fyne frutes our new ghospel then freshly planted and yet in the bud began to bring forth for that all this hatred and barbarous vsage towardes Spaniards and other Catholique forayners rose principally vpon the difference of religion lately begonne within our realme and these lads as the first professed proselites therof vpon heate and zeale committed these holy actions as the first frutes of so heauenly a seed But since that tyme we haue had much larger experience therof and I presume that most mennes myndes in England are sufficiently cleared in this case and if not let them behold the behaueour of Sir Francis in this libel who is an ancient branche of that plantation And so hauing seen the state of matters how they stood at that tyme and in particuler what king Philip had promised to do and what he was bound to do and then what in deed he performed really whyle he was among vs which was more in deed then either he promised or had obligation to performe as hath byn shewed let vs heare now what Sir Francis sayth he would haue donne if he could or if his abode had byn longer in England The tale shall go in his owne wordes for better declaring his spirit Thus then he writeth This mariage was sought for and intended also in shew only to strengthen the hand of the Queen of England to bring in the Romish religion and gouernment into this land and to establish it with continuance with purpose and meaning to ad strength to all the corners of Christendome to continue Poperie where it was and to bring it in where it was not that so the Arche-prelate of Rome might hold the scepters and power of all princes and potentates of Christendome in his hand to dispose a◠his pleasure but the plottes and practises layd and pursued by the Spanish king had made a wofull proof to England of a further mark shot at which was discouered in a letter to some of our nobles from a true harted English-man in Spayne had not God almightie in his rich mercy preuented their purposes and defeated them in their determinations as it shall appeare hereafter c. This is the preface and entrance which Sir Francis maketh to the discouerie he promiseth of great hydden mysteries about plottes and practises not only layd but also pursued by king Philip whyle he was in England which neuer came to light vntill this day though at that tyme they were discouered as he sayth in a letter to some of our nobles from a true harted English-man in Spayne But for the credyt of so new and weightie and incredible a secret it had byn good he had named the parties and particularities therof as wel who wrote as also who receyued that letter For first the English-man in Spayne though he were true harted to the faction of S. Francis syde to wit to the Protestantes yet might he perhaps not be so true handed or true tongued at that tyme or so truly informed of thinges or of that authoritie that this his letter or report may beare credyt in so great a busines agaynst so great men it being taken vp perhaps at tauerns or porte townes and market places by some merchantes seruant or factor or other lyke wandring compaignon as well tipled with Spanish seck as with English heresie who might wryt these news from Spayne of K. Philip as Iohn Nicols the minister brought and printed from Rome and Italy in our dayes of the Pope and Cardinals And that this discouery if any such were and that the tale be not wholly forged by Sir Frācis himself could haue no better ground then that I haue sayd to wit the reporte of some vulgar people or the coniecture of some particuler discoursiue head as is euident in it self for that this being a most secret designement and drift of the king himself and of his priuie Councel who were all at that day remayning in England and had this proiect within their owne brestes only how could it be discouered by an English-man from Spaynerthink you Agayne the nobles in England to whome he sayth the letter was written might be such as probably it may be iudged to haue byn written of purpose to feed their humors or to comfort them in those dayes or that themselues did procure it to be written and sent for their credit or that themselues deuysed it in England to make therby the Spaniards more odious and their doinges more suspected and to draw by this meanes more English after themselues to impugne the present state and gouernment as when the lord Courtenay Earle of Deuonshyre for missing the mariage of Queen Marie beganne to practise and to think of leauing the land vpon discontentment and when the Carewes and other of that crew fled the realme for conspiracies to the same effect such a letter was much to their purpose But I shall not need to call in reasons and circumstances for shewing the vanitie of this letter for that the manifest and shameles falshoodes which it relateth will easely discouer the forgerie as also the forge it self from which it proceedeth I will follow then the continuation of Sir Francis narration in his own wordes Now to proceed sayth he to lay open the right mark that in deed this king shot at though when he made way to ioyne in mariage with Queen Marie he made semblance of great conscience to Catholique religion and great care to bring the whole land into the obedience therof and seemed to glorie much when it was brought to passe as his letter to his holy father at Rome written out of England doth make shew wherin he expresseth what a worthie woorke he had donne when he had drawen the nobles commons of the land to submit themselues to his holinesse as their cheef those are his wordes yet litle did the nobles and commons know what was intended towardes them by this catholique childe of Rome for vnder this colorable name of catholique religion was hidden the ambitious humor of a most proud vsurping tyrant whose resolution was vpon mature deliberation and consultation with his machiuilian counsellors to seek by al the possible kinde means he could to win the principal of our Nobles to affect him and in their affection to possesse him of the crown and so to establish him in an absolute power ouer poor England and to bring this to passe he decreed to spare neither cost nor kindenes c. Hetherto is the asseueration of Sir Francis concerning king Philips intention to gain our crowne but neuer a syllable more of proofe then you haue heard before to wit his owne woord and bare assertion which he taking to be sufficient passeth ouer presently to explicate exaggerate the dangerous effectes that would haue ensued vpon vs when the king should haue gotten his pretence But I must pul him by the sleeue request him to stay prooue a litle better that the king
to accuse them of cruelty in this behalf their affections being so notoriously known to the coÌ„trary in those times and this was one cause and perhaps not the least of her graces safety Secondly was the generall hope that moste men had of her graces being a Catholique as then she bore herself both in woorde deed hearing two Masses among other things euery day one for the quick and the other for the dead and receiuing no seruant lightly into her hows or seruice nor retaining any towards her but with this expresâ— condition and many other signes and arguments that way Thirdly was there a great reason of state that stood mightely also for her graces safety at that tyme in that if she had fayled the next poteÌ„t preteÌ„der seemed the Queen of Scots theÌ„ maried to the Dolphin and heir of France who by this means might haue come to be king of France England and Scotland together which thing many English-men but more Spanish could not abyde to hear of Now then let our miracle-maker tel me whether these be no reasons and whether no reach of man can yeeld him any reason of her graces deliuerance If his reach and insight in matters of state be no greater then this it is no merueil though he be not of her Maiesties counsell though he flatter neuer so deeply for it and thus much may be said of her graces dangers in Queen Maries tyme. Let vs see now what hath happened since This notable calumniator beginneth thus But when this our Soueraigne Lady Q. Elizabeth was fully possessed of this her princelie place and had the roiall diadem and crown with the applause and liking of all true harted English-men both nobles clergie and comons as a due by right belonging vnto her then began Satan to rage and his ministers to fret and chafe I would aske of this Sir knight by whome was Queen Elizabeth put in possessioÌ„ of this her princely place by whose hands helps receiued she this royal diadeÌ„ was it by haÌ„ds of protestaÌ„ts onely or principally or of Catholiques he cannot say of protestants for he nameth also heer the clergie whereof none of the principall that is of the Bishops that had hand in this worke was then a protestant and very few of the nobility far the less parte of the coÌ„monalty now then could these men that were Catholiques fret and chafe so soone to see her Maiesty placed in the crown wherin themselues had willingly and freely placed her aduaunced her crowned her and aâ—ointed her taken her othe of preseruing the lawes and priuileges of â—he realm and sworne fidelity to her agayn These calumniations of this carping knight are but tales of a tub to intertain fools igoraÌ„t â—eople that know not how matters passed at that day But let vs exâ—mine notwithstanding some particulers of the hostilities which he â—lleageth aduising first the reader by the way that if it be honorable â—o her Maiesty now as it is to be named sacred and anoynted as the â—anderer himself seemeth also to take it for that often he vseth the â—ermes this also she hath only and wholy from the Catholiques for â—hat protestants do not vse but rather do iest at the ceremony calling â—t greazing espetially in Priests to whome yet first of al and principalâ—y this sacring and anointing by Gods ordenance was vsed and afterwards to kings and princes by imitation only of Priestly dignity in â—his behalf and these are the benifits her Maiestie hath receiued of Caâ—holiques now to the hurts and perils obiected by this calumniator In the first place he bringeth in D. Story whome he titleth by the â—ame of a blood-sucker as he called before Bâ— Gardener bloody monster for â—ou must note as he is light witted so is he foule mouthed also he â—lleageth against D. Story that he should say in the first parlament when he saw how matters were like to go in religion that if his counsell â—ad bin followed in Queen Maries tyme they had stricken at the roote meaning â—ereby sayth this man the bereauing of our deer Souereign of her life a bloody â—each of a bloody traitor who afterward was brought by a good chance from beâ—nd the seas indited araigned found guiltie and condemned of treason receaâ—ed his iudgment at the seat of iustice and was executed accordingly as he was â—ell worthy at Tiburn and so may all speed that wish to Queen Elâ—zabeth as he â—d Thus far the accuser In which narration three things may be considered first Doctor â—ories woords then the interpretation therof by this accuser and â—irdly the punishment which he suffered for them And in all three â—u shall see more passion then truthe and more rigor then reason â— I be not deceaued wherof let the reader be iudge with inâ—fferency For the woords theÌ„selues they had neuer yet any other proof thâ— they were spoken to my knowledge but only that his enimies affirmed them to make him therby more odious when they had him in their power and desired his destruction For I neuer heard that himâ—self confessed them either in liberty captiuitie at the bar or at his death and that he should not speak them though he had thoughâ— them when Queen Elizabeth was now setled in her crown as this Kâ— affirmeth he being knowen to be wise and no fool all reason may induce vs to think and beleeue seeing they could not serue to any purpose but to his own ruine But let vs suppose secondly that he should speak them say thâ— he was sory they had not strickeÌ„ at the roote of heresie it self in Queen Maries dayes why is it necessarie we should admit the bloody commentarie and heauy exposition only of his enemies and namely oâ— this his malignant accuser who will needs haue him mean by those woords the bereauing of our dear Souereigns life was lady Elizabeth I pray you taken to be this roote of heresie in Queen Maries time being holdeÌ„ by most Catholiques to be no protestant at all as beforâ— I haue shewed why might not D. Storie meane rather if he had spoken those woords of some Bacon some Cecill some Cook somâ— Knoles some ThrogmortoÌ„ some Russel many other like that were knowen protestants in Q. Maries time supporters of others and pâ—â—ctitioners against the present state and yet suffered yea borne out by knowen Catholiques whyle other poor coblers clothiers cariers â— such like were punished at which maÌ„ner of dealing I do coÌ„fesse thaâ— D. Storie being a man of zeal in his religion misliked exceedingly aâ—â— stormed also publiquely one day before the Bishops priuie Councell in a publique consistory for that Councellors also for honours sake and to protect their frends and kinred would needs be inquisitors in that gouernmeÌ„t complaining grieuously of this abuse in somuch as he would needs haue giuen ouer publiquely his office 〈◊〉 Commission in presence of all the rest of the inquisitors and Councellors
