for Compositions a Trifle Or if there be much ado to get the King new Land upon Concealments and that which he hath already be not well known and surveyed Nor the woods preserved I could put you many other Cases this fals within that which I term the sick Estate of the Exchecquer And this is that which makes every Man ready with their Undertakings and their Projects to disturb the ancient Frame of the Exchecquer Then the which I am perswaded there is not a better This being the Burthen of the Song That much goeth out of the Subjects Purse And little commeth to the Kings Purse Therefore give them not that Advantage so to say Sure I am that besides your own Associates the Barons you serve with two superiour Great Officers that have Honourable and true Ends And desire to serve the King and right the Subject There resteth that I deliver you your Patent His Lordships Speech in the Common Pleas to Justice Hutton when he was called to be one of the Judges of the Common Pleas. Mr. Serjeant Hutton THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly enformed of your Learning Integrity Discretion Experience Meanes and Reputation in your Countrey Hath thought fit not to leave you these Talents to be employed upon your self onely But to call you to serve Himself and his
Therefore contain your selves within that Moderation as may appear to bend rather to the Effectuall Ease of the People then to a Discursive Envy or scandall upon the State As for the Manner of Carriage of Parliament Businesse ye must know that ye deal with a King that hath been longer King then any of you have been Parliament Men And a King that is no lesse sensible of Formes then of Matter And is as far from induring Diminution of Majesty as from regarding â—lattery or Vain Glory And a King that understandeth as well the Pulse of the Hearts of People as his own Orb. And therefore both let your Grievances have a decent and Reverent Form and Stile And to use the words of former Parliaments let them be Tanquam Gemitus Columbae without Pique or Harshnesse And on the other side in that ye do for the King Let it have a Mark of Vnity Alacrity and Affection which will be of this Force That whatsoever ye do in substance will be doubled in Reputation abroad as in a Crystall Glass For the Time if ever Parliament was to be measured by the Houre-glass it is this In regard of the instant Occasion flying away irrecoverably Therefore let your Speeches in the House be the Speeches of Counsellors and not of Oratours Let your Committees tend to dispatch not to dispute And so marshall the Times as the publique Businesse especially the proper Businesse of the Parliament be put first And private Bills be put last as time shall give leave or within the spaces of the Publique For the Foure Petitions his Majesty is pleased to grant them all as liberally as the Ancient and true Custom of Parliament doth warrant And with the cautions that have ever gon with them That is to say That the priviledge be not used for Defrauding of Creditours and Defeating of ordinary Justice That Liberty of Speech turn not into License but be joyned with that Gravity and Discretion as may tast of Duty and Love to your Soveraign Reverence to your own Assembly and Respect to the Matters ye handle That your Accesses be at such fit Times as may stand best with his Majesties pleasure and Occasions That Mistakings and Misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented as much as may be then salved or cleared CERTAIN TREATISES VVritten or Referring TO Queen Elizabeths TIMES BEING OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published in Anno 1592. A true Report of Doctour LOPEZ his TREASON An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of ENGLAND A Collection of the Felicities of Queen ELIZABETH By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published this present year 1592. INTITULED A DECLARATION Of the TRVE CAVSES OF THE GREAT TROVBLES Presupposed to be intended against the REALM of ENGLAND IT were Just and Honourable for Princes being in Warrs together that howsoever they prosecute their Quarrels and Debates by Arms and Acts of Hostility yea though the Warrs be such as they pretend the utter Ruine and Overthrow of the Forces and States one of another yet they so limit their Passions as they preserve two Things Sacred and Inviolable That is The Life and good Name each of other For the Warrs are no Massacres and Confusions But they are the Highest Trials of Right when Princes and States that acknowledge no Superior upon Earth shall put themselves upon the Iustice of God for the Deciding of their Controversies by such Successe as it shall please him to give on either side And as in the Processe of particular Pleas between private Men all things ought to be ordered by the Rules of Civill Lawes So in the Proceedings of the Warre nothing ought to be done against the Law of Nations or the Law of Honour Which Lawes have ever pronounced those two Sorts of Men The one Conspiratours against the Persons of Princes The other Libellers against theâ—r good Fame to be such Enemies of common Society as are not to be cherished no not by Enemies For in the Examples of Times which were lesse corrupted we find that when in the greatest Heats and Extremities of Warrs there have been made Offers of Murderous and Traiterous Attempts against the Person of a Prince to the Enemy they have been not onely Rejected but also Revealed And in like manner when Dishonourable Mention hath been made of a Prince before an Enemy Prince by some that have thought therein to please his Humour he hath shewed himself contrarywise utterly distasted therewith and been ready to contest for the Honour of an â—nemy According to which Noble and Magnanimous Kind of Proceeding it will be found that in the whole Couâ—se of her Majesties Proceeding with the King of Spain since the Amity interâ—upted There was never any project by her Majesty or any of her Ministers either moved or assented unto for the Taking away of the Liâ—e of the said King Neither hath there been any Declaration or Writing of â—state No nor Book allowed wherein his Honour hath been touched or taxed otherwise then for his Ambition A point which is necessarily interlaced with her Majesties own Justification So that no Man needeth to doubt but that those Warrs are grounded upon her Majesties part upon just and Honourable Causes which have so Just and Honourable a prosecution Considering it is a much harder Matter when a Prince is entred into Warrs to hold respect then and not to be transported with Passion than to make Moderate and Iust Resolutions in the Beginnings But now if a Man look on the other part it will appear that rather as it is to be thought by the Solicitation of Traitorous Subjects which is the onely Poyson and Corruption of all Honourable Warr between Forrainers Or by the Presumptâ—on of his Agents and Ministers then by the proper Inclination of that King there hath been if not plotted and practised yet at the least comforted Conspiracies against her Majesties Sacred Person which neverthelesse Gods Goodnesse hath used and turned to shew by such miraculous Discoveries into how near and precious Care and Custody it hath pleased him to receive her Majesties Life and Preservation But in the other Point it is strange what a number of Libellous and Defamatory Bookes and Writings and in what Variety with what Art and cunning handled have been allowed to pass through the World in all Languages against her Majesty and her Government Sometimes pretending the Gravity and Authority of Church Stories to move Belief sometimes formed into Remonstrances and Advertisements of â—state to move Regard Sometimes presented as it were in Tragedies of the Persecutions of Catholicks to move Pitty Sometimes contrived into pleasant Pasquils and Satyres to move sport So as there is no shape whereinto these Fellowes have not transformed themselves Nor no Humor nor affection in the mind
of Man to which they have not applyed themselves Thereby to insinuate their Untruths and abuses to the World And indeed let a Man look into them and he shall find them the only Triumphant Lies that ever were confuted by Circumstances of Time and Place Confuted by Contrariety in themselves Confuted by the Witness of infinite Persons that live yet and have had particular Knowledge of the Matters But yet avouched with such Asseveration as if either they were fallen into that strange Disease of the Mind which a Wise Writer describeth in these words Fingunt simul creduntque Or as if they had received it as a principall Precept and Ordinance of their Seminaries Audacter calumniare semper aliquid haeret Or as if they were of the Race which in old time were wont to help themselves with Miraculous Lies But when the Cause of this is entred into Namely that there passeth over out of this Realm a number of Eager and Unquiet Schollers whom their own Turbulent and Humourous Nature presseth out to seek their Adventures abroad And that on the other side they are nourished rather in Listening after News and Intelligences and in Whisperings then in any Commendable Learning And after a time when either their Necessitous Estate or their Ambitious Appetites importune them they fall on devising how to do some acceptable service to that side which maintaineth them So as ever when their Credit waxeth Cold with Forrain Princes Or that their Pensions are ill pay'd Or some Preferment is in sight at which they levell Straitwayes out commeth a Libell pretending thereby to keep in life the party which within the Realm is contrary to the State Wherein they are as wise as he that thinketh to kindle a Fire by blowing the dead Ashes When I say a man looketh into the Cause and Ground of â—his plentifull yield of Libells he will cease to marvaile considering the Concurrence which is as well in the Nature of the â—eed as in the travell of Tilling and dressing yea and in the Fitnesse of the Season for the Bringing up of those infectious weeds But to verefie the Saying of our Saviour Non est Discipulus super Magistrum As they have sought to deprave her Majesties Government in her self So have they not forgoâ—ten to do the same in her principall Servants and Counsellers Thinking belike that as the Immediate Invectives against her Majesty do best satisfie the Malice of the Forreiner So the slander and Calumniation of her principall Counsellours agreed best with the Humours of some Male-contents within the Realm Imagining also that it was like they should be more scattered here and freelier dispersed And also should be lesse odious to those Forrainers which were not meerely partiall and passionate who have for the most partâ— in detestation the Traiterous Libellings of Subjâ—cts directly against their Naturall Prince Amongst the Rest in this kind there hâ—th been publisâ—â—d this present year of 1592. a Libel that giveth place to none of the Resâ— in Malice and untruths Though inferior to most of them in penning and Sâ—ile The Authour having chosen the vaine of a Luciâ—nist And yet being a Counterfeit even in that kind The Libell is intitulâ—d A Declaration of the true Causes of the great Troubles presupposed to be intended against the Realm of England And hath a Semblance as if it were bent against the Doings of her Majâ—sties Ancient and Worthy Counsellor the Lord â—urghley Whose Carefuâ—ness and Paines her Majesty hath used in her Counsells and Actions of this Realm for these 34. years space in all dangerous Times And amidst many and mighty practises And with such succâ—sse as our Enemies are put still to their Paper-shot of such Libels as these The memory of whom will remain in this Land when all these Libels shall be extinct and forgotâ—en According to the Scripture Memoria Iusti cum landibus at Impiorum Nomen putrescet But it is more then evident by the parts of the same Book that the Authors Malice was to her Majesty and her Covernment As may especially appear in this That he charged not his Lordship with any particular Actions of his private Life Such power had Truth whereas the Libels made against other Counsellors have principally insisted upon that part â—ut hath only wrested and detorted such Actions of Sate as in Times of his Service have been Mannaged And depraving them hath ascribed and imputed to him the Effects that have followed Indeed to the Good of the Realm and the Honour of her Majesty Though sometimes to the Provoking of the Maliâ—e but Abridging of the Power and Meanes of Desperate and Incorâ—igible Subjects All which Slanders as his Lordship might justly despise Both for their Manifest Vntruths and for the Basenesse and Obscurity of the Authour So neverthelesse according to the Moderation which his Lordship useth in all Things Never claiming the Priviledge of his Authority when it is Question of satisfying the World He hath been content that they be not passed over altogether in Silence Whereupon I have in particular Duty to his Lordship amongst others that do Honour and Love his Lordship And that have â—iligently observed his Actions And in Zeal of Truth collected upon the Reading of the said Libell certain Observations Not in Form of a just Answer lest I should fall into the Error whereof Salomon speaketh thus Answer not a Foole in his own kind least thou also be like him But only to discover the Malice to reprove and convict the Untruths thereof The Points that I have observed upon the Reading of this Libell are these following 1. Of the Scope or Drift of the Libeller 2. Of the present Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be Prosperous or Afflicted 3. Of the Proceedings against the pretended Catholiques whether they have been Violent or Moderate and necessary 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly imputed 5. Of the Cunning of the Libeller in Palliation of his Malicious Invective against her Majesty and the State with pretence of taxing onely the Actions of the Lord Burleigh 6. Certain true Generall Notes upon the Actions of the Lord Burleigh 7. Of diverse particular Vntruhs and Abuses dispersed through the Libell 8. Of the Height of Impudency that these Men are grown unto in Publishing and Avouching Vntruths with particular Recitall of some of them for an Assay 1. Of the Scope or Drift of the Libeller It is good Advice in dealing with Cautelous and Malicious persons Whose Speech is ever at distance with their Meanings Non quid dixerint sed quò spectârint videndum A Man is not to regard what they affirm or what they hold But what they would convey under their pretended Discovery and what turn they would serve It soundeth strangely in the Eares of an English Man That the Miseries of the present State of England exceed them of former times whatsoever One would
