benefit of their Habeas Corpus and this when there was no Information upon Oath as the Law appoints to justifie such a proceedure And have not the Ministers had all this pardon'd by a Parliament Doctor Welwood does make so many Repetitions himself that I hope he will not redicule me if I now and then repeat the same thoughts and set down here that Parliaments heretofore thought fit to punish and not to skreen such Arbitrary Ministers to make the reparation of the Subject more easie more certain but now they take part with the Ministers to oppress the Subject Another Parliamentary Errour under this Government is that our Legislators don't at the beginning of every Sessions read the Prince of Orange's own Declaration for there are in it some things that deserve their Reflections These are the Words of one Paragraph And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our undertaking but the preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the FREE ENJOYMENT of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Iust and Legal Government I don't know whether the present Gentlemen that meet at VVestminster take themselves to be a free Parliament but if they do here is a very fair Invitation which is also in other places expressed by declaring that the design of his coming should be to rescue the English Government from the Violencies and Disorders which had overturned the whole Constitution Really if this was true our Civil Fabrick wants a great deal of Reparation and if he was in earnest you are to blame that you don't propose solid Securities against Arbitrary Government and to prevent the possibility of Slavery for the future as the Declaration has it in another place But in troth after all I know not whether the Prince of Orange takes the present for a free Parliament because that I can name his Highness some Bills that they have determined very unanimously to be for the happiness of the Nation to which nevertheless King VVilliam has not thought fit to give his assent no he did not think fit to concur tho' some men absolutely attached to his Interest have honestly according to their Principles told him that a Prince who comes in for the sake and upon the Foot of Reformation can never stand long unless he really perform the business and design of his exaltation He has been so far from concurring that it has been observed that every Session he has taken all our Money but followed none of the Advice either of a Parliament or of such whose avowed Principles make them capable to go in heartily with his Government nay he has rejected one Bill that the whole House of Commons passed Nemine Contradicente Mr. Finch excepted â—nd which was not opposed by any body but my Lord Nottingham in th e â—ouse of Lords He hath been pleased to refuse some â—ther Bills that were notwithstanding all the pains â—e and my Lord Portland took to hinder them Voted â—y a great majority of both Houses Methinks the preâ—ent Parliament should enquire what are his thoughts concerning them since 〈◊〉 seems it is not to them that he refers the accomplishments of the ends of â—is Declaration I believe there are some that sit now in Saint Stephen's Chappel that have thought no King of England no Hereditary King of Engâ—and ought to have a Negative Voice and I wonder that no Person of â—hat perswasion disputes the Title that their Elective King has to it but inâ—tead of this now these men are in Places they can as well as other throw â—ut the Judges Bill as soon as the Prince of Orange lets them know his Will â—nd Pleasure They let him carry Absolute Monarchy to a higher pitch then â—hat in which the imagination of Xenophon placed his Cyrus for Cyrus had â—bout him many great men whom he consulted who were called his Eyes â—nd Ears and who were in a sort the Representatives of his Subjects but â—ur present House of Commons are content that our All-sufficient Monarch should â—o every thing by the advice only of that Stranger that Gaveston his Monâ—â—eur Bentinck who has the reputation of too good a Courtier to expostulate â—is Masters Will. Will you give me leave Dr. to repeat another Paragraph of the Prince â—f Orange's Declaration But to Crown all there are Great and Violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those evil Counsellours in order to the carrying on of their ill designs and the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho' there have appeared both during the Queen's PRETENDED Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of suspition that not only WE OUR SELVES but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their doubts Doctor Welwood you must forgive me if I think that it has been at least a great oversight in our Legislators that they have not charged this Crowning Male-administration home upon King Iames. This was a Male-administraâ—ion that was not only to confirm at present but to Crown and perpetuate â—ll the Male-administrations of King Iames's Reign The proof of it would â—ave effectually silenced almost all mankind in the behalf of that King It â—s such an unnatural Male-administration that I should have thought him worse then an Iâ—fidel that had so destroyed the Provisions our Law 〈◊〉 made for his Family for his Daughters I would