together for that some of the sayd Councell had opposed themselues against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretique which he took very vnkindly and then indeed heâ— foretold them freely what would insew of this their partial manneâ— of proceeding Wherby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresie remaining and not touched was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry within the land in which number perhaps your brother the Earle and your self also â—id enter then of lady Elizabeth at that day for that in deed she was not the root then nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards but of those other inferior roots which I haue menâ—ioned But yet let vs graunt further for arguments sake that he did speak those woords as a Counseller in those dayes and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Maries time yet do I aske why should they be made treason or punished for such in this Queens raign was not her Maiestie as subiect then and the D. as a Counseller and therby bound to speak freely that which â—he thought surest for his prince and realme at that day it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady and yet perhaps not that neither seing the father in such a case doth speak often times against his only sonne or daughter but treason in no rigor right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Gouerment of her Maiestie that now is to speak what he thinketh freely about any person that may pretent to the crowne heerafter Wherefore though all this were true which this man aleadgeth as many arguments proue them to be fals yet D. Storie leauing afterward his counâ—rie going ouer the seas either with licence or without when there was no statute to the contrary and being brought home again by force â—nd trechery of a shipman that alured him into his ship and so caried him away all this I say maketh neither treason nor any other trespas of moment in the sight of indiferent men and consequently neither his hasty araignment condemnation and execution vpon his return â—wherof this cruel harted knight triumpheth doth so much proue that he was guilty of great crymes as that he had potent passionate enemies as Christe had before Pilate that by shoots clamors sought his blood by any means whatsoeuer for that he had bin a more zelous catholique then some other of his coat and degree in Queen Maries â—aign foâ— which catholique men think that he is to receiue a great â—rown of glory and fame also eternall vpon earth And so the trial of this matter lyeth stil in the darke to be examined by that great iudge when he cometh to look ouer the iudgments of mortall men and reâ—eal that which is amiss And so much for this matter Next after D. stories affair commeth in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus with the excomunication of her Maiesty which serueth for a â—ommon bugg against all catholiques euery where as well at barres benches and places of iustice where other particuler and personal accusations do want as also in pulpits schooles sermons books and declamations for making vp the complet furniture of those places still it is so vrged as though all english catholiques must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope and so be participant also of the offence giuen therby against her Maiestie if any way they beleeue or admit his Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and authoritie which consequence notwithstaÌ„ding is so apparently fals and cauillous in it self for that all catholiques were not priuie to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf and it hath bin so euidently refuted heretofore by diuers most cleer and manifest reasons and treatises that I mean not to stand at this present vpon that point especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is in matter of dispute whose ridiculous proposition in this place that no mortall child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms or to depose princes or to dispence with subiects for not obeying c. semeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and storie but of so base a brest also and seruile a cogitation as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality And no doubt but if such a knight had liued in Nero or Caligula his time that would needs be Gods he had bin a fit fellow to fal down and adore them and tell the people most religiously with both handâ— held vp to heauen as he doth heer that no mortal childe of man had power to iudge of their doings being great and high princes or to deny them obedience in any matter hauing once sworne obedience in temporal affairs for this is our case heer whether a prince once admitted and established may be towched afterwards or disobeied in any matter or for any cause either of religion or otherwise and that by any mortall childe of man and our tender conscienced knight resolueth the case that he cannot and consequently that the romanes did euill in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once receiued for what cause soeuer for all this enseweth of his fond and heathenish position But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark read ouer the four books of kinges and he shal see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men and the same alowed also by God himself And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchie both before and since the conquest he 〈◊〉 haâ— finde very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men seing they are now dead that made them which yet he must approue for good and lawful except he will impugne the succession of her Maiestie that now is which is not likely seeing the poore man flattreth so seriously with all the arte and power he can And therfore leauing this matter as ouer long an argument for me to â—andle in this place I shall only consider briefly of three points vpon this his speach that may yeeld sufficient light to the matter in haÌ„d The first is that wheras this accuser affirmeth the Catholiques of England to haue begun to fret and chafe against her Maiestie as soon as she was in full possession of her crown and consequently to practis treasons by the Pope of Rome let it be noted out of our own chronicles what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came foorth and therby they shall see how many years which were a dozen at the least passed after her Maâ—esties coronation befoâ—e any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her Maiesties state and diadem as this
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the
decreed with himself that neither she nor any of that cursed nation so he termed it and yet the Popes holines had absolued it should gouern England any more But blessed be God who hath blessed vs with the lyfe and raigne of our blessed Queen who I trust shall liue to geue him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation iustly so to be called because the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them shall euer see the day to rule in England And thus you see that vnder the colour of this mariage saluation of soules seemed to be sought for but in deed destruction both of our bodies and soules was pursued c. for without regard of sex age or degree all were destined to slauerie and bondage at the least howsoeuer they escaped with lyfe This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis for what can be more sottish then to say that your wyse author before named discouereth vpon his owne knowledge and hearing that the kinges intention was to roote out the nobilitie to oppresse the commonaltie to slea or send to Barbarie for slaues all that were born within twentie yeares before If your author knew this of his owne knowledge how say you also by hearing and if he heard it of others how could he know it of his owne knowledge But whatsoeuer you say how could he in Spayne discouer so great a secret that lay in the kinges brest in England Besydes this how incredible are the thinges in themselues that he recounteth namely that dreame or old wyues tale of making all slaues within twenty yeares old of which number and within which age he had taken diuers already into his seâ—uice in England and vsed singular curtesie vnto them and one of his Grandes in Spayne to wit the Count after Duke of Feria had maried an English ladie that as I ghesse was within the compasse of that age or not much aâ—boue it at that day and should all these haue byn sent think you to Barbarie together Impudencie then it is in this fond knight to alleage such improbable and palpable lyes out of an author without name and much more lack of shame is it to auouch them himself for truthes and to adde other fables that are yet more monstrous as of the kinges destining to slauerie bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twentie yeares but of all other English also as this man sayth without regard of sex age or degree and that he vsed to call our nation cursed euen then when the Popes holines had absolued it who will geue eare or credit to such absurd inuentions And further to fill vp sayth he the full measure of his impietie he had layd his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen wheras all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to haue byn at that day her cheefest stay and defence as before I haue shewed at large in the third incounter as also that verie litle plotting of the kinges behalf would haue serued at that tyme to haue wrought his will if he had wished her destruction for the manifold reasons that there I haue alleaged he fynding her in disgrace and in prison at VVoodstock when he came into England and hardly pressed about wyats insurrection from the peril wherof and other lyke assaultes he espetially deluiered her and procured her return to the courte agayne and consequently I sayd there and heer I repeat it agayne that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this vnciuil knight to pay the carefull protection of her person which his Maiestie yealded to her grace in those dayes of her distresse with these intolerable slanders and outragious false criminations now and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authoritie to passe to the print espetially conteyning diuers other personal reprochefull contempteous and villanous calumniations agaynst so great and potent a prince as the king catholique of Spayne is And namely that where this good fellow hauing told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captayne refusing the poysoning of his enemie Pirrhus that was offered to him for money by his physitian he sent the sayd physitian bound to Pirrhus himself and then he addeth this illation But the king of Spain delt not so with the Queen our mistris when her poysonable portugall phisitian Lopus would haue poysoned her for from such hopes he taketh hart c. By which wordes he would haue men to imagin that his catholique Maiestie had either hired Lopus to do that fact if any such matter was indeed intended or at least that he was priuie consenting to it for how otherwise could he haue warned the Q. of the danger intended and yet it is manifest that no such matter was euer or could probably be knoweÌ„ to the king of Spain Neither did euer Lopus giue any such signification or suspition at his death or before of the king of Spaines priuitie nor was he a man to haue correspondence in Spayn being knowen to be a Iew in religion fled from those parts and was enimy to the king in all respects as wel touching religion as the afaires of Portugal and onely England is the receptacle of such people at this day nor had his catholique Maiestie any Embassador or other agent or correspondence in England to plot such treaties nor euer was it heard that he would hearken to such base wayes of reuenge vpon his enimyes And therefore all this put together doth make it more then Turkish impietie to put in print such infamous stuffe agaynst the Maiestie of so high a prince by name without any proof at all as though there were no God no conscience no iudgement to make account vnto nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authoritie which yet our dreaming knight himself alitle before will needes proue out of Sâ— Peeter and S. Paul to be due to such princes as he liketh to assigne it euen in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soule and consequently also to an other tribunal so vnconstant and mutable are these good fellowes not only in their sayinges and doctrines but also in their actions as led wholy by passion and interest and referring all to times persons and occasions seruing their turnes and commodities And thus much haue I thought conuenient to be answered to the malitious calumniations of this slaÌ„derous wach-word-giuer against the noble and renowned nation of Spanyardes and their most Catholique pious wise and potent king whose excellent vertues are greater then by my pen can be expressed and his loue and fauors to our nation such and so many especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholiques as no gratitude of ours can equal nor make due recompence in the state we stand in and therefore must leaue it