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
the rest of their Body The Kingdome of Portugall which of late times through their Merchandizing and places in the East Indies was grown to be an Opulent Kingdome is now at the last after the unfortunate journey of Affrick in that State as a Countrey is like to be that is reduced under a Forreiner by Conquest And such a Forreiner as hath his Competitour in Title being a Naturall Portugall and no Stranger And having been once in possession yet in Life wherby his Iealousie must necessarily be encreased and through his Jealousie their Oppression which is apparent by the Carrying of many Noble Families out of their Naturall Countries to live in Exile And by putting to Death a great Number of Noble-Men naturally born to have been principall Governers of their Countries These are three Afflicted parts of Christendome The Rest of the States enjoy either Prosperity or tolerable Condition The Kingdome of Scotland though at this present by the good Regiment and wise proceeding of the King they enjoy good quiet yet â—ince our Peace it hath passed through no small Troubles And remaineth full of Boyling and Swelling Humours But like by the Maturity of the said King every day encreasing to be repressed The Kingdome of Poland is newly recovered out of great Wars about an Ambiguous Election And besides is a State of that Composition that their King being Elective they do commonly chuse rather a Stranger then one of their own Countrey A great Exception to the Flourishing Estate of any Kingdome The Kingdome of Swedeland besides their Forrain Warrs upon their Cousins the Muscovites and the Danes Hath been also subject to divers Intestine Tumults and Mutations as their Stories do record The Kingdome of Denmark hath had good Times specially by the good Government of the late King who maintained the profession of the Gospell But yet greatly giveth place to the Kingdome of England in Climate Wealth Fertility and many other Points both of Honour and Strength The Estates of Italy which are not under the Dominion of Spain have had peace equall in continuance with ours Except in regard of that which hath passed between them and the Turk Which hath sorted to their Honour and Commendation But yet they are so brideled and over-awed by the Spaniard that possesseth the two principall Members thereof And that in the two extream parts as they be like Quillets of Freehold being intermixed in the midst of a great Honour or Lordship So as their Quiet is intermingled not with Iealousie alone but with Restraint The States of Germany have had for the most part peaceable Times But yet they yeeld to the State of England Not only in the great Honour of a great Kingdome they being of a mean Stile and Dignity but also in many other Respects both of Wealth and Pollicy The State of Savoy having been in the old Dukes Time governed in good Prosperity hath since notwithstanding their new great Alliance with Spain whereupon they waxed insolent to design to snatch up some piece of France After the dishonourable Repulse from the Seige of Geneva deen often distresâ—ed by a particular Gentleman of Daulphâ—ny And at this presenâ— day the Duke feeleth even in Piedmont beyond the Mountaines of the weight of the same Enemy Who hath lately shut up his Gates and common Entries between Savoy and Piedmont So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much bound to the Mercies of God as any other Nation Considering that the Fires of Dissention and Oppression in some Parts of Christendom may serve us for Lights to shew us our Happinesse And the good â—states of other places which we do congratulate with them for is such neverthelesse as doth not stain and exceed ours But rather doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ordinary Benediction of God Lastly we do not much emulate the Greaâ—nesse and Glory of the Spaniards Who having not only Excluded the Purity of Religion but also Fortified against it by their Devise of the Inquisition which is a Bulwark against the Entrance of the Truth of God Having in recompence of their new Purchase of Porâ—ugal lost a great part of their ancient Patrimonies of the Low-Countries Being of far greater Commodity and Valew or at the least holding part thereof in such sort as most of their other Revenewes are spent there upon their own Having lately with much Difficulty rather smoothed and skinned over then Healed and extinguished the Commotions of Arragon Having rather sowed Troubles in France then reaped Assured Fruit thereof unto themselves Having from the Attempt of England received Scorn and Disreputation Being at this time with the States of Italy rather suspected then either Loved or Feared Having in Germany and else where rather much practise then any Sound intelligence or Amity Having no such clear succession as they need object and Reproach the Incertainty thereof unto another Nation Have in the end won a Reputation rather of Ambition then Iustice And in the pursuit of their Ambition rather of Much Enterprising then of Fortunate Atchieving And in their Entâ—rprising rather of Doing Things by Treasure and Expence then by Forces and Valour Now that I have given the Reader a Tast of England respectively and in Comparison of the Times past and of the States abroad I will descend to examine the Libellers own Divisions Whereupon let the World judge how easily and clean this Inke which he hath cast in our faces is washed off The First Branch of the pretended Calamities of England is the great and wonderfull Confusion which he saith is in the State of the Church which is subdivided again into two parts The one the Prosecutions againg the Catholicks The other the Discords and Controversies amongst our selves The former of which 2. parts I have made an Article by it self Wherein I have set down a clear and simple Narration of the proceedings of State against that sort of Subjects Adding this by the way That there are 2. Extremities in State concerning the Causes of â—aith and Religion That is to say the Permission of the Exercises of more Râ—ligions then one which is a dangerous Indulgence and Toleration the other is the Entring and Sifting into Mens Consciences when no Overt Scandall is given which is Rigorous and Straineable Inquisition And I avouch the proceedings towards the intended Catholicks to have been a Mean between these two Extremities Referring the Demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid Narraâ—ion in the Articles following Touching the Divisions in our Church the Libeller affirmeth â—hat the Protestanticall Caluinism For so it pleaseth him with very good grace to term the Religion with us established is grown Contempâ—ible and Detected of Idolatry Heresie and many other superstitious Abuses by a Purified sort of Professors of the same Gospell And this Conâ—ention is yet grown to be more intricate by reason of a Third Kind of Gospellers called Brownists Who being directed
by the great Fervour of the Vnholy Ghost do expresly affirm that the Protestanticall Church of England is not gathered in the name of Christ but of Antichrist And that if the Prince or Magistrate under her do refuse or defer to reform the Church the people may without her Consent take the Reformation into their own Hands And hereto he addeth the Fanaticall Pageant of Hacket And this is the Effect of this Accusation in this point For Answer whereunto First it must be remembred that the Church of God hath been in all Ages subject to Contentions and Schismes The Tares were not sown but where the Wheat was sown before Our Saviour Christ delivereth it for an Ill Note to have Outward Peace Saying When a strong Man is in possession of the House meaning the Devill all Things are in Peace It is tâ—e Condition of the Churâ—h to be ever under Trials And there are but Two Trials The one of Persecution The other of Scandall and Contention And when the One ceaseth the other succeedeth Nay there is scarce any one Epistle of St. Pauls unto the Churches but containethâ— some Reprehension of unnecessary Schismaticall Controversies So likewise in the Raign of Constantine the Great after the time that the Church had obtained Peaceâ— from persecution strait entred sundry Questions and Controversies about no lesse Matters then the Essentiall Parts of the Faith and the High Mysteries of the Trinity But Reason teacheth us that in Ignorance and Implyed Belief it is easie to agree as Colours agree in the Dark Or if any Countrey decline into Atheism then Controversies wax dainty because Men do think Religion scarce worth the Falling out for So as it is weak Divinity to account Controversies an ill Sign in the Church It is true that certain Men moved with an inconsiderate Detestation of all Ceremonies or Orders which were in use in the time of the Roman Religion As if they were without difference superstitious or polluted And led with an affectionate Imitation of the Government of some Protestant Churches in Forrain States Have sought by Bookes and Preaching indiscreetly and sometimes undutifully to bring in an Alteration in the Extern Rites and Pollicy of the Church But neither have the Grounds of the Controversies extended unto any Point of Faith Neither hath the Pressing and Prosecution exceeded in the generality the Nature of some Inferiour Contempts So as they have been farr from Heresie and Sedition And therefore rather Offensive then Dangerous to the Church or State And as for Those which we call Brownists being when they were at the most a very small Number of very silly and base people here and there in Corners dispersed They are now thanks be to God by the good Remedies that have been used suppressed and worn out So as there is scarce any Newes of them Neither had they been much known at all had not Brown their Leader Written a Pamphlet Wherein as it came into his Head he inveighed more against Logick and Rhetorick then against the State of the Church which Writing was much read And had not also one Barrow being a Gentleman of a good House but one that lived in London at Ordinaries And there learned to argue in Table-Talk And so was very much known in the Citty and abroad made a Leap from a vain and Libertine youth to a preciseness in the Highest Degree The strangeness of which Alteration made him very much spoken off The Matter might long before have breathed out And here I note an Honesty and Discretion in the Libeller which I note no where else In that he did forbear to lay to our charge the Sect of the Family of Love For about 12. years since there was creeping in some secret places of the Realm indeed a very great Heresie derived from the Dutch and named as before was said which since by the good Blessing of God by the good strength of our Church is banished and Extinct But so much we see that the Diseases wherewith our Church hath been visited whatsoever these Men say have either not been Maligne and Dangerous Or else they have been as Blisters in some small Ignoble part of the Body which have soon after fallen and gone away For such also was the Phreneticall and Fanaticall For I mean not to determine it Attempt of Hackett Who must needs have been thought a very Dangerous Heretick that could never get but two Disciples And those as it should seem perished in their Brain And a Dangerous Commotioner that in so great and populous a Citty as London is could draw but those same two Fellowâ— whom the People rather laughed at as a May game then took aâ—y heed of what they did or said So as it was very true that an honest Poor Woman said when she saw Hackett out of a Window passe to his Execution Said she to her Self It was foretold thâ—t in the latter dayes there should come those that have deceived many but in faith thou hast deceived but a Few But it is manifest Vntruth which â—he Libeller setteth down that there hath been no Punishment done upon those which in any of the foresaid kinds have broken the Lawes and disturbed the Church and State And that the Edge of the Law hath been onely turned upon the pretended Catholicks For the Examples are very many where according to the Nature and Degree of the Offence the Correction of such Offenders hath not been neglected These be the great Confusions whereof he hath accused our Church which I refer to the Judgement of an indifferent and understanding person how true they be My Meaning is not to blanch or excuse any Fault of our Church Nor on the other side to enter into Commemoration how flourishing it is in Great and Learned Divines or painfull and excellent Preachers Let Man have the Reproof of that which is amisse and God the Glory of that which is good And so much for the First Branch In the Second Branch He maketh great Musters and Shewes of the strength and Multitude of the Enemies of this State Declaring in what evill Termes and Correspondence we stand with Forraign States And how desolate and destitute we are of Friends and Confederatesâ— Doubtingâ— belike how he should be able to prove and justifie his Assertion touching the present Miseries And therefore endeavouring at the least to maintain That the good Estate which we enjoy is yet made somewhat bitter by reason of many Terrours and Feares Whereupon entring into Consideration of the Security wherein not by our own Pollicy but by the good Providence and Protection of God we stand at this Time I do find it to be a Security of that Nature and Kind which Iphicrates the Athenian did commend who being a Commissioner to treat with the State of Sparta upon Conditions of Peace And hearing the other side make many Propositions touching Security Interrupted them and told them There was but one maner of Security whereupou the