not only have alloweâ— him insane but a Monster if this had been proved upon him The not proâ—ving this upon King Iames has laid a Foundation for Lancastrian 〈◊〉 on s and for eternal Standing Armies which must remain for a Guard tâ— our Elective Crown Had the Prince of Orange intended to have requiteâ— that most particular Affection and esteem which he says we had formerly testified to him and his dearest Consort the Princess he should not have been willing we should have been left in the dark in this matter Had the Parliament tooâ— any care for our future Security they would have cleared this point Thâ— Prince of Orange was very particularly concerned to clâ—ar it since it was thâ— most Justifiable part of hiâ— Errand hither the Parliament can never have 〈◊〉 better opportunity to be satisfied of the truth of this matter since now they and
there was written by one in the King's Interest a Paper called Honesty is the best Policy wherein the Author avers and that upon his own knowledge that that Declaration was contrary to the King 's own sence of things as he inferred from discourses that he had the honour to have personally had with the King at St. Germaines I believe was the Author known no body could justly accuse him for want either of Probity or Love to England After the Answers of these Letters came over the Iacobite Principles was written which contained notions which are plainly hinted at in this â—ast Declaration and before the Publication of this last Declaration came forth the French Conquest neither desireable nor Practicable and now it is evident by this Declaration that the good things asserted in those Pamplets in behalf of the King were not the private Suâ—mises of the Author but founded upon â—ood authorities from St. Germaines and since thâ—s Government has printed in Scotland some Letters that they have either intercepted or made I will venture so far to betray the Secrets of his Majesty as to transcribe some passages out of Letters that have been sent me from the Earl of Melfort and many others have had Letters of the same purport I have mine by me and if the Parliament will obtain a safe conâ—uct for us I will produce them and I don't question but many others of his Majesties Friends wiâ—â— produce such other Letters either written by the King or his command as would abundantly satisfie the Nation that the King is ready to do all things necessaâ—y to secure them from all those dismal Hobgoblins which some through Malice and others through Folly have bug-â—eared us withal The passages I shall transcribe out of my Letters are as follow 3 d. Iuly 1692. I had Yours of the last Month and the only one I have had this considerable time In it I find your objections to the Declaration and find that most of them are Just and what shall be help'd in the next There was not one Topick sent but was made use of and if we have failed it has been the fault of those that have not informed aright what would please and not ouâ—s and as for that draught you sent me I had it at the Sea-side when we were past thinking of Declarations As to our Intentions the King was resolved to Govern by the known Laws of the Kingdom to consult with his Parliament in all things relating to the establishment of Peace and quiet in his Kingdoms to maintain the Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects to protect the Protestant Religion and to obtain Liberty of Conscience for all Dissenters He designed to except none from his mercy excepting those who opposed his Restoration and to Govern so as that he might gain him the Love of his People and make them as fond of him as they had been violent against him and tho' he could not at this distance tell how this was to be attained to yet he was resolved if once upon the place to have persued the true methods of doing it Withal I must tell you that no Declaration was ever published by the King's authority for tho' it was printed it was not to have been dispersed till the King 's Landing and having met with some of his Friends and if they had disliked it even then it had not been Published 11 th Iuly 1692. No man in the world wishes more heartily then my self to see Bounds and Limits fairly cleared betwixt the People and Monarchy of England that so we may not oppose the Prerogative ignorantly nor unknowingly ruâ— into Arbitrary Notions against the Liberty of the Subjects if these Limits were once fixt one who meant well might tread sâ—cure which is now impossible for both Parties pretending to have right and it may be in some things without reason one may design well and yet displease both which could never occur if Prerogative and Property were once clearly defined and stated What all this may end in is hard to foretell and whether ever we shall be so happy to see things cleared on just and equal terms but of this I can assure you it is the King's desire that it should be so Aug. 29 th 1692. I am for large measures and having the Crown established upon the Love and Affections of the Subjects and that in our days we may see the King and People in mutual confidence of one another and all Jealousies and Fears and the grounds of them rooted out that the design of the Court may be the Happiness and Prosperity of the People and