to our posteritie And albeit for the present there be warres and hostilitie between our nation and our prince and theirs and that especially in respect of religiō yet our trust is our prayers are cōtinually to our euerlasting God of peace that he will once finish well that controuersie to all our comfortes and benefites And in the mean space I do presume so much of the good natures and ciuilitie of most protestants in England that they alow not of such bitter and barbarous proceeding as Sir Francis Hastinges hath vsed to his owne discredit and dishonor of our nation in these malignant calumniations against so modest a prince In which respect also I haue bin somwhat the bolder to giue him his check with more freedom and feruor I pray God it may do him the good I wish or at least keep others from being deceiued by him THE REMISSION OF THE VVHOLE ANSVVER TO THE IVDGEMENT and arbitrement of the Lords of her Maiesties most honorable Councel vvith the ansvverers opinion and petition for the ending of these dissentions and controuersies ANd now right honorable hauing brought to an end so much as I thought expedient to be answered at this tyme to Sir Francis Hastinges iniurious libel none occurred more fit vnto me to haue the first sight and view and iudgement of the whole then your Lordshippes who though in the controuersie it self between him and his and vs and ours I cannot expect to haue you equall iudges nor indifferent arbiters you professing the religion you do yet in the manner of prosecution thereof I presume so much of the good partes that God hath indued your Lordshippes withall as I dare remit the arbitrement to your selues to whome if this rayling wachword had byn first presented before it was punished as in right it ought to haue byn you being by office the wachmē of that commonwealth and not Sir Francis who intrudeth himself I think verely that either it had byn wholy stopped and repressed or at least wise so moderated as it should not haue geuen the offence that it hath and will do for vnto graue men such troblesome sticklers as these are euer commonly and ought to be vngratefull and suspected and vnto wise Councelours and honorable persons such rayling and slanderous tongues are contemptible odious and to all good natures and ciuill conditioned men be they of what estate or profession soeuer such base detractions and contumelious fictions as heer you haue heard are insufferable and rather seuerely to be punished then any way to be permitted But yet so much the more in this case of ours where the iniurie is not offered only to your owne home-born subiects whome yet in all rightful quarrel your place requireth that you protect and defend but also to great and potent anoynted princes with whome you haue had and may haue again most honorable freindship heerafter and negotiation in important and weightie afaires whose honors you ought not to permit iniuriously to be violated by the passion and rage of any particuler man which cannot after make recompence with any humane abilitie that he hath though his life also should go therin for the hurt ensewing therof Diuers authors do note that the cheef flame of that furious hatred which grew to be implacable afterwardes betwixt Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar in the Roman commonwealth was inkindled first by certayne opprobrious speaches vttered by some followers of those Princes which yet the parties iniured interpreted to come from their patrons that bare them out and therof followed such warres murthers and other lamentable tragedies as all the world can wel remember And our English chronicles do also make mention that some reprochfull wordes cast out by King Harold agaynst Duke VVilliam of Normandy and his daughter whome he had promised to take to wyf stirred him cheefly to make that fatal armie by which he conquered England and brought all the English nation in to his subiection As also an other scof vttered by king Phillip of France against the same VVilliam now king touching his fat belly cost France full dear and many thowsand men their lyues of both sides so impacient are princes comonly of contumelyes and do easier remit and forget any other kinde of iniurie then reprocheful speaches VVherfore my first petition to your Lordships wisedome and moderation should be to restraine such turbulent spirits as those are which more of a mad and malitious kinde of wantonnes then of wit do loose their tongues with ouer much libertie against the honors of mightie Catholique princes abrode and thereby do put in aduenture to trooble the waters of common-wealthes more deeply then either themselues or others can easily calm again afterwards My next desire and humble supplication should be in the same matter but of far more moment that your Lordships by this occasion and by some fit concurrance of times and busines which at this present may seeme to offer themselues would voutsafe to enter more seriously into the consideration of matters depending between your Lordships and the Catholique parte of her Maiesties subiects who for many yeares haue had a hard conceyt and heauie hand born ouer them and are brought to tearmes of extreme affliction and that your Lordships as fathers of your common-wealth would resolue at length to be mediators vnto her Maiestie contemning the dangerous and seditious eggings of vnquiet spirits to further extremitie for some more gentle milde merciful course to be taken with them Vnto which resolution me thinketh that many circumstances might iustly moue your Lordships wisdomes which though by the same wisdome you wil better consider of then I yet for that it may be I desire it more then you and consequently haue more thought thereon albeit more for your good also and the publique then for any particuler interest of myn owne I shal with your good leaue represent some before you in this place And first of all the time it self doth seeme to inuite greatly to som such cogitation when great princes and monarchies round about vs that had greater differences and difficulties then these are haue not only treated but concluded also a most honorable peace and frendship and the great most Christian King of France shewing himself worthie of that name hath remedied the very roote of al calamities springing to his noble realme before by returning to the vnion of the Apostolique sea of Rome which sea as commonly it falleth out hath byn the principal meanes of this so great and general a good to all those nations that are included within that peace and league which are many and great as by the articles thereof doth appeer And no lesse curteously and honorably is her Maiestie inuited also to the same and all that desire the true good both of her person state and crowne do wish and hope that it may take effect And truly neuer could this weightie afaire be treated as it seemeth with
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld
A TEMPERATE VVARD-VVORD TO THE TVRBVLENT AND SEDITIOVS VVach-word of Sir Francis Hastinges knight vvho indeuoreth to slaunder the vvhole Catholique cause all professors therof both at home and abrode Reduced into eight seueral encounters vvith a particuler speeche directed to the Lordes of her Maiesties most honorable Councel To vvhome the arbitriment of the vvhole is remitted By N. D. Psalm 71. vers 4. Iudicabit Dominus pauperes populi humiliabit calumniatorem God vvil iudge his poore and afflicted people and vvil make the stâ—nderer to stoop Imprinted vvith Licence ANNO M. D. XCIX THE PREFACE TO THE READER I Could much haue vvished that Sir Francis Hastinges vvho geueth himself for author of a certayne iniurious pamphlet published some monethes past agaynst Catholiques and intituled Avvache-vvord or vvhosoeuer made that byting libel for him vvith intention to dishonor him vvith the title as on the one syde he nameth himself knight and all men knovv the Hastinges to be of a verie honorable familie and one also to be knight of that name so on the other had he obserued some terme and stile of nobilitie or gentrie in his vvryting in vvhich case I had either vvholy spared this labour of ansvvering him at all leauing him only to the censure and rebuke of his equals for medling in so base an excercise as calumniation and rayling is in this his old yeares or at leastvvise should he haue receyued his check and refutation vvith that regard of vvorship and honor as othervvise had byn due to his rank place and person But fynding him so far forgetful of all knightly temperance in his tongue and of all ciuil cariage in the drift and current of his book as he holdeth no rule or limit of modestie at all but inraged rather as it seemeth vvith a furious veyne of inuectiue spirit spareth neither God nor man so far forth as they concerne the catholique cause or the cause them he must beare vvith me and lay it to his ovvne demerits if I be driuen to encounter vvith him in some more egar and sharp manner at certayne meetinges then either I allovv of by myne ovvne lyking or then the reuerend respect I carie to his house and familie and the particuler affection I feele tovvardes some of his ovvne name and linage vvould othervvise haue induced me VVho vvill not confesse but that lying forging and falâ—ifying ignorant vaunting odious scoffyng malitious calumniations seditious interpretations bloodie exaggerations Barbarous in sultations ouer them that already are in affliction and calamitie ought to be far from the nature pen and tongue of a knight or gentleman and yet these are the flovvers or rather furies of this skolding discourse as aftervvard you shall see by that vvhich is to be treated VVherin if the lyues honors states and liuinges of home-borne subiectes vvere only touched and brought in question as they be it vvere more tolerable though no vvay tolerable being don vniustly but the heat of this hastie knight resteth not here but rusheth further to the open assault of forayne monarches also their honors fame and reputation vvhich is lesse tolerable and consequently hath need of some more sharpe and forcible reiection The violence of the Puritan spirit is not vnknovven to the vvise of England vvherunto also France and Scotland vvil beare sufficient vvitnesse It hath byn kept dovvne many yeares by the valour and prudenee of the Protestant and the knovven professors therof haue byn held leane and hungrie by her Maiestie to no smale benefyt of publique peace and so may be stil vvhyle the Catholique partie hath also some poyse and svvay in the balance agaynst them If Sir Francis be one of them it may seeme perhaps expedient in his vvisdome that her Maiestie grovving novv fast in yeares thinges be brought to some trial by garboile in her dayes for that aftervvard more then one parte may chance to ioyne agaynst them vvherfore if they might novv oppresse the catholique partie by the hand of her Maiestie their ovvne vvould serue aftervvardes more easely to do the lyke agaynst her and hers and the vvay and meanes to effectuate them both may seeme perhappes no vvise to be more potent or speedie then to dryue many at home to desperation by feares and terrors of oppressions and by opprobrious iniuries and personnal slaunders to inforce forayne princes of the same religion to implacable yre and indignation And this is the proper course that Sir Francis taketh throughout his vvhole sedious vvach-vvord VVhich to couer the better he falleth to extreme flaterie of the other syde espetially of the state and of her Maiesties person in particuler vvhich are the fittest baytes to couer such hookes as angle after popular fauor for a further fetche To this man then I am to ansvver as the substance and tenour of his accusations fictions or calumniations shall leade me reducing all that I am to saie for better order and memorie to eight or nyne principal heades branches and argumentes vnder the name of encounters vvherin I dout not but the apparent truth of diuers poyntes vvil come to light vvhich hitherto haue layen hidden and obscure in the vnderstanding of many hoping that the discret reader vvill passe ouer these fevv lynes vvith a beneuolent or at least an indifferent eye reseruing the final iudgment of all to the Lordes of her Maiesties Councell vvhome I my self haue chosen for vmpires and arbitres of the vvhole controuersie and so I end this entrance and vvil passe to my first combat and incounter vvith Sir Francis Hastinges Your harty freend that vvisheth your best and greatest good N. D. THE PRINCIPAL PARTES OF THIS VVARD-VVORD THe preface to the reader about Sir Francis Hastinges manner of proceeding The first encounter about blessings or cursings receyued by change of catholique religion in England page 1. The second encounter concerning certayn absurd grovvndes of catholique religion faigned by the knight and the defence of Saynt Thomas of Canterbury page 11. The third encounter touching forged perils to haue byn procured to her Maiestie by Catholiques both before and since her raigne page 27. The fourth encounter about certain principal Englishmen iniured by name as Bishop Gardener Cardinal Allen c. also about father Persons and other Iesuites page 41. The fifth encouÌ„ter about Iesuites and father Persons in Particuler vvhether they seek the Queenes blood as S. Fra. affirmeth page 55. The sixth encounter of Catholique recusants novv in England and the fault of disloyalty falsly layd against them page 72. The seuenth encounter of for ayn princes slandered and first about the Bishop of Rome vvhether he be Antichriste or no. page 90. The eight encounter about the present king of Spayn and the Spanish nation iniured by Sir Francis page 102. A speech to the Lords of her Maiesties priuie Councell remitting the iudgement and arbitrement of the vvhole controuersie to their censures as also the iudgment and petition of the ansvverer for ending or composing of