Athenians could rest which was if the Deputies of the Lacedemonians could make it plain unto them that after these and these things parted withall the Lacedemonians should not be able to hurt them though they would So it is with us As we have not justly provoked the Hatred or Enmity of any other State so howsoever that be I know not at this time the Enemy that hath the Power to offend us though he had the Will And whether we have given just Cause of Quarrell or Offence it shall be afterwards touched in the feurth Article Touching the true Causes of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christenâ—ome As far as it is fit to justifie the Actions of so High a Prince upon the Occasion of such a Libell as this But now concerning the Power and Forces of any Enemy I do find that England hath sometimes apprehended with Jealousie the Confederation between France and Scotland The one being upon the same Continent that we are and breeding a Souldier of Puissance and Courage not much differing from the English The other a Kingdom very Opulent and thereby able to sustain Wars though at very great Charge And having a brave Nobility And being a Near Neighbour And yet of this Conjuncâ—ion there never came any Offence of Moment But Scotland was ever rather used by France as a Diversion of an English Invasion upon France then as a Commodity of a French Invasion upon England I confesse also that since the Vnions of the Kingdom of Spain and during the time the Kingdom of France was in his Entire A Conjunction of those two potent Kingdoms against us might have been of some Terrour to us But now it is evident that the State of France is such as both those Conjunctions are become Impossible It resteth that either Spain with Scotland should offend us or Spain alone For Scotland thanks be to God the Amity and Intelligence is so sound and secret between the the two Crowns Being strengthened by Consent in Religion Nearnesse of Blood and Continuall good Offices reciprocally on either side as the Spaniard himself in his own Plot â—hinketh it easier to alter and overthrow the present State of Scotland then to remove and divide it from the Amity of England So as it must be Spain alone that we should fear which should seem by reason of his Spacious Dominions to be a great Over-match The Conceit whereof maketh me call to mind the Resemblance of an Ancient writer in Physick who labouring to perswade that a Physician should not doubt sometimes to purge his Patient though he see him very weak Entreth into a Distinction of Weakness and saith there is a Weakness of Spirit and a Weakness of Body The latter whereof he compareth unto a man that were otherwise very strong but had a great pack on his Neck So greatâ— as made him double again So as one might thrust him down with his Finger Which Similitude and Distinction both may be fitly applyed to matter of State For some States are Weak through want of Means and some VVeak through Excesse of Burthen In which rank I do place the State of Spain which having outcompassed it self in embracing too much And being it self but a barren Seed-plot of Souldiers And much Decayed and Exhausted of Men by the Indies and by continuall wars and so to the State of their Treasure being endebted and engaged before such times as they waged so great Forces in France And therefore much more since Is not in brief an Enemy to be feared by a Nation Seated Manned Furnished and Pollyced as is England Neither is this spoken by guesse For the Experience was Substantiall enough and of Fresh Memoâ—y in the late Enterprise of Spain upon England What Time all that Goodly Shipping which in that Voyage was consumed was Compleat what Time his Forces in the Low Countries was also full and Entire which now are wasted to a fourth part What time also he was not entangled with the Matters of France But was rather like to receive Assistance then Impediment from his Friends there In respect of the great Vigour wherein the League then was while the Duke of Guise then lived and yet neverthelesse this great preparation passed away like a Dream The Invincible Navy neither took any one Barque of ours Neither yet once offered to land But after they had been well Beaten and Chased made a Perambulation about the Northern Seas Ennobling many Coasts with VVracks of Mighty ships and so returned home with greater Derision then they set forth with Expectation So as we shall not need much Confederacies and Succours which he saith we want for the breaking of the Spanish Invasion No though the Spaniard should nestle in Brittain and supplant the French and get some Port-Townes into their hands there which is yet far off yet shall he never be so commodiously seated to annoy us as if he had kept the Low-Countries And we shall rather fear Him as a wrangling Neighbour that may Trespass now and then upon some Stragling ships of ours then as an Invader And as for our Confederacies God hath given us both Meanes and Minds to tender and relieve the States of others And therefore our Confederacies are rather of Honour then such as we depend upon And yet nevertheless the Apostata's and Huguonets of France on the one part For so he termeth the whole Nobility in a manner of France Among the which a great part is of his own Religion which maintain the clear and unblemished Title of their Lawfull and Naturall King against the seditious popular And the Beere-Brewers and Basket-Makers of Holland and Zealand As he also termes them on the other have almost banded away between them all the Duke of Parma's Forces And I suppose the very Mines of the Indies will go low or ever the one be Ruined or the other recovered Neither again desire we better Confederacies and Leagues then Spain it self hath provided for us Non enim verbis faedera confirmantur sed jisdem vtilitatibus We know to how many States the King of Spain is odious and suspected And for our selves we have incensed none by our Injuries Nor made any Jealous of our Ambition These are in Rules of Pollicy the Firmest Contracts Let thus much be said in Answer of the Second Branch concerning the Number of Exteriour Enemies Wherein my Meaning is nothing lesse then to attribute our Felicity to our Pollicy Or to nourish our selves in the Humour of Security But I hope we shall depend upon God and be vigilent And then it will be seen to what end these False Alarums will come In the Third Branch of the Miseries of England he taketh upon him to play the Prophet as he hath in all the rest play'd the Poet And will needes Divine or Prognosticate the great Troubles whreunto this Realm shall fall after her Majesties Times As if he that hath so singular a Gift in Lying of the present Time and Times past had
Master of his own Valuation and the least bitten in his Purse of any Nation of Europe Nay even at this Instant in the Kingdome of Spain notwithstanding the Pioners do still work in the Indian Mines the Iesuites most play the Pioners and Mine into the Spaniards Purses And under the Colour of a Ghostly Exhortation contrive the greatest Exaction that ever was in any Realm Thus much in Answer of these Calumniations I have thought good to note touching the present state of England which state is such that whosoever hath been an Architect in the Frame thereof under the Blessing of God and the Vertues of our Soveraign needed not to be ashamed of his Work 3. Of the Proceedings against the pretended Catholiques Whether they have been Violent or Moderate and Necessary I Find her Majesties Proceedings generally to have been grounded upon two Principles The one That Consciences are not to be Forced but to be Wonn and reduced by the Force of Truth by the Aide of Time and the Vse of all good Meanes of Instruction or Perswasion The other That Causes of Conscience when they exceed their Bounds and prove to be Matter of Faction leese their Nature And that Soveraign Princes ought distinctly to punish the Practise or Contempt though coloured with the Pretences of Conscience and Religion According to these two Principles her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown utterly disliking of the Tyranny of the Church of Rome which had used by Terrour and Rigour to seek Commandement over Mens Faiths and Consciences Although as a Prince of great Wisdome and Magnanimity she suffered but the Exercise of one Religion yet her Proceedings towards the Papists was with great Lenity Expecting the good Effects which Time might work in them And therefore her Majesty revived not the Lawes made in 28º and 35º of her Fathers Raign Whereby the Oath of Supremacy mought have been offered at the Kings Pleasure to any Subject though he kept his Conscience never so modestly to himself And the Refusall to take the same Oath without Further Circumstance was made Treason But contrariwise her Majesty not liking to make Windowes into Mens Hearts and Secret Thoughts Except the Abundance of them did overflow into Ouvert and Expresse Acts and Affirmations Tempered her Law so as it restraineth only manifest Disobedience in impugning and impeaching advisedly and ambitiously her Majesties supream pâ—wer And Maintaining and Extolling a Forrain Iurisdâ—ction And as â—or the Oath it was altred by her Majesty into a more gratâ—â—ull Form the Harshâ—esse of the Name and Appellation of Suprâ—â—m Head was removed And the Penalty of the Reâ—usall thereof â—urned into a Disablement to take any Promotion or to exercise any charge And yet that with a Liberty of being Revested therein if any Man shall accept thereof during his Life But after many years Toleration of a Multitude of Factioâ—s Papists When Pius Quintus had Excommunicated her Majâ—sty And the Bill of Excommunication was published in London Whereby her Majesty was in a sort proscribed and all her Subjects drawn upon pain of Damnation from her Obedienâ—e And that therâ— upon as upon a Principall Motive or Preparative followed the Rebellion in the North yet notwithstanding because many of those Evill Humours were by that Rebellion partly purged And that she feared at that time no Forrain Invasion And much lesâ— the Attempts of any within the Realm not backâ—d by some Foâ—rain Succours from without she contented her self to make a Law against that speciall Case of Bringing in or publishing of Bulls or the like Instruments Whereunto was added a Prohibition not upon Pain of Treason but of an Inferiour Degree of â—unishment against bringing in of Agnus Dei's Hallowed Beades and such other Merchandise of Rome As are well known not to be any Essentiall Part of the Roman Religion but only to be used in practise as Love-Tokens to enchant and bewitch the peopleâ— Affections from their Allegeance to their Naturall Soveraign In all other Points her Majesty continuedâ— her former Leniâ—y But when about the 20th year of her Raign she had discovered in the King of Spain an Intention to Invade her Dominions And that a principall Point of the Plot was to prepare a Party within the Realm that mought adhere to the Forrainer And that the Seminaries began to blossome and to send forth dayly Priests and professed Men who should by vow taken at Shrifâ— reconcile her Subjects from her Obedience yea and bind many of them to attempt against her Majesties Sacred Person And thaâ— by the Poyson they spred the Humours of most Papists were altred And that they were no more Papists in Custome but Pâ—pists in Treasonable Faction Then were there New Lawes made foâ— the punishment of such as should submit themselves to Reconcilements or Renunciations of Obedience For it is to be understood that this Manner of Reconcilement in Confession is of the same Nature and Operation that the Bull it self was of with this onely difference That whereas the Bull assoyled the Subjects from their Obedience at once the other doth it one by one And therefore it is both more Secret more Insinuative into the Conscience being joyned with no lesse Matter then an Absolution from Mortall Sin And because it was a Treason carried in the Cloudes and in wonderfull Secresie and came seldome to Light And that there was no Presumption thereof so great as the Recusants to come to Divine Service because it was set down by their Decrees That to come to Church before Reconcilement was to live in Schism but to come to Church after Reconcilement was absolutely Hereticall and Damnable Therefore there were added new Lawes containing a Punishment pecuniary against the Recusants Not to enforce Consciences but to Enfeeble those of whom it rested Indifferent and Ambiguous whether they were reconciled or no For there is no doubt but if the Law of Recusancy which is challeâ—ged to be so Extream and Rigorous were thus qualified That any Recusant that shall voluntarily come in and take his Oath that He or She were never reconciled should immediatly be discharged of the Penalty and Forfeiture of the Law They would be so far from liking well of that Mitigation as they would cry out it was made to entrap them And when notwithstanding all this provision this Poyson was dispersed so secretly as that there was no Meanes to stay it but to restrain the Merchants that brought it in Then was there lastly added a Law whereby such Seditious Priests of the New Erection were exiled And those that were at that time within the Land shipped over And so commanded to keep hence upon Pain of Treason This hath been the Proceeding with that Sort though intermingled not onely with sundry Examples of her Majesties Grace towards such as in her wisdome she knew to be Papists in Conscience and not in Faction But also with an extraordinary Mitigation towards the Offenders in the Highest Degree convicted by Law if they would