the design of the People to encrease the Glory of the Crown and the legal rightful Succession thereof that Liberty and Property might be secured and that Prerogative which justly belongs to the Crown Established for their protection All this might be now were England so happy to lay hâ—ld on the Conjuncture 22d Septem 1692. The French King did not so much as pretend the Forces he sent should have English Pay but his own which looks far from deâ—â—nding great Sums of the Nation and I can assure you he was as frank as any English man whatever for securing the people in the possession of their Religion Liberty and Property Let not England stand in its own way and oppose its own happiness and I 'le answer France shall not meddle nay if it were to meddle betwixt the King and his People it would be to gain the People more of their Will to humour them more not to complement the Crown AND ANY MAN OF GOOD SENCE WILL FIND REASONS OF STATE FOR THEIR SO DOING In another place of the same Letter he says that The King of France when the King was to come last Year to us said all he had to pretend to was to wish the King happy in the possession of his own and that in serving his Friend he had all he aimed at October 6 th 1692. Things shall be established upon the antient English bottom Religion Property and Liberty shall be as in the freest of times no man shall suffer for his Opinion in matters of Religion The King will have a free Parliament with whom he will consult the settling of all these upon the most lasting Foundations and differences once cleared he will govern according to Law he will have no different Interest from that of England and will make it his chief Study to gain the Love of his People and to be more Lord of their Affections then of their Persons he will avoid all Jealousies and the occasion of them and will look upon him as the worst of Traytors who would advise him to do aâ—y thing might give his People any Iealousie or Fear In short govern so as honest English men would have him mind the Interestâ—â—rade and Honour of the Nation and that against all its Rivals This is the Interest of the Nation and will be performed and being meant in the full
whom the King was displeased did not only oppose the manner but the Liberty and yet King Iames contiâ—ued them in places of the greatest Trust and was at last Sacrificed by his too great Confidence in their Fidelity Besides this how came you to reproach King Iames with ingratitude since your Master has so signalized himself for it towards those that have served him in Holland England Scotland and Ireland Why should I name the Alâ—rins c. in the Vnited Provinces Halifax Shrewsbury Delamere Wildman Manleâ— c here One of those very men that brought him the Crowâ— of Scotland The Officers of Loâ—donâ—â—rry and Iniskiâ—ling c I say why should I name these when the whole Whigg-Party every day in every Coffee-House charge him with an Ignorance of his own Interest becausâ— he scarse rewards any body but those that have opposed him He seemâ— to have a Green-sickness Palate in that matter and to love Ingratitude aâ— young Wenâ—hes do Dirt and Charcoal because it is destructive to the Constituâ—ion of his Government King William has interwoven with his Pâ—lâ— ticks all the Faults that we complained of in the time of King Iames with out immixing that Oecâ—nomie that good Husbanery that application which must be allowed even by his worst Enemies to be King Iames's Talents and It 's oâ—d not to say Râ—diculous to see the Prince of Orange every where fiâ— the Commissions of the â—eacâ— and the Militia and almost all the Places oâ— Trust with men whose Principles aâ—e diâ—ectly opposite to his own Title anâ— who opposed his Election to the Crown This is as has been formerly saâ— by a Jacobite Pamphletâ—er a Sin against the Holy Ghost of this Revolutioâ— and I am sure is a monstrous and undeniable Instance of the Prince of Orangâ— Ingratitude to those that put the Crown on his Head There remains two or three things still to which I suppose you will eâ—pect an Answer Page the seventeenth you repeat the Words of a Speeâ— the King made to the Parliament 1685. where he told them that he pleasâ— himself with the Hopes that by Gods blessing their assistance he might carry the Râ—putation of this Nation higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any â— his Ancestors These Words of this Speech you think are Synonymous 〈◊〉 this clause He has set it before his Eyes as his noblest aim to do yet more for â— Constitution than the most renowned of his Ancestors Had you taken notice â— the word Câ—â—stitution and not overâ—â—â—ked the next clause of his Declaratioâ— which is and as our chiefest Interest to leave no umbrage in relation to Religioâ— Liberty and Property I say if you had observed the word Constitution as that clause you could not fallen into such a mistake It is plain the Kiâ— designed to make himself glorious and to secure his own Interest by giviâ— us good Laws and did not in his Declaration talk of Campaigning anâ— let me assure you the less a King of England loves Wars abroad the 〈◊〉 it is for his People at home But if it will not take up too much of your time I will give you my Seâ— of that very Expression in the