spirituall belonging to the soule and conscience the other temporall that concerneth the body and weale-publique Let the consideration of the spirituall goe before for that they are the worthier and most important for true Christians to be considered and esteemed There was in England before the alteration one God worshipped and adored after one and the self same manner not onely thoroughout this little Iland of England and Scotland but also of the whole body of Christendome one fayth one beleefe one forme of seruice one number of sacramentes one tonge in celebration one sacryfice one head of the Church one obedience one iudgement in all with other lyke poyntes and circumstances of vnion and vnitie which made a generall vniformitie also in the peace of mens myndes and is a benedictioÌ„ so highlie esteemed commended by the Apostles and Christ himself as nothing more in Christian doctrine This was in England before the change but now in these poyntes we English of the new profession are not onelie different deuided from the generall body of Catholiques in Christendom with whome we were vnited before but also among our selues and with other new sectaries sprong vp with vs or after vs we haue implacable warres and are deuided in opinions as from Lutherans in Germanie and Denmarke from Zwinglians in Swizer-land from Caluinistes in Geneua Fraunce Holland and Scotland and at whome what combates our Bishoppes Counsellors and moderate sorte of Protestantes haue to defend their Parlament Religion and Q. proceedings as they call it against Puritanes Brownistes and other lyke good fellowes that by shew of Scriptures doe impugne it All Englishmen knowe and see by their bookes daylie so as this first and greatest spirituall blessing of vnity and vniformitie we haue lost and not gained by out change of Religion But here our Knight perhappes will say that the blessing consisteth in that by this change they who follow the Parlament Religion allowed by the state of EnglaÌ„d I doe say Perhappes for that I know not but rather doe doubt much whether Sir FraÌ„cis doth followe it or no haue the onlie true Religion among all others that doe erre or at least-wyse his puritan Religion and thereby that they only haue this blessing by the change And no doubt but he saied much if he could proue it of the one or of the other but this seemeth impossible I meane that he should either proue it to me or knowe it himself but onlie by his owne particuler ghesse which maketh not faith but opinion and fansie for I would aske Sir Francis or any such man as he is that determineth so resolutely that his onlie Religion among so many others as are extant at this day is true and all others false whereon doth he grouÌ„d his certaintie Two only meanes can Sir Francis haue to guide himself in this case first that he hath receyued his doctryne of such or such persons preachers Ministers or Doctors whose learning and knowledge in this â—ehalf he trusteth absolutely then is his whole fayth builded vpon the credit of man as is euident and consequently is nothing worth nor no fayth at all The other waie is that he beleeueth it for that it â—s founded in scripture but this waie to Sir Francis must needes be as vncertayne as the other if not more for that to be sure that it is â—oundly grounded vpon scripture he must first reade himself his whole beleef expresly in scriptures which is much for a man of Sir Francis occupation to do then he must be able to iudge of manie other poyntes belonging to the same as namely that the booke is surely scripture that he readeth And then that the translation which he vseth is trulie made out of the learned tongues of Hebrue Greek and Latin And lastelie he must be sure of the true sense and exposition which also are hard matters for a man of Sir Francis learning and much more for others that knowe lesse then he Yea and when all is done if he had all these helpes needfull for such a matter as he hath not yet were it but a priuate mans opinion and consequentlie his faith should be grounded but vpon his owne particuler iudgement which maketh no faith at all but opinion only as ofteÌ„ hath byn saied for that faith must haue Gods expresse authoritie for her foundation So that to conclude the first blessing which Sir Francis in particuler thinketh to haue recâ—yued by this change of his religion is in effect that wheras before when he beleeued the Catholique and vniuersal fayth of Christendome deliuered vnto him by the vniuersal churche as founded on scripture which churche Christe and his Apostles gaue him expresse comission to credit his beleef was properly fayth and founded vpon a rocke that could not fayl now hauing left that fortresse and cast himself into the waues of new opinions he hath nothing certayne at all but so much as he list to chuse of himself or of other mens opinions which choise is properly called heresy for that the woord heresie in Greek as all learned men know signifyeth nothing els but a certayne election and choise in matters of religion to witt when a man leauing the common consent of the generall Churche chuseth only to follow that which his owne priuate iudgement induceth him vnto And to make this more playne how all these people haue no other rule of beleef but only what their owne faâ—sie leadeth them vnto I aske Sir Francis not of any Catholyque Doctor nor of anie auncient father as S. Augustin S. Ierom or the rest whome easely he would contemne but rather of his owne Doctors Martin Luther Iohn Caluyn Theodore Beza and such others whome he supposeth to haue bin seruantes of God and indued with his holie spirit and all the world knoweth that they were more learned then Sir Francis yet why should he beleeue his owne iudgmeÌ„t more then theirs in poyntes of faith wherin they differ from him as Luther about the real presence and the number and forme of Sacraments and many other pointes Caluyn in matter of the Q Supremacie which he denieth Beza in the whole gouernement of their churche Or why should I beleeue Sir Francis or his new maisters of England rather then these that were more learned then hee or his or what reason rule or foundation haue any of these men to beleeue their owne opinion more then others but only self will and fansie This then is the first and greatest spiritual benediction or malediction rather that I fynd to haue happened to our realme and nation by this wofull alteration of religion that whereas before we had â— direct rule squyre and pole-starre to follow which was the vniuersal churche now euery man being set at libertie holdeth beleeueth and teacheth what he listeth Nor is there any waie or meane lefte to restrayne him for streight way he appealeth boldly and confidently to the scriptures and there he wilbe both
maister and pilot and boteswayne himself to gouerne the barke at his pleasure for he admitteâ—â— no iudge no interpreter no authoritie no antiquitie nor anie other manner of triall which is the greatest madnes and malediction that euer could happen amonge men of reason And I haue byn the longer in this first blessing for that it is the head and welspring of all other spirituall miseries insued by this alteration vpon vs which now in haste I will runne ouer as men are wont to drinck a medicine with as litle stay or reflexion as may for the euil sauour After assurance stabilitie and vnion in beleef the next greatest spiritual benedictions that can be expected of any doctryn are the good effects of vertue which it woorketh in mens myndes and manners as it was foretold by Esay the prophet that Christes doctrine should so alter mens conditions and natures that such as were most fearce sauadge and wicked before should by this doctryn become most humble kinde and gentle The wolfe sayth he shall dwell with â—he lambe and the parde shall lye with the goat the calfe lyon and sheep shall abyde together and a litle childe shalbe able to gouerne them all VVell then hath the protestantes doctryn wrought these effects of peace meekenesse mansuetude and agreement I haue touched before the bloody tragedies raysed in Fraunce Flaunders Scotland and other places vpon the first rysing therof I might adde Swizerland and Germanie where their owne stories do testifie that aboue a hundreth thowsand people were slayne within one yeare by the rebellion and warres of the countrie-men agaynst their Lordes for the controuersie of religion such humilitie obedience and meeknes of hart imâ—rinted presently this new doctryn when it came But let vs see other effects Christes doctrine exhorteth to Peâ—ance to Mortification of the flesh to Continencie Virginitie Faâ—ting Praying Almes voluntarie Pouertie renouncing of the world the lyke Are there more of these effects now adayes in England or before Or are there more in Sir Francis and his men then in ours doth he and his ghospellers pay their debtes better then Catholiques doe or keepe better Howses or more Hospitalitie or â—rayse their Rentes lesse or take lesse Fines or vse their Tenantes â—etter or lend their Neighboures more money without vsurie Or doe they helpe to Marrye more Poore mens daughters and other such like good VVoorkes of Charitie Is Pryde in apparayle Glutâ—onie Dronkennesse Lecherie Swearing and For swearing Coueâ—ousnesse Crueltie Falsehood Deceipte Theeuerie Lack of Conâ—cience Oppressing of poore men more of lesse noweadayes in vre or before when yet this change was not made Let Sir Francis anâ—were me to this and not he only but the whole countrie rouÌ„d about him and then let him tell me with wittnesses whether they be Spirituall blessinges or curses that haue insued vpon this change of Religion so much commended by him and so I shâ—l passe to weigh his temporall benedictions which perhappes he esteemeth farre more then these spirituall For better vnderstanding whereof men are wont to bring into consideration two poyntes First what was likely to haue bin or â—allen out if the the change of ReligioÌ„ had not bin made in her Maâ—esties tyme and then what hath insued vpon the change made To the first they saie that if as her Maiestie entered most happily and ioy fullie into the Crowne of England by generall consent of all and promoted especiallie by the peculier forces of Catholiques that were at that day moste potent without comparison and that as her Maiestie entered Catholiquely that is to say shewing herâ—self in all poyntes of religion and behaueour à Catholique according as she had done also before in her sister Q. Maries râ—â—gne and was now crowned and anoynted Catholiquely by a Catholique bishop at a Catholique masse and other like circumstances iâ— she had continued that course still not yeelded to the persuasionâ— of some new counsellors agaynst the iudgement of all her olde aâ— in deed she was hardly brought to yeelde therunto at the beginning for that she foresawe by her wisdome diuers of the inconueniences that sythence haue insued then say these men if this had bynâ— so both her Maiestie and the realme had byn moste happie at this day And in particuler they alleadge these benefytes following which of all probabilitie would haue fallen vpon vs. First her Maiestie at this day had had a moste florishing kingdome vnited both to her and among themselues in Religion iudgment affection fidelitie and frendshippe as other realmes Catholique of the worlde are seen to be and as ours for aboue a thowsand yeares together with much honour and felicitie is knowne to haue remayned Here of had insued that none of these feares and terrors of Conquestes Inuasions Assaultes Treasons Conspiracies and the like which this Wach-man indeuoreth to lay before vs had euer come in consideration For that England vnited in it self hath euer since iâ— was a Monarchie made other Kingdomes and Prouinces rownâ— about it to feare her forces as by matters happened in FraÌ„ce Ireland and Scotland for many ages is euident and she neuer greatlie feared any Thirdly England had had her Maiestie at this day by all likelihood a ioyfull mother of many fayre and princely children for thaâ— the principall cause of her graces not marying is to be presumed to haue proceeded of the different Religion of forrayne Princes who desired the same on the on side and on the other the inequalitiâ— of blood in her owne subiectes for such aduauncemeÌ„t For to attribute this great resolution of her Maiestie to the onlie loue of sole lyfe and Mayden head I doubt how it can be iusâ—ifiable seing that among Catholiques where such professioÌ„ is more praised and practised they vse sometymes to draw out euen vowed Nunnes from their Cloisters to mariadge for so weightie a cause as is the sauing of succession in so great a crown as England is known to be And among protestants virginitie is not of that necessitie or merit as for it to incurr so great inconueniences notwithstanding the base and seruile flatterie of this crowching Knight who casteth in now and then the memorie of a Mayden Queen without respecting the deadly wound which his countrie receiueth thereby Fourthly of this had followed the sure establishment of the succession of this Imperiall crown in the blood and race of the vnited Royall Howses of York and Lancaster and of the lyne of the Noble King Henry the seuenth which lyne being now to end with her Maiestie in the direct discent is lyke to bring great dangers to the realme For albeit there want not of collateral branches yet their causes are otherwise so implicated for diuerse respects but espetiallie by difference of religion which had neuer happened if the change had not byn made as no man can tell what wilbe the end and most men do â—eare extreme calamities therby Fifthly if