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority
and Countenance and Reputation to the World besides And have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised In the Message of Viscount Montacute it was also contained that he should crave the Kings Counsell and Assistance accorâ—ing to Amity and good Intelligence upon a Discovery of certain pernicious Plots of the House of Guise to annoy this Realm by the way of Scotland whereunto the Kings Answer was so Dark and so cold as Nothing could be made of it Till he had made an Exposition of it himself by effects in the expresse Restraint of Munition to be carried out of the Low-Countries unto the Siege of Leith Because our Nation was to have supply thereof from thence So as in all the Negotiations that passed with that King still her Majesty received no satisfaction but more and more suspiâ—ious and Bad Tokens of evill affection Soon after when upon that Project which was disclosed before the King had resolved to disannull the Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects the Netherlands anciently belonging And to establish amongst them a Marshall Government which the People being very Wealthy And inhabiting Townes very strong and Defensible by Fortifications both of Nature and the Hand could not endure there followed the Defection and revolt of those Countries In which Action being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England the Proceeding of her Majesty hath been so Just and mingled with so many Honourable Regards as Nothing doth so much clear and acquite her Majesty not only from Passion bâ—t also from all Dishonourable Pollicy For first at the beginning of the Troubles she did impart unto Him faithfull and sincere Advise of the Course that was to be taken for the quietting and appeasing them And expresly forewarned both himself and such as were in principall Charge in those Countries during the Warsâ— of the danger like to ensue if he held so heavy a Hand over that People leâ—â— they should cast themselves into the Arms of a Stranger But finding the Kings Mind so exulcerate as he rejâ—cted all Counsell that tended to Mild and Gracious proceeding her Majesty neverthelesse gave not over her Honourable Resolution which was if it were possible to reduce and reconcile those Countries unto the obedience of their Naturall Soveraign the King of Spain And if that mought not be yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a Ferrain Lord As namely unto the French with whom they much treated And amongst whom the Enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a Mene to unite their own Civill Dissensions Bâ—t patiently temporizing expected the good effect which Time mought breed And whensoever the States grew into Extremitieâ— of Despair and thereby ready to embrace the Offer of any Forrainer Then would her Majesty yield them some Relief of Moneyâ— or permit some Supply of Forces to go over unto them To the end to interrupt such violent Resolution And still continued to mediate unto the King some Just and Honourable Capitulations of Grace and Accord Such as whereby alwayes should have been preserved unto him such Interest and Authority as He in Iustice â—ould claim Or a Prince moderately minded would seek to have And this Course she held interchangeably seeking to mitigate the Wrath of the King and the Despair of the Countries Till such Time as after the Death of the Duke of Anjou Into whose Hands according to her Majesties prediction but against her good liking they had put themselves The Enemy pressing them the united Provinces were received into her Majesties Protection which was after such Time as the King of Spain had discovered himself not onely an Implacable Lord to them but also a proâ—essed Enemy unto her Majesty having actually invaded Ireland â—nd designed the Invasion of England For it is to be noted thaâ— the like Offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been made to her long before but as long as her Majesty conceived any Hope either of Making their Peace Or entertaining her own with Spain she would never hearken thereunto And yet now even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident Proof to the World of her Justice and Moderation In that she refused the Inheritance and Soveraignty of those Goodly â—rovinces which by the States with much Instance was pressed upon her and being accepted would hâ—ve wrought greater Contentment and Satisfaction both to her People and theirs Being Countries for the Scite Wealth Commodity of Traffick Affection to our Nation Obedience of the Subjects well used most convenient to have been annexed to the Crown of England And withall one Charge Danger and Offence of Spain onely took upon her the Defence and Protection of their Liberties Which Liberties and Priviledges are of that Nature as they may justly esteem themselves but Conditionall Subjects to the King of Spain More justly then Aragon And may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient Confederacies and Treaties with Burgundy to be of Force rather with the People and Nation then with the Line of the Duke because it was never an Absolute Monarchy So as to summe up her Majesties Proceedings in this great Action they have but this That they have sought first to restore them to Spain Then to keep them from Strangers And never to purchase them to Her Self But during all that time the King of Spain kept one tenour in his Proceedings towards her Majesty Breaking forth more and more into Injuries and Contempts Her Subjects trading into Spain have been many of them Burned Some cast into the Gallies Others have died in Prison without any other Crimes committed but upon Quarrells pickt upon them for ther Religion here at home Her Merchants at the Sack of Antwerpe were diverse of them spoyled and put to their Ransomesâ— though they could not be charged with any Part-taking Neither upon the Complaint of Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any Redresse be had A generall Arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of English mens both Goods and Persons upon pretence that certain Ships stayed in this Realm laden with Goods and Money of certain Merchants of Genoa belonged to that King which Money and Goods was afterwards to the uttermost value restored and payed back Whereas our Men were far from receiving the like Iustice on their side Doctor Man her Majesties Embassadour received during his Legation sundry Indignities himself being Removed out of Madrid and Lodged in a Village As they are accustomed to use the Embassadours of Moores His Sonn and Steward forced to assist at a Mass with Tapers in their Hands Besides sundry other Contumelies and Reproaches But the Spoyling or Damnifying of a Merchant Vexation of a Common Subject Dishonour of an Embassadour Were rather but Demonstrations of ill Disposition then Effects If they be compared with Actions of State Wherein He and his Ministers have sought the Overthrow of this Government As in the year 1569. when the Rebellion in the North part of
Pâ—inces have had many Servants of Trust Name and sufficiency But where there have been great parts there hath often wanted Temper of Affection Where there have beeu both Ability and Moderation there have wanted Diligence and Love of Travaile Where all Three have been there have sometimes wanted Faith and Sincerity Where some few have had all these Four yet they have wanted Time and Experience But where there is a Concurrence of all these there is no marvaile though a Prince of Iudgement be constant in the Employment and Trust of such a Servant 7. Of divers parâ—icular Untruths and Abuses dispersed thrugh the Libel THE Order which this Man keepeth in his Libell is such as it may appear that he meant but to empty some Note Booke of the Matters of England To bring in whatsoever came of it a Number of Idle Jests which he thought might fly abroad And intended nothing lesse then to clear the Matters be handled by the Linht of Order and Distinct Writing Having therefore in the Principall Points namely the Second Third and Fourth Articles ranged his Scattering and wandering Discourse into some Order such as may help the Judgement of the Reader I am now content to gather up some of his By-Matters and Stragling Untruths and very briefly to censure them Page 9. he saith That his Lordships could neither by the Greatness of his Beades creeping to the Crosse Nor exteriour shew to Devotion before the High Altar find his entrance into high Dignity in Queen Maries Time All which is a meer Fiction at Pleasure For Queen Mary bare that Respect unto him in regard of his constant standing for her Title As she desired to continue his Service The Refusall thereof growing from his own Part He enjoyed nevertheless all other Liberties Favours of the time Save only that it was put into the Queens Head that it was dangerous to permit him to go beyond the Sea because he had a great Wit of Action and had served in so Principall a Place Which neverthelesse after with Cardinall Poole he was suffered to do Pag. Eadem he saith Sir Nich. Bacon that was Lord Keeper was a Man of exceeding crafty wit Which sheweth that this Fellow in his Slanders is no good Marks-Man But throweth out his Words of Defaming without all Levell For all the World noted Sir Nich. Bacon to be a Man Plain Direct and Constant without all Finenesse and Doublenesse And one that was of the mind that a Man in his private Proceedings and Estate and in the Proceedings of State should reâ—t upon the Soundnesse and Strength of his own Courses and not upon Practise to Circumvent othersâ— According to the Sentence of Salomon Vir Prudens aduertit ad Gressus suos stultus autem divertit ad Dolos Insomuch that the Bishop of Rosse a Subtile and Observing Man said of him That he could fasten no words upon him and that it was impossible to come within him because he offered no play And Queen Mother of France a very politick Princesse said of him That he should have been of the Councell of Spain because he despised the Occurrents and rested upon the First Plot So that if He were Crafty it is hard to say who is wise Pag. 10. he saith That the Lord Burleigh in the Establishment of Religion in the Beginning of the Queens Time prescribed a Composition of his own Invention Whereas the same Form not fully six years before had been received in this Realm in King Edwards Time So as his Lordship being a Christian Politick Counseller thought it better to follow a President then to innovate And chose the President rather at Home then Abroad Pag. 41. he saith That Catholicks never attempted to murther any principall person of her Majesties Court as did Burchew whom he calleth a Puritan In wounding of a Gentleman instead of Sir Christopher Hatten But by their great Vertue Modesty and Patience do manifest in themselves a far different Spirit â—â—om the other Sort. For Burchew it is certain he was Mad As appeareâ—h not only by his Mad Mistaking but by the violence â—hâ—t he â—ffâ—ed afâ—er to his Keeper And most evidently by his bâ—haviour at his Exâ—cution But of Catholicks I mean thâ— â—raâ—lâ—rus sort of them a Man may say as Cato said sometimes of Caeâ—ar Fum ad evâ—rtendam Remp. sobrium accessisse They came sober and well advised to their Treasons and Conspiracies And commonly they look not so low as the Counsellers but have bent their murdâ—râ—ur Attempts immediatly against her Majesties sacred Person Which God have in his precious Custody As may appear by the Conspiracy of Sommervile Parry Savadge and Six and otheâ—s Nay they have defended it in Thesi to be a Lawâ—ull Act. Pag. 43. he saith That his Lordship whom he calleâ—h the Archâ—Politick hath fraudulently provided that when any Priesâ— is arraigned the Indictment is enforced with many odious Mattâ—râ— Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance if it be not Mallice For the Law permitteth not the Ancient Formes of Indicâ—ments to be alâ—ered Like as in an Action of Trespass although a Mâ—n take away anothers Goods in the peaceablest manner in the World yet the Writ hath Quare vi Armis And if a Man enter upon anothers Ground and do no more the Plantife mentioneth Quod Herbam suam ibidem crescentem cum Equis Bobus porcis Bidentibus depastus sit conculcavit consumpsit Neither is this any Absurdity For in the Practise of all Law the Formularies hâ—ve been Few and Certain And not varied according to every â—articular Case And in Indictmeuts also of Treason it is not so far fetched as in that of Trespass For the Law ever presumeth in Treason an Intention of subverting the State and Impeaching the Majesty Royall Pag. 45. and in other places speaking of the persecuting of Catholicks he still mentioneth Bowellings and Consuming Mens Entraâ—les by Fire As if this were a Torture newly devised Wherein he doth Cauâ—elously and Maliciously suppresse that the Law and Custom of this Land from all Antiquity hath ordained that Punishment in Case of Treason and permitteth no other And a Punishment surely it is though of great Terrour yeâ— by reason of the quick Dispatching of lesse Torment far then either the Wheele or Forcipation yea then Simple Burning Pag. 48. he saith England is confederate with the Great Turk Wherein if he mean it because the Merchants have an Agent in Constantinople How will he answer for all the Kings of France since Francis the First which were good Catholicks For the Emperour for the King of Spain Himself for the Senate of Venice and other States that have had long time Embassadours Liedgers in that Court If he mean it because the Turk hath done some speciall Honour to our Embassadour if he be so to be termed we are beholding to the King of Spain for that For that the Honour we have won upon Him by Opposition hath given us Reputation through the World If