King's Speech 1685. and be not surpriseâ— Doctor if I declare that I firmly believe that all the King said might haâ— been brought to pass if the People of England and particularly the Stâ— Wâ—ïggs had done their part Will you not grant that the Wealth the oâ— fluence of People the greatness of their Trade the number and strength their Shipping together with the plentiful Magazines of Naval and Maâ—tial Stores raise the highest Reputation to Islanders Did not our Conquests â—pon the Continent always cost us very deaâ— in Blood and Treasure And did they not end in loss and disgrace Whilst Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth were making a noise with their Victories poor England was lamenting that vast consumption of its People and Coyn which had very near destroyed this Nation whereas the Reputation which iâ— acquired by an increase of Trade and Riches is much more durable much more extensive and will upon an Island resist with greater vigour the rude and cross shocks of Fortune I shaâ—l make this more evident by compâ—ring the Reigns of three of our â—wn Princes Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth gained many 〈◊〉 glorious Vâ—ctories and conquered several Provinces in France by which they rendred their Names dreadful to France tho' their Influences were scarse felt or feared any where else but what Fruit did England nay even themselves reap from all this The disgraces of the latter part of Edward's Reign almost withered all his former Laurels and England was so drained of Money that its Treasure with that of the Conquered Provinces was not sufficient to pay that Army upon its return which under the conduct of the Black Prince had restored Don Pedro to his Kingdom of Castile neither can we discover any better fruits of the Conquest of Henry the Fifth his Reign was short and upon ballancing of Accounts nothing fell to our share but our loss of our bravest Officers and Souldiers and an immence mass of Money thrown away in that unfortunate War Upon the other hand Queen Elizabeth by applying her Councils and Thoughts to the Shipping and Trade of this Nation did so encrease the Wealth and Strength of it as enabled her to support the whole Protestant Interest to secure Scotland from the French Clutches to recover France out of the very Jaws of the Spaniard to defend and establish the Common-wealth of Holland against all the Power of Spain and at last to break the strength of and to humble that great Monarch to whose aspiring Thoughts all Europe seemed too mean a Quarry and whose Ambition could not be satisfied with less then the Empire of the Universe By these methods she out-did all the bravest Actions of our former Kings and extended the dread and reputation of the English Name hither to confined to our bordering States to the utmost corners of the Earth and hath withal thereby Established such a solid Foundation for our future greatness as hath already withstood without any sensible decay a greater effusion of Blood and Treasure in our last Civil Wars then was spent in France in the Reigns of Edward the third and Henry the fifth which Reigns nevertheless had alalmost anihilated this Nation From all this it doth evidently appear that whensoever a King of England applys his whole thoughts to the encrease of the Shipping and Trade of this Nation he must raise our Reputation Strength and influences proportionable to the advances he makes in them That this was and must be King Iames's design and what he meant in that Speech quoted by you is pretty plain to every body that has any knowledge of King Iames his Genius who is truly a Trading and Navall King and it is as plain to any man that reads Mr Pepy's Memoires which are
submitted to the scrutiny of the Books and challenge the men that are now in the Navy and Admiralâ—y Offices as to the truth of every thing he asserts that King Iames proceeded â—uiâ—aâ—ly to it No Prince was ever more careful to encrease and encourage Trade which he understands better than any Prince in Euâ—ope None more diligent to appoint Convoys or the Security of it and none ever took juster measures in order to those â—nds None ever was more indefatigable in the encreasing of the Navy Royal None ever more industrious in filling the Magazines with Naval and Mâ—litary Stores But above all by his project of Liberty of Conscience our Trade Wealâ—h and People and consequently our Shipping would have been encreased to the envy and terrour of all our Neighbours It was an early discâ—very of those designs and measures of his which would have pâ—oved so fatal to their Common-Wealth that induced the Dâ—tch to forward the Prince's undertaking and did I think the Prince of Oâ—ange had any reâ—ard to any thing besides his own unmeaning Will could I believe he was touched with any love of his Native Soil I should believe that love upon thesâ— Considerations made him also the rather attempt the Revolution he effected I can more easily believe he did it upon that account then upon any of those Motives which were plausibly expressed in some parts of his Declaration Upon the whole those Hopes of King Iames might have been accomplished if â—hey had not been frustrated by the restiness of some the giddiness of others and the artful