religion in England had not byn changed we had had no breach with Rome nor consequently had the excommunication followed whereof so great noise hath byn made in the world abroad and so great trouble at home And what the vnion and frendshipp of the Bishop of Rome may importe euen as a temporall Prince the effects shewed of late in Fraunce where espetiallie by his indeuour and authoritie matters haue byn compounded that seemed verie hard and desperate before not only between that King and his owne subiectes but also between that crown and Spayn and the states of Flaunders which without such an arbiter and vmpyre would verie hardly haue euer byn accommodated Sixthly England had continued in her old ancient amitie and leagues moste honorable with Spayn and Burgâ—ndie and with their dependents and consequently had auoyded all these long and costly warres which by that breach we haue byn inforced to manteyne with losse of so many worthie men and expence of so great treasure as easelie maie be imagined and the quarell not yet ended Seuenthly so great and bloody warres and tumultes in Christian kingdomes round about vs had neuer happened as before in part hath byn declared and all the world doth impute the principal causes and motions therof vnto the diuersitie of religion in England And lastly most dolefull alterations in our own countrie had byn auoyded as the depriuation in one day of all the sacred order of Bishops in England with their perpetual imprisonment for that they would not subscribe to this infortunate change of religion wroong out in ParlameÌ„t as all men know by the oddes only of one or two voices of lay men The disgrace and abasing of so many noble houses with ouerthrow of others wherof let Norfolk Arundel Northumberland Oxford VVestmerland and Dacres giue testimonie For of the rest I will not make mention seing perhaps themselues would be loth I should all which had passed otherwise by probabilitie if religion had not byn altered The continual and intollerable affliction also of so many honorable and worshipfull Gentlemen had neuer happened for perseuering in their fathers fayth wherto our country was first conuerted from infidelitie without any other offence obiected or to be proued agaynste them but only refusing to accommodate themselues to this change The torturing hanging and quartering of aboue a hundreth Preestes for the same cause the moste of them good Gentlemen and youthes of rare witt learning and other partes which other Common wealthes would highly haue esteemed and so would ours too in tymes past and will agayne in tyme to come when these blastes shall once be ouerblown All these inconueniences and calamities had bin auoyded or the moste of them if change of Religion in England had not byn made so that the innumerable benedictions which this poore man would needs threap vpon vs by the change do come to be in effect these that follow First in Spiritual affayrs to haue no certaynty of Religion at all as hath bin proued no stay no foundation no rule but only euery mans own priuate iudgment and fansie wrangling and iangling without end and without iudge or meanes to make an end Nouelties without number and liberty of lyf without feare or force of Ecclesiasticall disciplyne to restrayn it And theÌ„ in temporall matters the blessings are such as haue bin discouered our Realme deuided and shiuered in a thowsand peeces our Princess olde without children or hope of any our Crown without Succession our olde frends and allyes made our enemies our new frends vncertayn our own flesh and countrymen most pitifully deuided within their own bowels and most miserably tossed and turmoyled both abroad and at home abroad and in other countries with Prisons Yrons Chaynes Gallyes and other Afflictions euen to Death it self for being Protestants Pirats Spies Practisers or other such imputations incident to enemyes At home afflicted with no less persecutions of our own Magistrates for being Catholiques or deemed to be such So as I would fayn know who are they in our litle Iland that feel these innumerable benifits and blessings by change of Religion which this gentleman talketh of seeing there are very few either of one Religion or other that taste not of the miseries wherof I haue spoken either in themselues their frends children seruants kinsefolks goodes honours or otherwise and most of all the Realm and Commonwealth it self It may be Sir Francis sitteth easier then other men hauing gotten som fat morsel to feed on by this change yet ought he to haue some sens and feeling also of other mens greefs or at least-wise so much wit as not to put himself to sing in publique when so many thowsands of other men do weep and complayn And so much of his blessings THE SECOND INCOVNTER ABOVT CERTAIN ABSVRD GROWNDS and principles forged by this Knight to be in Catholique Religion WE haue taken a scantling in the former incounter of this our knightes folly and flatterie now followeth a fuller view of his cogging and lying for these two vertues coÌ„monly go together qui adulator idem mendax sayth one the flatterer is a lyar in lyke manner For neither truth can stretch herself to flatter nor flattery can be manteyned without lying This man then after he hath flattered the state of England so grosly and fondly as you haue heard by telling them of the innumerable benedictions powred out vpon the whol Iland by the change of religion now he will needes take vpon him to set before our eyes the spiritual miseries and maledictions that Catholiques were in before this change to witt in Queen Maries dayes and in former raignes of ancient Catholique Princes by reason of certayne absurd and false principles which as he sayth were then receyued for truthes in matters of Religion But before he come to set down those principles he maketh for his preface acertain poetical description of the dark clowdy and mistie state of thinges in Queen Maries tyme in these woords It is not vnknown sayth he to many yet liuing nether can it be altogether â—idden from the yonger sorte that liued with them what a dark mistie clowd of ignorance which brought in popish idolatrie and all manner of superstition did ouershadow the whole Land c. and againe after In these dark and clowdy daies least the sun-shine of knowledge should dispearce the mists of ignorance and giue light to the dimm of sight c. Doth it not seeme that this graue gentleman describeth the lake of Auernus in Italy or some foggy marsh in England or some smoaky kitchin or wood-howse of his own without a window when he speaketh of our famous Country in former tymes Aboue a thowsand years the state of England and the Princes People Nobility and Learned men thereof had continued in that Egiptian or rather Cimmerian darknes which he describeth vnder clowds mists and shadows vntil his new Sun-shyne doctors came in to
great Saint for his Christian libertie and constancie S. Chrysostome in lyke manner shalbe condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal Lordes Arcadius and Honorius Christian Emperours and with their wyues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with king Henry the second For he prâ—ached agaynst them publiquely with great vehemencie and thundred out excomunication agaynst them and was twyce banished and driuen out of his Bishoprike by their disfauor and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singuler holy man and Theodosius the yonger son of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnitie honour and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the sinnes of his pareÌ„tes in persecuting so blessed a man And as the story sayth made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers sinnes As did also often our king Henry the sonne for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Wel then to conclude this matter treason there was none nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas agaynst king Henry for it was donn with all due respect of the Archbil hopes parte and according to the lawes ecclesiastical both of churche realm And as for the mannes behaueour and actions in the rest of his lyf if we beleeue three or foure historiographers together of greate credit and sanctitie that liued at the same tyme and conuersed with him they were admirable in all kynd of vertue His death was by wilfull murder without iustice or commaundment of king or any magistrate as all the world knoweth His canonization was presently vpon his death by diligent inquiry of all factes and circumstances and by vniuersal applause of all christendom King Henry the second excused himself of the murder admitted his canonization builded his shryne and sepulcher adorned the same with greate giftes came thither in person and not only denyed as I haue sayed that his intention euer extended to his murder but also tooke seuere punishement and pennaÌ„ce of himself for the vniust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceyued agaynst so holy a man of which penance of the kings one that liued at the same tyme and saw it wryteth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulcher and receyued first fyue ierkes at fyue Bishops handes and fourescore and three at so many monks â—andes and after lay on the bare ground and other such circuÌ„stances as in the author you may read All those that had byn enemies to the blessed man or had had parte in his death came after to greate miserie by Gods iust iudgmentes And fynally all the Christian world for these foure hundred yeares haue holden him for a glorious martir and builded many a churche to God in his memorie in other countries many great moâ—arches haue come to England of purpose to visit his sepulcher and others haue sent great presentes and donaries Many miracles haue â—yn recorded by graue authors and publique testimony of the whole â— land to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher in witnes of his â—anctitie All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred yeares together let any man iudge whether they ought â—ot to be of more weight with a wyse and pious Christian then this â—raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hoat spurr that knoweth â—ot what he sayth and much lesse careth or indeuoureth how to â—roue it But let vs see now his third position that he feigneth to be among â—s as a grouÌ„d of religioÌ„ These two irreligious prophane grouÌ„des saith he â—eing layd though you haue seen that the knight hath layd them as fiâ—ions of his own grownds of ours they proceed to a third set it down â—r a Popish ground also that it was a dangerous and deadly sinne for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his cleargie in any of their orders inioyned and commanded in such reuerence and regard must he and his cleargie be had that the meanestâ— masse Priest comming with authority from him must be obeyed vnder payn of damnation though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God in Christians and disloyal to men in subiects This is his narration from which if ye separate a manifest lye oâ— two with some fond exagerations for without this kynde of leuiâ— the poore knight can make no batch as for example that the Pope anâ— his Cleargie must be obeyed though they commaund blasphemies against God and disloyalty against princes which is a shameles slander and that the disobedience if he speake of omission in any one order inioyned by Pope and Cleargie is a deadly sinn and the lyke if you separatâ— I say these ouer lauishings of the hastie knight all the rest he obiecteth is rather commendation of Catholique religion then any reproche at all for in that he saith wee obey the meanest preest as the highest if he come with authoritie of the highest he sheweth therby that we haue among vs true obedience and subordination and thaâ— for conscience sake Not respecting so much the person that commandeth as him for whome and in whose name and authoritie hâ— commandeth and therin we fulfill the precept of S. Paule Obedite praâ—positis vestris subiacete eis ipsi enim peruigilant quasi rationem pro animabuâ— restris reddituri Obey your Prelates and humble your selues vnto them he distinguisheth not betwene high and lowe for they keep diligent watche ouer your soules as men that must render account theroâ— to God And in other places he sayth that this obedience must bâ— with such reuerence humilitie and inward affection as vnto Chryâ—â— himself whose substitutes our spiritual superiours be though neuer so mean or contemptible in mannes sight And again S. Paul sayth this obedience must be non solum propteâ— iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience that is vnder pain of deadly sinne or of damnation though this wise knight do iest at the phrase which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place saying qui autem resistuâ— damnationem sibi acquirunt those that resist to obey procure damnation to themselues And this is answere sufficient for so ydle an obiectionâ— that we obey the meanest masse Priest coÌ„ming with authority of the highest in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spirituall poinâ— of doctrine if he were capable of it and most true to witt that the meaner the substitute is that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior the greater honor is donn to the sayd prince or superior and the greater vertue is argued therby to be in him that obeyeth for that he is not induced by any talent or commendation of the sayd substitute to obey him but only for loue