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presenâ—ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lasciviâ—usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pasâ—age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of â—overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelleâ—t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamedâ— the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their â—ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observatâ—ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origiâ—all or fiâ—st
Vnitâ—g of whose Hearts and Affectâ—ons is the Life and true End of this Work For the Ceremoniall Crowns the Question will be whether there shall be framed one new Imperiall Crown of Britain to be used for the times to come Also admitting that to be thought Convenient whether in the Frame thereof there shall not be some Reference to the Crowns of Ireland and France Also whether your Majesty should repeat or iterate your own Coronation and your Queens or onely ordain that such new Crown shall be used by your Posterity hereafter The Difficulties will be in the Conceit of sâ—me Inequaliâ—y whereby the Realm of Scotland may be thought to be made an Accession unto the Realm of England But that resteth in some Circumstances for the Compounding of the two Crowns is equall The Calling of the new Crown the Crown of Brittain is equall Onely the Place of Coronation if it shall be at Westminster which is the Ancient August and Sacred place for the Kings of England may seem to make an Inequality And again if the Crown of Scotland be discontinued then that Ceremony which I hear is used in the Parliament of Scotland in the absence of the Kings to have the Crowns carried in solemnity must likewise cease For the Name the main Question is whether the Contracted Name of Brittain shall be by your Majesty used or the Divided Names of England and Scotland Admitting there shall be an Alteration then the Case will require these Inferiour Questions First whether the Name of Brittain shall not onely be used in your Majesties Stile where the entire Stile is recited And in all other Forms the Divided Names to remain both of the Realms and of the People Or otherwise that the very Divided Nameâ— of Realms and People shall likwise be changed or turned into special or subdivided Names of the Generall Name That is to say for Example whether your Majesty in your Stile shall denominate your self King of Brittain France and Ireland c. And yet neverthâ—lesse in any Commission Writ or otherwise where your Majesty mentioneth England or Scotland you shall retain the ancient Names as Secundum Conâ—uetudinem Regni nostri Angliae or whether those Divided Names shall be for ever lost and taken away and turned into the subdivisions of South-Britain and North-Britain and the People to be South-Brittains and North-Brittains And so in the Example aforesaid the Tenour of the like clause to run Secundum Consuetudinem Britanniae Australis Also if the former of these shall be thought convenient whether it were not better for your Majesty to â—ake that Alteration of Stile upon you by Proclamation as Edward the third did the Stile of France then to have it enacted by Parliament Also in the Alteration of the Stile whether it were not better to transpose the Kingdom of Ireland and put it immediatly after Britain and so place the Islands together And the Kingdom of France being upon the Continent last In regard that these Islands of the Western Ocean seem by Nature and Providence an entire Empire in themselves And also that there was never King of England so entirely possest of Ireland as your Majesty is So as your Stile to run King of Britain Ireland and the Islands Adjacent and of France c. The Difficulties in this have been already throughly beaten over but they gather but to two Heads The one Point of Honour and Love to the former Names The other Doubt lest the Alteration of the Name may induce and involve an Alteration of the Lawes and Pollicies of the Kingdom Both which if your Majesty shall assume the Stile by Proclamation and not by Parliament are in themselves satisfied For then the usuall Names must needs remain in Writs and Records The Formes whereof cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament And so the point of Honour satisfied And again your Proclamation altereth no Law And so the Scruple of a tacite or implyed Alteration of Lawes likewise satisfied But then it may be considered whether it were not a Form of the greatest Honour if the Parliament though they did not enact it yet should become Suiters and Petitioners to your Majesty to assume it For the Seales That there should be but one Great Seal of Britain and one Chanceller And that their should only be a Seal in Scotland for Processes and ordinary Iustice And that all Patents of Graunts of Lands or otherwise as well in Scotland as in England should passe under the Great Seal here kept about your Person It is an Alteration internall whereof â— do not now speak But the Question in this Place is whether the Great Seales of England and Scotland should not be changed into one and the same Form of Image and Superscription of Britain which Neverthelesse is requisite should be with some one plain or manifest Alteration lest there be a Buz and suspect that Grants of Things in England may be passed by the Seal of Scotland Or è converso Also whether this Alteration of Form may not be done without Act of Parliament as the Great Seales have used to be heretofore changed as to their Impressions For the Moneys as to the Reall and Internall Consideration thereof the Question will be whether your Majesty should not continue two Mints which the Distance of Territory considered I suppose will be of Necessity Secondly how the Standards if it be not already done as I hear some doubt made of it in popular Rumour may be reduced into an Exact proportion for the time to come And likewise the Compuâ—ation Tale or Valuation to be made exact for the Moneys already beaten That done the last Question is which is onely proper to this place whether the Stamp or the Image and Superscription of Britain for the time forwards should not be made the self same in both places without any Difference at all A Matter also which may be done as our Law is by your Majesties Prerogative without Act of Parliament These Points are Points of Demonstration Ad faciendum populum But so much the more they go to the Root of your Majesties Intention which is to imprint and inculcate into the Hearts and Heads of the People that they are one People and one Nation In this kind also I have heard it passe abroad in Speech of the Erection of some new Order of Knighthood with a Reference to the Vnion and an Oath appropriate thereunto which is a Point likewise deserveth a Consideration So much for the Externall Points The Internall Points of Separation are as followeth 1. Severall Parliaments 2. Severall Councels of Estate 3. Severall Officers of the Crown 4. Severall Nobilities 5. Severall Lawes 6. Severall Courts of Iustice Trialls and Processes 7. Severall Receipts and Finances 8. Severall Admiralties and Merchandizings 9. Severall Freedomes and Liberties 10. Severall Taxes and Imposts As touching the Severall States Ecclesiasticall and the severall Mints and Standards and the severall Articles
be too great a Work to embrace whether it were not convenient that Cases Capitall were the same in both Nations I say the Cases I do not speak of the Proceedings or Trials That is to say whether the same Offences were not fit to be made Treason or Felony in both places The Third Question is whether Cases Penall though not Capitall yet if they concern the Publick State or otherwise the Discipline of Manners were not fit likewise to be brought into one Degree As the Case of Misprision of Treason The Case of Premunire The Case of Fugitives The Case of Incest The Case of Simony and the rest But the Question that is more urgent then any of these is Whether these Cases at the least be they of an higher or inferiour degrâ—e Wherein the Fact committed or Act done in Scotland may prejudice the State and Subjects of England or é converso Are not to be reduced into one Vniformity of Law and Punishment As for Example A perjury committed in a Court of Iustice in Scotland cannot be prejudiciall in England Because Depositions taken in Scotland cannot be produced and used here in England But a Forgery of a Deed in Scotland I mean with a false Date of England may be used and given in Evidence in England So likewise the Depopulating of a Town in Scotland doth not directly prejudice the State of England But if an English Merchant shall carry Silver and Gold into Scotland as he may and thence transport it into forrain parts this prejudiceth the State of England And may be an Evasion to all the Lawes of England ordained in that Case And therefore had need to be bridled with as severe a Law in Scotland as it is here in England Of this kind there are many Lawes The Law of the 50 of Rich. the 2. of going over without licence if there be not the like Law in Scotland will be frustrated and evaded For any Subject of England may go first into Scotland and thence into forrain parts So the Lawes prohibiting Transportation of sundry Commodities as Gold and Silver Ordnance Artillery Corn c. if there be not a Correspondence of Lawes in Scotland will in like manner be deluded and frustrate For any English Merchant or Subject may carry such Commodities first into Scotland as well as he may carry them from Port to Port in England And out of Scotland into Forrain Parts without any Perill of Law So Libells may be devised and written in Scotland and published and scattered in England Treasons may be plotted in Scotland and executedâ— in England And so in many other Cases if there be not the like Severity of Law in Scotland to restrain Offences that there is in England whereof we are here ignorant whether there be or no It will be a Gap or Stop even for English Subjects to escape and avoid the Lawes of England But for Treasons the best is that by the Statute of 26. K. Hen. the 8'h Cap. 13. any Treason committed in Scotland may be proceeded with in England as well as Treasons committed in France Rome or elsewhere For Courts of Iustice Trialls Processes and other Administration of Lawes to make any Alteration in either Nation it will be a Thing so new and unwonted to either People That it may be doubted it will make the Administration of Iustice Which of all other Things ought to be known and certain as a beaten way To become intricate and uncertain And besides I do not see that the Severalty of Administration of Iustice though it be by Court Soveraign of last Resort I mean without Appeal or Errour Is any Impediment at all to the Vnion of a Kingdom As we see by Experience in the severall Courts of Parliament in the Kingdome of France And I have been alwayes of Opinion that the Subjects of England do already fetch Iustice somewhat far off more then in any Nation that I know the largeness of the Kingdome Considered though it be holpen in some part by the Circuits of the Iudges And the two Councels at York and in the Marches of Wales established But it may be a good Question whether as Commune Vinculum of the Iustice of both Nations your Majesty should not erect some Court about your person in the Nature of the Grand Councell of France To which Court you might by way of Evocation draw Causes from the ordinary Iudges of both Nations For so doth the French King from all the Courts of Parliament in France Many of which are more remote from Paris then any part of Scotland is from London For Receits and Finances I see no Question will arise In regard it will be Matter of Necessity to establish in Scotland a Receit of Treasure for Payments and Erogations to be made in those parts And for the Treasure of Spare in either Receipts the Custodies thereof may well be severall considering by your Majesties Commandement they may be at all times removed or disposed according to your Majesties Occasions For the Patrimonies of both Crowns I see no Question will arise Except your Majesty would be pleased to make one compounded Annexation for an Inseparable Patrimony to the Crown out of the Lands of both Nations And so the like for the Principality of Britain and for other Appennages of the rest of your Children Erecting likewise such Dutchies and Honours compounded of the Possessions of both Nations as shall be thought fit For Admiralty or Navy I see no great question will arise For I see no Inconvenience for your Majesty to continue Shipping in Scotland And for the Iurisdictions of the Admiralties and the Profits and Casualties of them they will be respective unto the Coasts over against which the Seas lye and are situated As it is here with the Admiralties of England And for Merchandizing it may be a Question whether that the Companies of the Merchant Adventurers of the Turky Merchants and the Muscovy Merchants if they shall be continued should not be compounded of Merchants of both Nations English and Scottish For to leave Trade free in the one Nation and to have it restrained in the other may percase breed some Inconvenience For Freedomes and Liberties the Charters of both Nations may be reviewed And of such Liberties as are agreeable and convenient for the Subjects and People of both Nations one Greaâ— Charter may be made and confirmed to the Subjects of Britain And those Liberties which are peculiar or proper to either Nation to stand in State as they do But for Imposts and Customes it will be a great Question how to accommodate them and reconcile them For if they be much easier in Scotland then they be here in England which is a Thing I know not then this Inconvenience will follow That the Merchants of England may unlade in the Ports of Scotland And this Kingdome to be served from thence and your Majesties Customes abated And for the Question whether the Scottish