Treachery of too many with whom he trusted his most inward thoughts They might have been accomplished if the implacable aversion of some men to his Person of others to the Family of the Stuarts joyned with the Flatteries first of the pretended Church of England men and then of Fanaticks had not made him uncertain which way to turn and so given an easier oppertunity to his corrupted Ministers to betray him into such Councils as brought forth this Revolution Which Revolution has fatally diverted the application of our Councils Strength and Treasure into a Channel which will never turn to anaccount and into a sort of War wherein our Trade and Shipping are neglected whereby certain and inevitable Ruin is overtaking us unless we suddainly come to an end of it And notwithstanding Doctor what you say page 13 th time will inform all true English men and lovers of their Country that they ought for the sake oâ— it to set their Hands and Hearts to the Accomplishing the King's Restoration as the only means to secure to us lasting Peace and Happiâ—ess our Religion and our Liberties nor will all the bantering Stuff wherewith you declaim page 19 th and 20 th frighten us from 〈◊〉 Restoring him I have dwelt a little too long upon this Head but before I conclude I must go as far back as Page the third wherein you challenge all the Kinâ—'s Declaratiâ—n-makers to give but one single Instance from History that ever a People who nom a just and recent sence of an invasion made by a limitâ—d Monarch upon their Laws and Funâ—amental Constitution had thereupon withdrawn their Allegiance from him and conterr'd it upon another did ever afterwards willingly and tamely submâ—t to his Government again By this bold Challenge Doctor I find you have not read much History for such instances so frequently occur in the Records of all Countries that I will undertake that if you will be at the pains to search you may find for one instance where a Monarch was excluded for ever six instances where a limited Monarch dethroned by his People for Male-administrations has by the same People either himself been called back if alive or his Children if he was dead neither does the last any thing alter the case for since all these viâ—lent Hurricanes of State occasioned by popular Reformations require it may be sometime to wear oâ—â— the present Fit in that interval the expellâ—d Prince maâ— dye but if the People come again so far to themselves aâ— to restore the Children by the same Revolution of their Inclinations they would unquestionably have done the same thing to the Father if he had been alive But to produce some Instances I shall omit many that might be given from the Emperouâ—s and Princes of Germany the Antient Kings of Macedon and the several Kingdoms of Greece all which were limited Soveraignties I will not menâ—ion Feâ—dinand of Naples Charles the fourth Leuis the fourth and Charles the seventh of France nor will I speak of Sueno and Christopher the second of Denmark or Alphonso the third of Castile I will not insist upon Lasius King of Poland any more then upon those Revolutions that were not long since in Flanders Brabant c. where those People transfâ—rr'd their Allegiance to the Duke of Alanson and being so many distinct and limited Principalities make so many several Instances I say I will noâ— must upon any of these Examples tho' they are all pretty apposite and are still upon the Records of Time as you phrase it unlâ—ss you Doctor have lately razed them But to come to your own Country were not Reuther Donald Bâ—nâ— and Atherick Kings of Scotland expâ—lled by their People for their Irregularities Did not their People transfer their Allegiance to others And were not they afterwards restored by the same People the two first in their own Persons and the last in his Posterity Will you look over what we have done in England Does not Iohn Milion in his History of it tell you that Ethelred when he was expelled and the Allegiance of his People transfered was sent to by his People who declared they preferred none before their own lawful Soveraign if he would promise to Goâ—ern better than he had done I set down the Words of the Historian and if you will look into him you will find his People repâ—ssessed Ethelred upon promise to do so In the same Historian you may find no lâ—ss than two others of the same Name that were expelled and râ—called in Person by their People I will conclude this Head with the Restoration of King Charles the Second was not King Câ—aâ—les the First not only deposed but put to Death by his Subjects and that upon the Allegation of more numerous Crimes and some of them more hainous too than those charged upon King Iames Was not his Son Charles the Second after his Father's Death expelled the Kingdom and the Allegiance of the People of England transferred first to many and then to a single Person under the Name of Pâ—otector tho' in effect a King And yeâ— was not the very same despised calumniated and abjuâ—ed Charles Stuart as they then called him afterwards peaceably and willingly called home by the uniâ—ed desires of the People of England Had the Father King Charles the First been then aâ—ive would not he as cerâ—ainâ—y have been calleâ— home since the revulse of the People was