they are in their falshoods and dissimulations And again by this taste you shal see the brutish vilanyes of our bastard countrimen and vnderstand what iust cause there is to detest both the traitors and their treasons c. To all which I answere that a railing tongue vntied is a wilde beast without a bridle and to ruun after him with a cudgell though at certain turnings many blowes and bastinadoes may be giuen him as in parte there hath bin I suppose to this man by conuincing his falshoods raylings and calnmniations yet is it a wearisom exercise euen to the giuer himself and therefore I will let him runn vntil wearied by his own furye he become more calme and enter into som more temperate cogitations if not of truth and charity yet of christiaÌ„ honor and honestie and with this I end our third incounter HASTINGES VVACH-VVORDE THE FOVRTH INCOVNTER ABOVT BISHOP GARDENER AND Cardinall Allen by name and of their vnvvortâ—ie and slanderous vsage by this vvachvvoord-geuer THough against all Catholique people that come in his way the toÌ„gue of this knight be very lauish approbrious which neither proceedeth of chiualry nor yet of nobility yet two principal persons aboue others he seeketh chiefly to disgrace and wound in his discours which are D. Gardener Bishop of winchester and high Chauncellor of England in Queen Maries dayes and Doctor Allen late Cardenall of Rome Two such eminent subiects for Ecclesiasticall men as setting a side the onlie difference of religion which made theÌ„ vngrateful to the present state our land hath not had lightly â—heir equales in many ages before Both of them of high wits exquiâ—ite learning and singuler good natures both of rare vertues the one â— chief Counseller to two great princes of our realme the father and â—aughter and the other fit to be Counsellor to any prince liuing and was of councel to the highest consistorie in Christendom Bishop Gardener was caried through great varietie of prosperous and aduerse â—ortune and euer shewed himself superiour to them both except once â—nly in his youth prosperitie when he went a litle astray by feare â—ut sore repented it soon after Cardinal Allen that neuer was in properitie at home but trayned vp for the most parte of his dayes in baâ—ishment and in the disgrace and frowning countenance of his counâ—rie for religions sake bare the same with incredible constancy and â—lacritie and towards the end of his life was highly aduanced to hoâ—or for his vertue by forain potentates as the world knoweth B. Gardener was a maister and common tutor to English yong nobility â—n his dayes and his hows a famous schoole of great mennes children â—n England C. Allen was a publique father to all sortes of that ageâ—nd to all degrees that left their country for religion and he procured â—hem both howses and schooles in forain nations The Bishop was â—beral and had much to giue of his owne while he was suffered to â—ossesse it the Cardinall though meaner in temporal wealth yet muâ—ificent of mynd and so much respected and credited by others that were richer then himself that he gaue more perhaps in his dayes then the other was able of his own according to that of the Apostle quaâ— egentes multos autem locupletantes as poore and yet inriching many others And to be short a peerlesse payre of prelates they were whylâ— they liued and full vnworthie to be thus bayted by the wyld tonguâ— of this slanderous backbyter but let vs hear in particular what heâ— sayth of them Of Bishop Gardener you haue heard before his encomion or commendation where he saied Gardener that most prowd and bloody monster left no corner of his witt vnsought to shorten her Maiesties dayes and preuent heâ— by the bloody slaughter of her sacred person from being our Queen And afterward agayn making his inuectiue against the Catholiques that foâ— conscience refuse to go to Church he sayth thus The recusants of our age cannot professe nor make greater shew of loyalty and loue to our dread Souereign neither can serue her outwardly with greater apparence of faithfulnes nor can protest more deeply by woords and othes their true and good meaning to her then did Gardener Bonner and Tonstal to her noble father and brother which they did confirm by printed bookes For Gardener did writâ— his booke de vera obedientia and Bonner added his epistle to it And Tonstâ— published a flat treatise against the Pope But when these two noble Princes werâ— called to their last and euerlasting home and kingdom in heauen and Queen Marie possessed the gouernment of this kingdom vpon earth then Gardener did tear oâ— his glorious visour and shewed himself in his right colours and shape for he anâ— his complices neuer rested till they had brought in the Spainard and had matcheâ— him in mariage with the Queen by which they betrayed God her and the wholâ— realm This bloody intention by this linck thus strengthened then cometh Gardener ouâ— publiquely in pulpit with this sentence hora est iam nos de somno surgere peruerting the sacred scripture most prophanely and blasphemously to his blâ—ody purpose c. this far goeth the accusation And first here you see there is nothing but blood and bloodines when he talketh of Bishop Gardener wherof I could greatly marueyl if this poor man followed either ryme or reason in any discourse that he maketh for verely I beleeue that if a maÌ„ should aske any good natured Protestant that liued in Queen Maries tyme and hath both wit to iudge and indifferency to speake the truth without passion he wil confesse that no one great man in that gouernment was further of from blood and bloodines or from crueltie and reuenge then Bishop Gardener who was known to be a most â—eÌ„der-harted and myld man in that behalf in so much that it was some tymes and by some great personages obiected to him for no smale fault to be euerfull oâ— â—â—â—â—â—â—on in the office and charge that he then bare yea to him especially it â—as imputed that none of the greatest and most knowen Protestanâ—s in Queen Maries raigne and some of their names I haue menâ—â—oned before were euer called to accompt or put to trooble for â—ligion which also was noted in diuers criminal great causes and â—amely that of the lady Smith burned for killing her husband the â—rd Sturton executed about Harguile and the Duke of Norâ—umberland beheaded for publique rebellion All which three to â—aue others it is knowen that Bishop Gardener laboured earnestly â—r to saue their lyues and this only vpon compassion and he passed â— far in this behalf as he wauted not some rebuke for the same espeâ—ally about the last to wit the Duke for whome he sued importunâ— notwithstanding he had byn extremely misused and iniured by â—he sayd Duke in K. Edwards tyme or at least permitted by him to be â—iured by others as namely to be depriued of
rhetorical exageration hitherto let vs see some substance My owne experience telleth me sayth he that when the gentleman and man of wealth refuseth to come to the churche and is in any sort borne with all there the meaner sort receyue infection and draw backe from obedience also for Aboue maiori discit arare minor Of the elder oxe the yonger steer doth learne This is Sir Francis first charge which as it is graue and weightie in it self so is it as substantially proued with a poetical verse taken from his plow and stawle of oxen and from his steeres Let vs see what this iustice of peace hath more to saye of his owne experience for be-lyke he speaketh of his practise in that office agaynst Recusantes it followeth then in his booke If the man come to thurche and the wyf refuse which is a cunnning trick much practised of late yeares then is the houshold both seruantes and children in danger wholly to be corrupted And sure it is that the wyues of the meaner sorte are infected greatly by them and the nightcrowes persuation preuayleth much and in myn owne knowledge within these three yeares many of the meaner sort are fallen away and do fall away daylie for that impunitatis spes magna peccantium in illecebra the hope of impunitie is a greate bayte to offend Heer is all now that our knight can alleage in particuler concerning the hurts so many and so manyfold which before he sayd the recusantes do woork in England which in effect cometh to be no more as you see but that if the goodman refuse to go to churche though the good wife go then those of the meaner sorte begin to refuse also and if the goodwife refuse though the goodman go then are the seruantes and children in danger to do the like And then generally he setteh downe this doctrinal assertion that the night crowes perswasion preuayleth much and this knoweth he of his owne knowledge partely perhaps by experience of his own night crow and partely by tampering in these affaires who as is probable hath bin some principal actor in the long persecutions vpon Catholiques either by playing the parte of Iudas to betray and take them or of Caiphas or Pilate to condemne and afflict them And so by this experience he hath found out as he saith that many goodwiues of the meaner sorte are fallen of late and many other by their example do fall away dayly a grieuous accusation and fit for a carpet knight But Sir you that are such an enemie of night-crowes and haue such knowledge of the afayres of all the goodwiues of your countrie tel me whereunto do these wiues or children or seruantes or tenants or husbands fall when you say they fall away is it perhaps to any enormitie of sinne or to wickednes of life no but to haue a scruple to go to the protestants churches And why for that they are of a different religion They are Catholiques and do think your religion and seruice naught Wel then religion and conscience is cause of this refusal and not euil wil or rebellion as you malitiously interprete and consequently the way of true remedy is not to beat and bynde and driue them to your churches by force and punishment as you do perswade the Magistrate to do Sir consciencelesse knight but first you must make them of your religion that they may go of deuotion and conscience for if they go otherwise it is a dooble sinne both to them that go and to you that make them go albeit the act otherwise in it self were neuer so good and lawful as all men of learning and conscience do wel know that an erronious conscience also bindeth though your ignorance be so grosse in all christian learning as you seme to be both ignorant and careles of so manifest a truthe I say it is a manifest truthe that a mannes conscience is to be followed though it did erre and much more when it erreth not and the reason of the former is that forasmuch as our conscieÌ„ce is nothing els but the voice and determination of our reason and iudgement about matters to be donn or not to be donne it followeth that we are bound to obey that direction be it right or wrong so long as we haue no other light to guyde vs. For that according to this we shalbe iudged at the last day to wit according as each mannes conscieÌ„ce saâ—th Saynt Paule shal accuse or defend him and not according to the nature or qualitie of the thing it self that he doth which point schoolemen if I be not deceiued do expresse in these wordes that the goodnesse or malice of a mannes will is to be measured by the obiect that moueth the will and not by the thing it self that is donne As for example if I apprehend a thing to be euil and yet do it I do sinne albeit the thinge in it self that I do were not euil for that in my apprehension and iudgment it was euil so I did it vnder the conceit and formality of euil and consequently my wil and intention was naught in doing it though the thing in it self were lawfull As for example if in the night time seeing a beast in a bush and thinking it to be myn enemy I should kill it though the thing it self be no sinne yet should I commit manslaughter therin before God for that my apprehension was of myn enemy and consequently myn action should be iudged according to the obiect I conceiued and not according to the thing in it self This very case determineth S. Paule himself particulerly through out the whole foureteenth chapter of his epistle to the Romanes about eating the meates that had bin offered vp to Idols And the same matter he handeleth again throughout the eight chapter of his first epistle to the Corinthians And in both places he determineth that to him that either eateth simply without enquiring whether it were offered to Idols or not or hath so much true christian knowledge as he vnderstandeth thereby that an Idol is nothing and that all creatures are lawful to be eaten by a christian man so it be donn without scandal of others with other due circumstances albeit I say to such a man it be lawful to eat of those meates that had bin offered to Idols yet to him that had a contrarie conscience and iudgement it should be a greiuous sinne to eate thereof for that he did it against his own iudgement and beleefe though it were erroneous I do know and trust iu Iesus Christe Saith Saint Paule that no meat is vnclean or vnlawful now but onely to such as think it vnlawful So as onely to think it vnlawful maketh it vnlawful according to Saint Paules rule And again the same Apostle qui discernit si manducauerit damnatus est quia non ex fide he that discerneth or iudgeth the said meat to haue bin offered to Idols and that it is therby