decayed To your Princely Iudgement then I do in all Humblenesse submit whatsoever I shall propound offering the same but as a Miteâ— into the Treasury of your Wisedom For as the Astronomers do well observe That when three of the Superior Lights do meet in Conjunction it bringeth forth some admirable Effects So there being joyned in your Majesty the Light of Nature the Light of Learning and above all the Light of Gods Holy Spirit It cannot be but your Government must be as a Happy Constellation over the states of your Kingdomes Neither is there wanting to your Majesty that Fourth Light which though it be but a borrowed Lâ—ght yet is of singular Eâ—ficacy and Moment added to the rest which is the Light of a most wise and well compounded Councell To whose Honourable and Grave Wisdomes I do likewse submit whatsoever I shall speak Hoping that I shall not need to make Protestation of my Mind and Opinion That untill your Majesty doth otherwise determine and order all Actuall and Full Obedience is to be given to Ecclesiasticall Iurisdicton as it now standeth And when your Majesty hath determined and ordered that every good subject ought to rest satisfied and apply his Obedience to your Majesties Lawes Ordinances and Royall Commandements Nor of the Dislike I have of all Immodest Bitternesse peremptory presumption Popular handling And other Courses tending rather to Rumour and Impression in the vulgar Sort then to likely-hood of Effect joyned with Observation of Duty But before I enter into the Points controverted I think good to remove if it may be two Opinions which do directly confront and oppone to Reformation The one bringing it to a Nullity And the other to an Impossibility The First is That it is against good Policy to innovate any â—hing in Church Matters The other That all Reformation must be after one Platform For the First of these it is excellently said by the Prophet State super vias antiquas videte quaenam sit via recta vera ambulate in eâ So as he doth not say State super vias antiquas ambulate in eis For it true that with all VVise and Moderate Persons Custom and Vsage obtaineth that Reverence as it is sufficient Matter to move them to make a stand and to discover and take a View But it is no warrant to guide and conduct them A just Ground I say it is of Deliberation but not of Direction But on the other side who knoweth not that Time is truly compared to a Stream that carrieth down fresh and pure Waters into that salt Sea of Corruption which invironeth all Human Actions And therefore if Man shall not by his Industry Vertue and Policy as it were with the Oare row against the Stream and inclination of Time All Institutions and Ordinances be they never so pure will corrupt and degenerate But not to handle this matter Common-place like I would only ask why the Civill State should be purged and restored by Good and Wholesome Lawes made every Third or Fourth year in Parliament assembled Devising Remedies as fast as Time breedeth Mischief And contrariwise the Ecclesiasticall State should still continue upon the Dreggs of Time and receive no Alteration now for this Five and Forty years and more If any Man shall object that if the like Intermission had been used in Civil Causes also the Errour had not been great Surely the Wisedome of the Kingdome hath been otherwise in Experience for Three Hundred years space at the least But if it be said to me that there is a Difference between Civill Causes and Ecclesiasticall they may as well tell me that Churches and Chappels need no Reparations though Castles and Houses do Whereas commonly to speak truth Dilapidations of the Inward and Spirituall Edifications of the Church of God are in all times as great as the Outward and Materiall Sure I am that the very word and Stile of Reformation used by our Saviour Ab initio non fuit sic was applyed to Church Matters And those of the highest Nature concerning the Law Morall Neverthelesse He were both unthankfull and unwise that would deny but that the Church of England during the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous Memory did flourish If I should compare it with Forrain Churches I would â—ather the Comparison should be in the Vertues then as some make it in the Defects Rather I say as between the Vine and the Olive which should be most fruitfull And not as between the Briar the Thistle which should be most unprofitable For that Reverence should be used to the Church which the good Sons of Noah used to their Fathers Nakedness That is as it were to go backwards and to help the Defects thereof and yet to dissemble them And it is to be acknowledged that scarcely any Church since the Primitive Church yielded in like Number of Years and Latitude of Country a greater Number of Excellent Preachers Famous Writers and Grave Governers But for the Discipline and Orders of the Church as many the chiefest of them are Holy and Good So yet iâ— Saint Iohn were to indite an Epistle to the Church of England as he did to them of Asia it would sure have the Clause Habeo adversus te pauca And no more for this Point Saving that as an Appendix thereunto it is not amisse to touch that Objection which is made to the Time and not to the Matter Pretending that if Reformation were necessary yet it were not now seasonable at your Majesties First Entrance Yet Hippocrates saith Si quid moves à principio move And the wisedom of all Examples do shew that the wisest Princes as they have ever been the most sparing in Removing or Alteration of Servants and Officers upon their Coming in So for Removing of Abuses and Enormities And for Reforming of Lawes and the Policy of their States they have chiefly sought to ennoble and commend their Beginnings therewith Knowing that the first Impression with People continueth long And when Mens Minds are most in Expectation and Suspence then are they best wrought and mannaged And therefore it seemeth to me that as the Spring of Nature I mean the Spring of the year is the best Time for purging and Medicining the Naturall Body So the Spring of Kingdoms is the most proper Season for the purging and Rectifying of Politick Bodies There remaineth yet an Objection rather of Suspition then of Reason And yet such as I think maketh a great Impression in the minds of very wise and well affected Peâ—sons which is That if way be given to Mutation though it be in taking away Abuses yet it may so acquaint Men with sweetnesse of change as it will undermine the Stability even of that which is sound and good This surely had been a good and true allegation in the Ancient Contentions and Divisions between the People and the Senate of Rome where things were carried at the Appetites of Multitudes which can never keep
lent your Reputation in this Case That is To pretend that if Peace go not on and the Queen mean to make not a Defensive Warr as in times past but a full Reconquest of those parts of the Countrey you would accept the Charge I think it would help to settle Tyrone in his seeking Accord and win you a great deal of Honour gratis And that which most properly concern's this Action if it prove a Peace I think her Majesty shall doe well to cure the Root of the Disease And to Professe by a Commission of Peaceable Men of Respect and Countenance a Reformation of Abuses Extortions and Injustices there And to plant a stronger and surer Government than heretofore for the Ease and Protection of the Subject For the Removing of the Sword or Government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond Or the sending of a Deputy which will ecclipse it if Peace follow I think it unseasonable Lastly I hold still my Opinion both for your better Inâ—ormation and the fuller Declaration of your Care in Medling in this urgent and meriting Service That your Lordship have a set Conference with the persons I named in my former Letter A Letter of Advice to my Lord of Essex immediately before his going into Ireland My sigular good Loâ—d YOur late Note of my Silence in your Occasions hath made me set down these few wandring Lines as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing touching your Lordships intended Charge for Ireland Which my Endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously whether your Lordship take it by the Handle of Occasion ministred from your Self or of the Affection from which it proceeds Your Lordship is designed to a Service of great Merit and great Peril And as the Greatness of the Peril must needs include a like proportion of Merit So the Greatnesse of the Merit may include no small Consequence of Peril if it be not temperately governed For all immoderate Successe extinguisheth Merit and stirreth up Distast and Envy The assured Forerunners of whole Charges of Peril But I am at the last point first Some good Spirit leading my Penn to presage to your Lordship successe Wherein it is true I am not without my Oracles and Divinations None of them Superstitious and yet not all Natural For first looking into the Course of Gods Providence in Things now depending And calling to consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty and for her I collect he hath disposed of this great Defection in Ireland thereby to give an urgent occasion to the Reduction of that whole Kingdom As upon the Rebellion of Desmond there insued the Reduction of that whole Province Next your Lordship goeth against three of the unluckiest Vices of all others Disloyalty Ingratitude and Insolency Which three Offences in all Examples have seldom their Doom adjourn'd to the world to come Lastly he that shall have had the Honour to know your Lordship inwardly as I have had shall find Bona Exta whereby he may better ground a Divination of Good than upon the Dissection of a Sacrifice But that part I leave For it is fit â—or others to be confident upon the cause The Goodnesse and Justice whereof is such as can hardly be matched in any Exampleâ— It being no Ambitious Warr against Forreiners but a Recovery of Subjects And that after Lenity of Conditions often tryed And a Recovery of them not onely to Obedience but to Humanity and Policy from more than Indian Barbarism There is yet another Kinde of Divination familiar to Matters of State Being that which Demosthenes so often relyed upon in his time when he said That which for the time past is worst of all is for the time to come the best which is that things goâ— ill not by Accident but by Errours Wherein if your Lordship have been heretofore an Awaking Censour you must look â—or no other now but Medice Cura teipsum And though you shall not be the Happy Physician that commeth in the Declination of the Disease yet you embrace that Condition which many Noble Spirits have accepted for Advantage which is that you goe upon the greater Peril of your Fortune and the lesse of your Reputation And so the Honour countervaileth the Adventure Of which Honour your Lordship is in no small possession when that her Majesty known to be one of the most judicious Princes in discerning of Spirits that ever governed hath made choice of you meerly out of her Royal Iudgement her Affection inclining rather to continue your Attendance into whose hand and trust to put the Command and Conduct of so great Forces The Gathering the Fruit of so great Charge The Execution of so many Counsels The Redeeming of the Defaults of so many former Governers The clearing of the Glory of her so many happy years Reign onely in this part eclipsed Nay further how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England And therefore how great the Honour is to keep and defend the Approaches or Ave-newes of this Kingdom I hear many discourse And there is a great Difference whether the Tortoise gathereth her self within her shell hurt or unhurt And if any Man be of Opinion that the Nature of the Enemy doth extenuate the Honour of the Service being but a Rebell and a Savage I differ from him For I see the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatnesse did obtain And that whereof the Emperours in their Stiles took Addition and Denomination were of such an Enemy as this That is People Barbarous and not reduced to Civility magnifying a kind of lawlesse Liberty and prodigal of Life hardned in Body fortified in Woods and Boggs and placing both Justice and Felicity in sharpnesse of their Swords Such were the Germans and auncient Brittons and divers others Upon which kinde of People whether the Victory were a Conquest or a Reconquest upon a Rebellion or a Revolt It made no difference that ever I could find in Honour And therefore it is not the Enriching Predatory Warr that hath the preheminence in Honour Else should it be more Honour to bring in a Carick of rich Burthen than one of the 12. Spanish Apostles But then this Nature of People doth yield a higher point of Honour considered in Truth and Substance than any warr can yield which should be atchieved against a Civil Enemy If the End may be Pacique imponere morem to replant and refound the policy of that Nation To which nothing is wanting but a just and Civil Government which Design as it doth descend unto you â—rom your Noble Father who lost his life in that Action though he paid Tribute to Nature and not to Fortune So I hope your Lordship shall be as Fatal a Captain to this warr as Africanus was to the Warr of Carthage After that both his Uncle and Father had lost their Lives in Spain in the same warr Now although it be true that these Things which I