our Ethelbertus king of kent king Clodoueus of France and others all entered and submitted them selues vnder this spiritual gouernment of the Christian Churche and prelates therof as subiectes and not as superiours as sheep and not as pastors and as children vnder their fathers and prelates and not as commanders in that behalf And so they continued still for many ages together contented with their princely authoritie in ciuil matters and with their subiection in Ecclesiastical vntill certayn libertyne heretiques of our tyme to put themselues out of the burthen of obedience to their Ecclesiastical superiours haue sought to trooble and confound this holy distinction appoynted by our Sauiour and to cast both gouernmentes and iurisdictions into the handes of the temporal magistrate therby to make a confusion and to be free themselues from correction due vnto their wickednes and dissolution and crying to temporal princes as one did in the lyke case defend you vs with the sword we shall honor and defend you with the word And this is the true state of matters in this behalf whereby the godly proceeding of our English recusantes is most cleerly iustified and the prophane flaterie of their aduersaries discouered And with this I end the sixth incounter with S. Francis THE SEVENTH INCOVNTER ABOVT FORRAYNE PRINCFS AND NAtions And first concerning the Pope of Rome IF the immodestie of Sir Francis railing speeches and calumniations had conteined it self within the compas of home-born subiects and had not ouerlauis hed also to the open iniurie and slander of forrain poteÌ„tates and nations the matter might more easily haue bin passed ouer and dissembled for that he sitting at home vnder the fauour of the state and present time hath more libertie therby to raile at his pleasure and to tiranize with his tongue ouer such as are their kept downe and dare not answere him or reply But when with the same audacitie or impudencie rather he will presume to vse the like approbrious speaches against the sacred honors of anointed princes and the greatest monarches of Christendome contrarie to the law both of nature and nations he is to be restrained and checked euen for the very honor of England it self and our nation and so I mean to do in this seuenth incounter And to begin with his raging at the Bishop of Rome calling him the proud Priest and arche-prelate of Rome bloody monster Antechriste the man of sinne the sonne of perdition and other like vnseemly tearmes and wicked maledictions the answere were quickly made if I would be as cholerique and immodest as he and say that these are but rauings of a lunatique brain and belkings of a burthened stomake with the surfet of heresie and other such like tearmes but I wil not incounter in this kinde with him but rather will endeuour to ouerrule him by reason and conuince him by argument if he be capable of the one or the other First then that the Popes of Rome be Antechristes or the man of sinne whereof Daniel our Sauiour Christe and his Apostles do speake and that Rome is Babilon in the sense that these goodfellowes do mean that is Rome Christened it is a meer iest and inuented by a scoffing Apostata fryar or two and mayntained by men of like humor and qualities And in deed the iest is fitter to entertain some pleasant crew at a tauern or alebench then to moue any learned auditory or discreet reader though it be frequent matter in English pulpits at this day for that as the true Christe was one singuler man so shall the true Antechriste be a particuler man also and not any succession of men one after another as the Popes of Rome are and this is euidently gathered by the ancient fathers out of the wordes of diuers holy Scriptures as namely Daniel 7. 11. Ioan. 5. 2. Thess. 2. 1. Ioan. 2. Apoc. 13. 17. Moreouer the Iewes shal receiue the true Antechriste for their Messias as they refused to receiue Christe and so Christe sayeth plainly Ioan. 5. vers 43. I came in the name of my father and you receiue me not if an other come in his own name him you shall receiue c. but it is not likely that the Iewes wil receiue the Pope of Rome for their Messias and much lesse so many Popes as are already dead The Gospel and doctrine of Christe must be first preached to all nations before the true Antechriste come Math. 24. 2. Thess. 2. and so the consent of old Doctors vpon these places do agree which thing is not yet fulfilled as Saint Augustin in his time did largely declare Epist. 80. and we may also shew in ours much more by the vaste infidel countries daily discouered The proper Antechriste by all reason and likelyhood must be a Iew borne and circumsized and will professe at least for a whyle to keep the Iewes Saboth and the other ceremonies of the old law to draw them after him And they shal accept of him for their Messias as before hath bin shewed out of Christes owne woords which they would neuer do except he were a Iew both by generation and profession Of which two things neither can be verified of the Popes of Rome to wit that they are either Iewes by birth or do professe the Iewish doctrine and therefore they can not be Antichriste Antechriste when he cometh shal pitch his kingdome in the citie of Hierusalem and go about to restore the temple of Salomon as is plainly gathered out of Saint Iohns woords in the Apoc. cap. 11. where he saith that the bodies of Henâ—ch and Helias that shalbe slain by him shal lye vnburied in the streetes of that great Citie where their lord was crucified And the same is deduced out of the same booke cap. 17. and out of Saint Paules woords 2. Thess. 2. and by many ancient writers And how then can the Popes of Rome be sayd to be Antechriste Three principal heades of Antechristes diuelish doctrine when he cometh are gathered plainly out of holy Scriptures The first that he shal deny Iesus to be christe 1. Ioan. 2. vers 22. and consequently shal deny Baptisme and all other Sacraments and doctrine brought in by Christe The second that he shal teach himself to be true Christe and the Iewes shall beleeue him Ioan. 5. The third that he shall affirm himself to be God and so requier to be adored for God 2. Thess 2. v. 4. but the Popes of Rome do not teach these pointes of doctrine hitherto and therfore cannot be Antechriste Agayne scriptures do teach vs that Antichriste when he commeth shal woorke many wonderful miracles in the sight of men Math. 24. 2. Thess. 2. and some of those miracles are specified Apoc. 13. to wit that he shall make fyer descend from heauen and the image of a beast to speake and fayne himself to dye and rise agayne but these miracles no Popes hitherto
before he auowch it outwardly For if he iudge only by the external shew and outward honor of his estate he may as wel condemn of pride all other princes and great men in the world for admitting honor according to their degrees and among others our present Bishops of England may be called in question as they are by the puritanes for being termed lords and for the lord-lyk honor donn vnto them in outward demeanure To the Lords also of her Maiesties counsel may be obiected the like for causing men to kneel vnto them at the counsel table and such other like external honor admitted As for bloody monster it is a monstrous slander and a great monstruositie of inciuilitie in a gentlemans mouth so to speake for it is wel knowen that the Bishop of Rome that now is and many of his predecessors in our dayes and eyes haue vsed and do vse dayly great curtesies to infinite protestantes that passe through their states And as for blood I think verely that there hath bin more shed in onely London for religion in one year within these last twenty that haue passed then in all the whole twentie within all the townes citties and states of the Bishop of Rome and this is easie to be verefied VVell then Sir knight you rayl at randon and litle do you seem to think or consider what peril of Godes iustice may hang ouer you for the same You may remember it is written principi populi tui non maledices and agayne qui patri suo maledixerit morte moriatur The Bishop of Rome hath euer byn held for our spiritual prince and parent in England vntill with in these few yeares and so is he still holden by all Catholique kingdomes round about vs and in ours also by such as follow the old vniuersal fayth which if it be true then are you in danger of damnation by this your fury And you remember that Saynt Paule was so respectiue of this danger that hauing spoken a hastie worde agaynst Ananias calling him whyted walle for an open iniurie donn vnto him in publique iudgement agaynst the law yet when he vnderstood he was high priest notwithstanding S Paule wel knew thar his priesthood now was nothing worth the old law being abrogated by the death of Christe he did openly recall his word agayne and shewed to be sorowfull for hauing spoken it agaynst one that bore that tytle But Sir Francis hath no such feeling or remorse of conscience in him for that he is not gouerned by the same spirit of humilitie and pietie that Saynt Paule was wherunto notwithstanding I would gladly persuade him if I might and for that respect do mean to alleage vnto him the considerations insuing about the Bishop of Rome First himself in the 31. page of this his libel hath these wordes The Lord from heauen commandeth to all men vpon earth that euery soule should be subiect to the higher powers for there is no power but of God and euerie power is ordayned of God VVhich wordes if they be true then must the Popes power also be of God seing it hath byn an acknowledged power by all Christendome for so many yeares and ages not only for a lawful power but also for a holy and supreme spiritual power and then let men iudge in what cause Sir Francis standeth that not only resisteth but reuileth also this sacred power notwithstanding that the illation which Saynt Paule inferreth immediatly after the former wordes is this wherfore he that resisteth power resisteth Gods ordination those that resist Gods ordinatiō do purchase damnation vnto themselues More ouer that saying of Christ vnto the Apostles he that heareth you heareth me was not spoken only for them selues but for all their successors also that by succession should gouern the churche vnto the worlds end as all men wil cōfesse And cōseqētly the other parte also of the same sentence he that contemneth you contemneth me must needes in like manner belong vnto the same man And that the Bishops of Rome be successors in the Apostle Saint Peeters seat is no lesse manifest to all men of vnderstanding and learning And albeit Sir Francis will say presently that they follow not Saint Peeters steps and wil proue it at leisure yet if that were true the princes authority is not taken away hy his euil life or deportement for then should we haue few true princes in the world But aboue all others it pleased Christe himself to take away this obiection touching Popes and Ecclesiasticall princes when he sayd that vpon the chaire of Moyses should sit both Scribes and Pharisees and that we should notwithstanding obserue and do whatsoeuer they sayd but not according to their woorkes So as stil there remaineth the obligation to obey them though their liues and hehaueour were not correspondent but much more the obligation not to slander contemn and reuile them as our harebrain and headlong knight doth I say it is harebrain and headlong dealing to runne so furiously in so dāgerous a path as this is For besides that maledicus a railing tongued man is placed by Saint Paule among them that shall neuer attaine the kingdome of heauē it is much more grieuous sinne to vse this vice agaynst Magistrates that represent the power of almightie God and far yet greater agaynst spiritual magistrates that haue this authoritie in a far higher degree then temporal magistrates but most of all agaynst him that representeth immediately the person of Christe Iesus vpon earth which is the Bishop of Rome as presently more particulerly shalbe shewed Furthermore if all the holy and learned men of Christēdom haue not bin deceiued for so many ages together as they haue confessed this general doctrine of the Pope of Rome his prerogatiue without doubt or contradiction then is Sir Francis out of his way then is he in the open path of perdition then is he furious frantik and besides himself in rayling as he doth And that this only vniform consent of such and so many holy learned men gon before vs were a sufficient argument to make any man that were discreet and fearing God to enter into doubt at least of his doing in this behalf cannot in reason be denied and so without doubt would Sir Francis also do if his temporal life lay on the bargain as his eternal doth For let me aske Sir Francis if an herb should be presented to him to eat that all learned phisitians for a thowsand yeares together haue held for strong poyson and onely som one or two of later yeares haue begonne to teache the contrarie without actual experience whether it be so or no but only by discourse and new argumentes of their owne would he abstayne to eat it think you or no Or if an action should be offered him in England which by all old lawyers iudgment of former tymes hath byn taken for high treason ipso facto and losse of
English nation as Sir Francis sayth here of the Spaniardes or to take a comparison from himself if one English knight of a noble familie haue byn so madheaded as to make a fantastical booke stuffed with ignorances lyes and calumniations is it reason that foraine nations should iudge hereby thar all our knightes and nobilitie of England are so fond and frantik and haue so litle respect to their honours and credit as he I trow no. VVherfore as concerning the Spanish nation in general no such preiudice or slanderous rule can be geuen as this malignant spirit setteth downe for that they are in this poynt as other nations be where all sortes of people may be found some bad and many good and if comparisons may be made without offence for that comparisons are odious in such affayres between nations no nation in Europe hath more cause to glorie and geue God thankes for his giftes abundantly powred vpon them both natural moral and Diuyne temporal and spiritual for tymes past and present then the Spanish who haue a countrie both rich ample fertile and potent and praysed in scripture it self a people able and apt in respect both of wit and body to attayne to any thing they take in hand as in old tymes appeared by the most excellent Emperours Traian Theodosius the great and some other of that nation that surpassed all the rest as also by their famous learned men in ancient tymes Seneca Lucan Martial and others when they were yet heathens Osius Damasus Leander Isidorus Orotius and such lyke old renowmed Christians both for learning sanctitie by their most famous martyrs in lyke manner Saynt Laurence Saynt Vincent and many others and in our age he that will consider after their valiant deliuering of themselues out of the handes and captiuitie of the mores that inuaded and oppressed their countrie what Christian Zelous Princes Kinges Emperours Captaynes Knightes famous soldiers they haue yeelded to the world and do yeeld daylie and what store of singular learned writers do appeare from thence from tyme to tyme what countries they haue conquered by the sword and how many millions of soules they haue gayned to Christ by preaching his word in diuers and most remote partes of the world all these thinges I say put together do make ridiculous and contemptible this malignant description set downe by Sir Francis whose spetial hatred agaynst them is founded in that which of all other commendations is their greatest to wit their constancie and zeale in defence of the catholique religion for which probablie God hath so greatly exalted them alredy aboue other nations of Europe will do more daylie if they continue that feruour in defending his cause notwithstanding any other humane infirmitie or defect in lyfe that as to men of what nation soeuer may happen which our merciful lord in regard recompence of the other rare vertues of zeale iustice constancie and feruor in his cause will pardon no doubt and geue grace of true amendement and rising agayne whyle the prating heretique that scornfully sitteth downe to score vp other mens synnes shall walk for his owne to his eternal habitation prepared in hel for that his one malitious and obstinate sinne of heresie if it may be called one prepondereth with Gods iustice more greeuously then all other infirmities and sinnes put to gither which catholique men do or may commit of humane frayltie And thus much of this poynt may suffice for if I should ad to this the ancient loue and amitie of the Spanish nation towardes vs in tymes past the large leagues that England hath held with them heretofore the great wealth and gaynes we vsed to gather and reape by their trafique the noble and bountefull Queens of that linage maried into England which aboue all others taken from forayne countries haue byn most gratefull and beneficial to our land and people the exceeding charitie of the present king and of his whole nation shewed to our English catholiques abrode in this long tyme of bitter banishment persecution for their faith these thinges I say if I should repeat or set out at large would perhaps help nothing to the argumeÌ„t we haue in haÌ„d but rather geue offence tymes standing as they do and therfore I recount them not in particular but leaue them to be considered with pietie gratitude by such as are indifferent in these dayes and to be recorded in the honorable monumentes of our posteritie And so hauing answered thus much about the iniurie offered to the Spanish nation by Sir Francis in general I will passe to the approbrious speaches vsed personally agaynst their present famous and noble king once also ours with such indignitie of vnciuil and most reprochfull termes as is not sufferable And if any of the sayd kinges subiectes were to answere our knight in this demand he would cast him his gauntlet and geue him the lye and chalenge him to the defence of so notorious calumniations and therby proue him either a lying or cowardly knight or both His ordinarie termes of the most excellent most Catholique king Philip are these the ambytious king of Spayne the vsurping tyrant the proud popish champion trecherous cursed cruel and the lyke all which vyces the world knoweth â—nny herself being witnes that his Catholique Maiestie is most free of and is indewed abundantly with the opposite vertues wherof no nation hath had better proof then England by the experience we had of his sweet nature coÌ„dition both in princely behaueour pious gouernment during the few yeares he liued amongst vs ruled ouer vs which tyme notwithstaÌ„ding of his being in EnglaÌ„d this malitious sycophant will needes calumniate draw into suspition of great mysteries of iniquitie meant by him as he sayth agaynst EnglaÌ„d English people by meanes of that ioyfull mariage gouernmeÌ„t which there he had If you will geue me leaue sayth he to call to your remembrance the manner and meaning of his coming into England when he came not as an inuader to conquer but as a frend to fasten a strong league of amitie by a mariage I doubt not but to discouer the trecherous crueltie of his hart This is Sir Francis promisse and you shall see after you haue gyuen him leaue how wisely he will performe the same and how substantially he will declare vnto vs the kinges intention or at least his own inuention But before I set downe his discouerie vnder his owne hand I shall declare a litle the state of thinges whyles the Spaniards were in Queen Maries dayes in England and how the king did actually beare himself by testimonie of all those that knew him conuersed with him or lyued vnder him And then shall Sir Francis tell his tale of that he imagineth or faigneth the king would haue don in tyme and before we both haue ended I beleeue that in steed of this discouerie promised of the trecherous crueltie of
the kinges hart we shall discouer both trecherous cogging and shameles forgerie in the hart and hand of this counterfayt knight Thus then I begin the declaration The conditions of that most famous and royal mariage between the two greatest Monarches of Christēdome king Philip and Queen Marie and the conuentions agreed vpon between both nations and between the princes themselues Queē Marie the Emperour Charles then resyding in Flanders and king Philip and eche of their Councels and Parlaments are yet extant and for the most part in print wherby it may be seen that all those poyntes that this sely fellow cometh in withall now after the market ended about the succession of our realme the priuie Councel of what nation they should be the condition of our nobilitie the Parlament the lawes of the realme the portes castles and garrisons the officers of the courte and household and other lyke circumstances were particulerly treated agreed vpon and prouyded for before hand by all partes Neither was there euer any complaynt that the king or his nation brake any one of them whyle they were among vs but added rather diuers benefytes and courtesies of their owne accord aboue that which they had promised and were bound vnto As for the expences and for the furniture of the mariage so much I meane as came from abrode as also for the two Spanish and English nauies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges vntill they arryued at Portesmouth and the whole trayne from thence to winchester where he met with the Queen and the mariage was celebrated at the charges of the same King of Spayne All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them as within two or three monethes after their arryual all England was full of Spanish coyne The priuie councel of England was wholie and intirely as it was before neither was any Spaniard euer put into it the officers of the Queens household were altogether English the king for his owne affayres and his other kingdomes had a particuler Councel which interrupted not ours the nobilitie of our land was exceedingly honoured by him and many of them had particuler great pensions also yearly from him the captaynes and soldiers that he vsed of our nation as namely at the warre of Saynt Quintins he honoured highly and made them equall in all poyntes of seruice and honor with Spaniardes and payd them himself without further charges to England saue only geuing them their vpper cassockes with the crosse according to the custome The marchantes commonly he made free to enioy and vse all priuileges and preferments throughout all his kingdomes countries and prouinces and in England he had such care to yeeld our nation contentment as he gaue expresse order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out the English should be fauored and the Spaniard punished which he caused to be executed with such rigor as it cost diuers Spaniardes their lyues when the English were much more in fault and I haue heard it spoken by some of the Councel at that tyme that Queen Marie was so afflicted diuers tymes with this partialitie of the kinges towardes the English agaynst his owne nation as it cost her many a bitter teare for verie compassion shame And so much the more was she moued therewith for that she saw many English partly vpon this indulgence of the kinges and partly for that being secretly heretiques they had auersion and hatred to the Spanish nation to abuse themselues intollerably in offering most inhumane and barbarous iniuries vnto them No Spaniard could walke by night nor scars by day alone but he should be eyther wounded or thrust between two or three swashbucklers that attended particulerly to those exercyses and so put in danger of his lyf Villanous wordes were ordinarie salutations to them in the streetes as also often tymes in churches but no remedy was to be had nor would any man beare Witnes lightly in behalf of the Spaniard agaynst the English though the iniurie were neuer so manifest If any thing were to be bought in the market the Spaniard must paie dooble for it and for that most Spaniardes drunk water they must buy it also dearly in many places if they would drink it and often could not haue it for mony and diuers wells were sayd to be poysoned of malice therby to destroy the Spaniardes Many deuises were vsed to draw Spaniardes into priuate houses and familiaritie was offered them to that end and if any entred to talke with the wyf daughter or seruant as they were thought propēse in that kynde then rushed forth the husbād father brother or master that lay in wayte with other catchpoles of thesame conspiracie to apprehend them and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselues with good store of money And I haue heard from the mouth of a greate noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that tyme and now is a Vyceroy vnder the king that some English would send their wyues daughters of purpose into the fieldes where Spaniards walked to allure them to talke with them and therby to intrap them and get money from them I omit to name more violent meanes of taking purses and playne roberies and other lyke artes to get the Spaniards money from them by force which yet were many and some most barbarous and shamefull to our nation and the mention and memorie therof maketh vs blush when in other countries we are told of them as namely this that followeth which my self haue heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alyue to wit the old Count de Fuensalida cheef steward at this day of the kinges houshold who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to diuers noble men of his nation and to some others and being at the table mery and fearing nothing as in a peaceable and ciuil commonwealth it seemed he had no cause there came rushing in some twentie or thirtie maskared good fellowes with their swordes drawen and commanded that no man should stirre vnder payne of death and so kept them all at the table and their seruantes shut vp into diuers houses of offices where they were found vntill the theeues had ransaked the whole house and packed vp the siluer plate that was in store and so departed And these are the heroical actes and honorable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the ciuilitie and courtesie of our countriemen towardes Spaniards in those dayes which being obiected vnto vs in all forayne nations where we trauayle the french also recounting as bad or worse donne to them to whome at that tyme we were open enemies it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed and their eares to burne in respect of the dishonour of our countrie as also to consider what