within the last Division agreeable to divers presidents whereof I had the Records ready And concluded that your Majesties Safety and Life and Authority was thus by Law inscansed and quartered And that it was in vain to fortify on Three of the sides and so leave you open on the Fourth It is true he heard me in a grave fashion more than accustomed and took a Pen and took notes of my Divisions And when he read the Presidents and Records would say This you mean falleth within your first or your second Division In the end I expresly demanded his Opinion as that whereto both he and I was enjoyned But he desired me to leave the Presidents with him that he might advise upon them I told him the rest of my Fellows would dispatch their part and I should be behinde with mine which I perswaded my Self your Majesty would impute rather to his Backwardness than my Negligence He said as soon as I should understand that the rest were ready he would not be long after with his Opinion For I. S. your Majesty knoweth the day draweth on And my Lord Chancellers Recovery the Season and his Age promising not to be too hasty I spake with him on Sunday at what time I found him in Bed but his Spirits strong and not spent or wearied And spake wholly of your Business leading me from one Matter to another And wished and seemed to hope that hee might attend the day for I. S. and it were as he said to be his last work to conclude his Services and express his Affection towards your Majesty I presumed to say to him that I knew your Majesty would be exceeding desirous of his being present that day so as that it mought be without prejudice to his continuance But that otherwise your Majestie esteemed a Servant more than a Service especially such a Servant Surely in mine Opinion your Majesty were better put off the dayâ— than want his presence considering the Cause of the putting off is so notorioâ—s And then the Capital and the Criminal may come together the next Term. I have not been unprofitable in helping to discover and examine within these few dayes a late Patent by Surreption obtained from your Majesty of the greatest Forest in England worth 30000 l. under Colour of a Defective Title for a matter of 400 l. The Person must be named because the Patent must be questioned It is a great Person my Lord of Shrewsbury Or rather as I think a greater than he which is my Lady of Shrewsbury But I humbly pray your Majesty to know this first from my Lord Treasurer who methinks groweth even studious in your Business God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant The rather in regard of Mr. Murray's Absence I humbly pray your Majesty to have a little regard to this Letter A Letter to the King touching my Lord Chancellers Amendment and the putting off of J. S. his Cause February 7. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Lord Chanceller sent for me to speak with me this Morning about 8. of the clock I perceive he hath now that Signum Sanitatis as to feel better his former weakness For it is true I did a little mistrust that it was but a Boutade of Desire and good Spirit when he promised himself strength for Friday though I was wonn and carried with it But now I finde him well inclined to use should I say your Liberty or rather your Interdict signifyed by Mr. Secretary from your Majesty His Lordship shewed me also your own Letter whereof he had told me before but had not shewed it me What shall I say I doe much admire your Goodness for writing such a Letter at such a time He had sent also to my Lord Treasurer to desire him to come to him about that time His Lordship came And not to trouble your Majesty with circumstances both their Lordships concluded my Self present and concurring That it could be no prejudice to your Majesties Service to put off the day for I. S. till the next Term. The rather because there are Seven of your Privy Council which are at least Numerus and part of the Court which are by Infirmity like to be absent That is my Lord Chanceller my Lord Admiral my Lord of Shrewsbury my Lord of Exceter my Lord Zouch my Lord Stanhope and Mr. Chanceller of the Dutchy wherefore they agreed to hold a Council too morrow in the afternoon for that purpose It is true that I was alwayes of Opinion that it was no time lost And I doe think so the rather because I could be content that the Matter of Peacham were first setled and put to a point For there be perchance that would make the Example upon I.S. to stand for all For Peacham I expect some account from my Fellows this day If it should fall out otherwise then I hope it may not be left so Your Majesty in your last Letter very wisely put in a Disjunctive that the Iudges should deliver an Opinion privately either to my Lord Chanceller or to our Selves distributed His Sickness made the later way to be taken But the other may be reserved with some Accommodating when we see the success of the Former I am appointed this day to attend my Lord Treasurer for a Proposition of Raising Profit and Revenew by Infranchising Copyholders I am right glad to see the Patrimonial part of your Revenew well look'd into as well as the Fiscal And I hope it will so be in other parts as well as this God preserve your Majestie Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King of account of Owens Cause c. 11 February 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Self with the rest of your Counsel Learned confered with my Lord Cooke and the rest of the Iudges of the Kings Bench onely being met at my Lords Chamber concerning the business of Owen For although it be true that your Maiesty in your Letter did mention that the same Course might be held in the Taking of Opinions apart in this which was prescribed and used in Peachams Cause yet both my Lords of the Council and we amongst our Selves holding it in a Case so clear not needfull But rathat it would import a diffidence in us and deprive us of the means to debate it with the Iudges if cause were more strongly which is somewhat we thought best rather to use this Form The Iudges desired us to leave the Examinations and Papers with them for some little time to consider which is a thing they use But I conceive there will be no manner of Question made of it My Lord Chief Iustice to shew forwardness as I interpret it shewed us passages of Suarez and others thereby to prove that though your Majesty stood not Excommunicate by particular Sentence yet by the General Bulls of Coena Domini and others you were upon the matter Excommunicate And
not so much be expended but that it might easily be born And the Place being well chosen and the Warr well conducted in a short time there would not onely arise enough to pay the Charge But great Profit to her Majesty and wealth to our Countrey would grow from the place that should be held For in a short time a great part of the Golden Indian Stream might be turned from Spain to England And her Majesty be made to give Law to all the World by Sea without her Charge Besides this fearfull Enemy which is now a Terrour to all Christendome should be so weakened in Strength Reputation and Purse as her Majesty should for ever after have an easie Enâ—my of him It may be your Lordships will desire to know the Place that should be attempted The Meanes first to take it then to hold it The Commodity or Advantage that might grow to this Estate by it But that with your Lordships leave shall be reserved till my Next This is onely to beseech you for our dear Sovereigns sake for the Glory and Wellfare of Her and her Estate that you will think upon this generall Proposition And if your Lordships find it reasonable that you will move it to the Queen By whom if I be commanded to set down the Hypothesis or to descend unto particulars I will offer my Project with this Condition that if I advise any Thing that the Counsell of Warr shall think dangerous it may be rejected Or if my self be Actour in any Thing belonging to this Project wherein her Majesty receives dishonour that I may answer it with my Life And yet your Lordships know I am matched with those in whom I have no particular Interest But I must attribute their Assenting to me to my good happ to take the better part In my Lord with whom I am joyned I find so much Honour and Service as I doubt not but our Unity in Affection will make an Unity in Counsell Action and Government I have troubled your Lordships with a tedious Letter begun in a Day of Leasure and finished in the midst of our troublesome Businesse I pray your Lordships pardon the Errours in it And keep so honourable an Opinion of me as I be not condemned by you upon any Complaints Advertisements or Reports till I have given answer to them For as the Nature of my Place is subject to Envy and Detraction So a little Body full of sharp Humours is hardliest kept in Temper And all the discontented Humours of an Army do make their greatest Quarrell to him that commands the Army Not so much for his Faults as for because he bridles theirs And so commending your good Lordships to Gods Divine protection I rest At your Lordships commandment Robert Essex To my Lord of Essex from Mr. Baconâ— My singular good Lord I Will no longer dissever part of that which I meant to have said to your Lordship at Barâ—helmes from the Exordium which I then made Whereunto I will onely adde this That I humbly desire your Lordship before you give accesse to my poor Advice to look about even jealously a little if you will and to consider First whether I have not reason to think that your Fortune comprehendeth mine Next whether I shift my Counsell and doe not constare â—ihi For I am perswaded there are some would give you the same Counsell now which I shall but that they should derogate from that which they have said heretofore Thirdly whether you have taken hurt at any time by my carefull and Devoted Counsell For although I remember well your Lordship once told me that you having submitted upon my well-meant Motion at Nonsuch the place where you renewed a Treaty with her Majesty of obsâ—quious kindnesse she had taken advantage of it yet I suppose you do siâ—ce believe that it did much attempâ—r a cold Malignant Humour then growing upon her Majesty toward your Lordship and hath done you good in consequence And for my being against it now lately that you should not estrange your self although I give place to none in true Gratulation Yet neither do I repent me of saâ—e Counsell Neither do I judge of the whole Play by the First Act. But whether I counsell you the best or for the best Duty bindeth me to offer to you my wishes I said to your Lordship last time Martha Martha attendis ad plurima unum sufficit Winne the Queen If this be not the Beginning of any other Course I see no end And I will not now speak of Favour of Affection but of other Correspondence and Agreeablenâ—sse which whensoever it shall be conjoyned with tâ—e other of Affection I durst wagâ—r my life let them make what Prosopopaeas they will of her Majesties Nature That in you she will come to the Question of Quid fiet Homini quem Rex vult honorare But how is it now A Man of a Nature not to be ruled That hath the Advantage oâ— my Affection and knoweth it Of an Estate not grounded to his Greatnesse Of a popular Reputation Of a Military Dependance I demand whether there can be a more dangerous Image than this represented to any Monarch living Much more to a Lady and of her Majesties Apprehension And is it not more evident than Demonstration it self that whilest this Impression continueth in her Majesties Breast you can finde no other Condition than Inventions to keep your Estate bare and low Crossing and Disgracing your Actions Extenuating and Blasting of your Merit Carping with Contempt at your Nature and Fashions Breeding nourishing and fortifying such Instruments as are most Factious against you Repulses and Scorns of your Friends and Dependants that are true and stedfast winning and inveigling away from you such as are Flexible and wavering Thrusting you into odious Employments and Offices to supplant your Reputation Abusing you and Feeding you with Dalliances and Demonstrations to divert you from Descending into the serious Consideration of your own Case yea and percase Ventring you in perillous and desperate Enterprises Herein it may please your Lordship to understand me For I mean nothâ—ng less than that these Things should be plotted and intended as in her Majesties Royal Minde towards you I know the Excellency of her Nature too well But I say wheresoever the formerly described Impression is taken in any Kings Breast towards a Subject these other recited Inconveniences must of necessity of politick consequence follow In respect of such Instruments as are never failing about Princes which spy into their Humours and Conceits and second them And not only second them but in seconding encrease them Yea and many times without their knowledge pursue them further than Themselves would Your Lordship will ask the Question wherewith the Athenians were wont to interrupt their Oratours when they exaggerated their dangers Quid igitur agendum est I will tell your Lordship Quae mihi nunc in mentem veniunt Supposing nevertheless that your Self out of your own Wiâ—dom upon
Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT Elizabeth 39. UPON THE MOTION of SVBSIDY AND please you Mr. Speaker I must consider the Time which is spent yet so as I must consider also the Matter which is great This great Cause was at the first so materially and weightily propounded And after in such sort perswaded and enforced And by Him that last spake so much time taken and yet to good purpose As I shall speak at a great disadvantage But because it hath been alwayes used and the Mixture of this House doth so require it That in Causes of this Nature there be some Speech and Opinion as well from persons of Generallity as by persons of Authority I will say somewhat and not much wherein iâ— shall not be fit for me to enter into or to insist upon secrets either of her Majestiesâ—offers â—offers or of her Councell but my Speech must be of a more vulgar Nature I will not enter Mr. Speaker into a laudative Speech of â—he high and singular Benefits which by her Majesties most politick and happy Government we receive thereby to incite you to a Retribution partly because no breath of Man can set them forth worthily and partly because I know hâ—r Maâ—esty in her Magnanimity doth bestow her benefits like her fâ—ee'st Pattents absque aliquo inde reddendo Not looking for any thing again iâ— it were in respect only of her particular but Love and Loyalty Neither will I now aâ— this time put the case of this Realm of England too precisely How it standeth with the Subject in point of payments to the Crown Though I could make it appear by Dâ—monstration what opinion soever be conceivâ—d that never Subjects were partakers of greater Freedome and Ease And that whether you look abroad into other Countries at this present timeâ— or look back to former Times in this our own Countrey we shall find an exceeding Difference in matter â—f Taxes which now I reserve to mention not so much in doubt to acquaint your Ears with Forrain Sâ—rains or to digge up the Sepulâ—hers â—f Buried and Forgotten Impositions which in this case as by way of Comparison it is necessary you understand But because Speech in the House is â—it to perswade the generall point And particularity is more proper and seasonable for the Commâ—ttee Neither will I make any Observations upon her Majesâ—ies manner of expending and issuing Treasure being not upon â—xcâ—ssive and exoâ—bitant Donatives nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary Triuâ—phâ— Buildings or like Magnificence but upon the Preservation Protection and Honâ—ur of the Realm For I dare noâ— scan upâ—n heâ— Majesties Aâ—â—ion whâ—ch it becomemeth me rather to admire in silence then to gloss or discourse upon them though with never so good a meaning Sure I am â—hat the Treasure that commeth from you to hâ—r Majesâ—y is but as a Vapour which â—iseth from the Earth and gatherâ—th into a Cloud and stayeth not there long but upon the same Earth it falleth again and what if some drops of this do fall upon â—rance or Flaunders It is like a sweet Odour of Honour and Reputation to our Nation throughout the World But I will onely insist upon the Naturall and Inviolate Law of Preservation It is a Truth Mr. Speaker and a familiar Truth that safety and preservation is to be preferred before Benefit or Encrease In as much as those Counsels which tend to preservation seem to be attended with necessity whereas those Deliberations which tend to Benefit seem onely accompanied with perswasion And it is ever gain and no loss when at the foot of he account theâ—e remains the purchase of safety The Prints of this are every where to be found The Patient will ever part with some of his Bloud to save and clear the rest The Sea-faring Man will in a Storm cast over some of his Goods to save and assure the rest The Husband-man will afford some Foot of Ground for his Hedge and Ditch to fortifie and defend the rest Why Mr. Speaker the Disputer will if he be wise and cunning grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion and the better maintain the rest But this Place advertiseth me not to handle the Matter in a Common Place I will now deliver unto you that which upon a probatum est hath wrought upon my self knowing your Affections to be like mine own There hath fallen out since the last Parliament four Accidents or Ocurrents of State Things published and known to you all by every one whereof it seemeth to me in my vulgar understanding that the danger of this Realm is encreased Which I speak not by way of apprehending fear For I know I speak to English Courages But by way of pressing Provision For I do find Mr. Speaker that when Kingdomes and States are entred into Tearms and Resolutions of Hostility one against the other yet they are many times restrained from their Attempts by four Impediments The first is by this same Aliud agere when they have their Hands full of other Matters which they have embraced and serveth for a diversion of their Hostile purposes The next is when they want the Commodity or opportunity of some places of near Approach The third when they have conceived an apprehension of the Difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise and that it is not prepared to their Hand And the fourth is when a State through the Age of the Monarch groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great Perill and Motion and this dull Humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns Now if it please you to examin whither by removing the Impediments in these four kinds the Danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents as I said fresh and all dated since the last Parliament Soon after the last Parliament you may be pleased to remember how the French King revolted from his Religion whereby every Man of common understanding may infer that the Quarrell between France and Spain is more reconcileable And a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before which supposed it followeth Spain shall be more free to intend his Malice against this Realm Since the last Parliament it is also notorious in every mans knowledge and remembrance That the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that Avenue and place of approach for England which was never in the Hands of any King of Spain before And that is Callais which in true Reason and Consideration of estate of what value or service it is I know not but in common understanding it is a knocking at our Doors Since the last Parliament also that Ulcer of Ireland which indeed brake forth before hath run on and raged more which cannot but be a great
Attractive to the Ambition of the Couucel of Spain who by former experience know of how tough a Complexion this Realm of England is to be asâ—ailed And therefore as Rheumes and Fluxes of Humours is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered And lastly it is famous now and so will be many Ages hence how by these two Sea-Journey's we have braved him and objected him to scorn so that no Bloud can be so frozen or mortified But must needs take Flames of Revenge upon so mighty Disgrace So as this Concurrence of Occurents all since our last Assembly some to deliver and free our enemies some to advance and bring him on his way some to tempt and allure him some to spur on and provoke him cannot but threaten an encrease of our Perill in great Proportion Lastly Mr. Speaker I will but reduce to the Memory of this House one other Argument for ample and large providing and supplying Treasure And this it is I see Men do with great Alacrity and Spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were restrained from My self can remember both in this Honourable â—ssembly and in all other places of this Realm how forward and affectionate men were to have an Invasive War Then we would say A Defensive War was like eating and consuming Interest And needs we would be Adventurers and Assailants Habes quod totâ mente petisti Shall we not now make it good especially when we have tasted so prosperous Fruit of our Desires The first of these Expeditions Invasive was atchieved with great Felicity ravished a strong and famous Port in the Lap and Bosome of their high Countries Brought them to such Despair as they fired themselves and their Indian Fleet in Sacrifice as a good Odour unto God for the great and Barbarous Cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians whither that Fleet was sayling Disordred their Reckonings so as the next News we heard of was nothing but protesting of Bills and Breaking credit The second Journey was with notable Resolution born up against Weather and all Difficulties And besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge sure I am it was like a Tartars or Parthians Bow which shooteth backward And had a most strong and violent effect and Operation both in France and Flaunders so that our Neighbours and Confederates have reaped the Harvest of it And while the Life Bloud of Spain went inward to the Heart the outward Limmes and Members trembled and could not resist And lastly we have a perfect account of all the Noble and good Bloud that was carried forth And of all our Sea-walls and good Shipping without Mortality of Persons wreck of Vessels or any manner of Diminution And these have been the happy Effects of our so long and so much desired Invasive War To conclude Mr. Speaker therefore I doubt not but every Man will consent that our Gift must bear these two Marks and Badges The one of the Danger of the Realm by so great a Proportion since the last Parliament encreased The other of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent Desire of an Invasive War A Speech made by Sir FRANCIS BACON Knight chosen by the Commons to present a Petition touching Purveyors delivered to his Majesty in the with-drawing Chamber at White-Hall in the Parliament held â—o. 2o. Iacobi the first Session IT is well known to your Majesty excellent King that the Emperours of Rome for their better Glory and Ornament did use in their Titles the Additions of the Countries and Nations where they had obtained victories As Germanicus Britannicus the like But after all those Names as in the higher place followed the Name of Pater Patriae as the greatest Name of all human Honour immediatly preceding that Name of Augustus whereby they took themselves to expresse some Affinity that they had in respect of their Office with Divine Honour Your Majesty mought with good reason assume to your self many of those other Names As Germanicus Saxonicus Britannicus Francicus Danicus Gothicus and others as appertaining to you Not by Bloud-shed as they bare them but by Bloud your Majesties Royall Person being a noble confluence of streams and veynes wherein the Royall Bloud of many Kingdoms of Europe are met and united But no Name is more worthy of you nor may more truly be ascribed unto you then that Name of Father of your people which you bear and express not in the Formality of your stile but in the reall Course of your Government We ought not to say unto you as was said to Caesar Iulius Quae miremur habemus quaelaudemus expectamus That we have already wherefore to admire you And that now we expect somewhat for which to commend you For we may without suspicion of Flattery acknowledge that we have found in your Majesty great Cause both of Admiration and Commendation For great is the Admiration wherewith you have possessed us since this Parliament began in those two Causes wherein we have had accesse unto you and heard your Voice That of the return of Sr. Francis Goodwine And that of the Union Whereby it seemeth unto us The one of these being so subtile a Question of Law And the other so high a Cause of Estate That as the â—cripture â—aith of the wisest King That his Heart was as the Sands of the Sea which though it be one of the largest and vastest Bodies yet it consisteth of the smallest Moates and Portions So I say it appeareth unto us in these two examples that God hath given your Majesty a rare sufficiency both to compasse and fathome the greatest matters and to discern the least And for matter of Praise and Commendation which chiefly belongeth to Goodness we cannot but with great thankfulness profess That your Majesty within the Circle of one Year of your Raign infra Orbem Anni Vertentis hath endeavoured to unite your Church which was divided To supply your Nobility which was diminished And to ease your People in Cases where they were burthened and oppressed In the last of these your high Merits That is the Ease and Comfort of your People Doth fall out to be comprehended the Message which I now bring unto your Majestie concerning the great Grievance arising by the manifold Abuses of â—urveyors Differing in some Degree from most of the things wherein we deale and consult For it is true that the Knights Citizens and â—urgesses in Parliament assembled are a Representative Body of your Commons and Third Estate And in many matters although we apply our selves to perform the trust of those that choose us yet it may be we do speak much out of our own Senses and Discourses But in this Grievance being of that Nature whereunto the poor People is most exposed and Men of Quality less we shall most humbly desire your Majesty to conceive That your Majesty doth not hear our Opinions