terrifie Men of great Resolution and much Constancy they do in all Humility and Duty protest before your Majesty and the Peers of this most Honourable House of Parliament against all Votes Resolutions and Determinations and that they are in themselves null and of no effect which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of this instant Month December 1641. have already passed and likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable Assembly during such time of their forced and violented absence from the said most Honourable House Not denying but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary that most Noble House might proceed in all these Premises their absence and Protestation notwithstanding And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of the House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation in their Records They will ever pray God to bless and preserve c. Jo. Eborac Williams Geo. Hereford Coke Tho. Duresme Moorton Rob. Oxon Skinner Rob. Co. Lich. Wright Ma. Ely Wren Jos. Norwich Hall Godfr Glouc. Goodman Jo. Asaphen Owen Jo. Peterburg Towers Guil. Ba. Wells Pearce Mor. Llandaff Owen On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door but no farther There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis Sir Arthur Haselrigge Mr. Jo. Pymm Mr. Jo. Hampden and Mr. William Strode whom together with the Lord Kimbolton Sir Ed. Herbert his Majesty's Attorney General had the day before charged with High Treason in the Vpper House upon seven Articles of great consequence It seems they had information of the King 's coming and were slipt aside This made a mighty noise on all hands But the business was so carried that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall and after at the Grocer's-Hall Where things were so Ordered that within two or three days these Men were with great salutes of the People brought and in a manner guarded to the Committee and after to the House at Westminster and great stir made to and fro about the Accusation of these Men and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before The King left the City and withdrew privately first to Hampton-Court after that to Windsor Many puttings on and puttings off concerning this and other great Affairs between the King and the House All which I leave to publick Records as not concerning this poor History Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general because much of the Church-business as well as the States and much of mine as well as the Churches will depend upon it CAP. XII UPon Thursday January 20. upon no Complaint that I know for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds I provided them for the Service of the State as Need might require I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it nor ever had thought to do Yet the Order is as follows both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me and to my loss for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office Die Jovis 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament That the Sheriffs of the City of London or either of them shall receive by inventory all such Ordnance and other Arms as belong to any private Persons which are to be kept to their Uses remaining now at Fox-Hall Canterbury-House the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster and in the Bishop of Winchester's House a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament But the Intents of the Lords are and it is farther Ordered that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower Upon Saturday Feb. 6. the Bill passed That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament nor have to do in Civil Affairs This was mightily strugled for almost all this Session and now obtained The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England which the antientest Family of the Nobility which now sit there and thrust them out cannot say There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires The King gave way to this Bill and so that is setled And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it it is well But it may be that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power more than is yet feared And here I must tell you two Things The one that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued and the People came in Multitudes and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes so they were still joyned out of the House Insomuch that not the People of London only but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them or framed ready for them here against they came and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House as if it were a common Grievance The other That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords which will infer this as well as some other things That these were joyned together to make the Bishops more odious to the People as if they were Popishly affected themselves and to no other end The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court and on Thurs-Day Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich and on Friday Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son But the true Cause of this intended Journey was to be out of the Fears Discontents and Dangers as she conceived of the present Times And doubtless her Discontents were many and great and what her Dangers might have been by staying or may be by going God alone knows His Majesty while he was upon that Journey sent a Message to both Houses This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all
Bed and drawing aside the Cloaths a little looked pleasantly upon me and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man long since deceased whom while alive I both knew and loved He seemed to lye upon the ground merry enough but with a wrinkled Countenance His Name was Grove While I prepared to salute him I awoke Januar. 8. Munday I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham He was glad to see me and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints which his Mother had given to him a certain Priest to me unknown had given it to her Januar. 13. Saturday The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham c. Januar. 14. Sunday towards Morning I Dreamed that the Bishop of Lincoln came I know not whether with Iron Chains But returning loosed from them leaped on Horseback went away neither could I overtake him Januar. 16. Tuesday I Dreamed that the King went out to Hunt and that when he was hungry I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank While he prepareth to eat I in the absence of others presented the Cup to him after the usual manner I carried Drink to him but it pleased him not I carried it again but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said You know that I always drink out of Glass I go away again and awoke Januar. 17. Wednesday I shew my Reasons to the King why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester concerning Bishops that they are Jure Divino should be Printed contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully and to the great detriment of the Church of England signified to the King as theKing himself had before related to me Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday I Preached at Court at White-Hall Febr. 9. Friday The following Night I Dreamed that I was troubled with the Scurvey and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose that one of them especially in the lower Jaw I could scarce hold in with my Finger till I called out for help c. Febr. 20 Tuesday John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch c. Febr. 22. Thursday I began my Journey towards New-Market where the King then was March 3. Saturday I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham Chancellor of that famous University and other Earls and Lords I was there incorporated and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke then sitting in the Congregation House The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner yet splendidly We returned March 6. Tuesday The King returned from New-Market and I with him toward London March 8. Thursday I came to London The Night following I dreamed that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome This troubled me much and I wondred exceedingly how it should happen Nor was I aggrieved with my self only by Reason of the Errors of that Church but also upon account of the Scandal which from that my fall would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England So being troubled at my Dream I said with my self that I would go immediately and confessing my fault would beg pardon of the Church of England Going with this resolution a certain Priest met me and would have stopped me But moved with indignation I went on my way And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts I awoke Herein I felt such strong impressions that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream March 12. Munday I went with the King to Theobalds I returned next day March 13. March 17. Saturday the Eve of Palm-Sunday about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham the Eldest and then only Son of George Duke of Buckingham He was then about a year and four months old He died on the Friday before Anno 1627. Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis Concionatus sum in Aulâ c. Martij 27. Die Martis sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur 〈◊〉 quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright viduae Georgij W. Militis familiaris mei Legatae erant 430 minae ampliùs Datae à Consanguineo quodam Viduae Filiis Nomine Farnham Ad instantiam Viduae quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae Dux enim erat Magister Equitum dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem daturusque eram Viduae ut mitteret in Hiberniam ubi Executor degebat hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis Dixi quid pro Viduâ Liberis ejus tum egi Cogitabundus paulisper respondit Executorem sibi dum in vivis esset satisfecisse pro Legatis illis Et statim inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente addidit iterum ita esse Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit me causam esse cur Episcopus Lin. non iterum admitteretur in gratiam in Aulam Apr. 4. Die Mercurij Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit literis nunquam delendis cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo Regi in corde scripsi Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni Dum Aulam petij ut Regiae coenae servus intersim è Rhedâ exeuns titubante pede praeceps ruebam graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus sed miserante Deo contusâ 〈◊〉 Coxendice idque leviter evasi Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis 〈◊〉 ad me missae sunt Exceptiones quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp quae sequuntur Apr. 29. Die Solis Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus In honorem 〈◊〉 bonum Regni Ecclesiae oro 〈◊〉 Deus Maij 13. Die Pentecostes Concionem habui coram 〈◊〉 c. Anno 1627. March 25. Easter-day I Preached at Court c. March 27. Tuesday That Night I had the following Dream Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham to the Widow and her Children When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy I had at the desire of the Widow obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham for the Duke was Master of the Horse and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service when I had now those Letters in my Hands and was about to deliver them to the Widow that she might send them into Ireland where the Executor dwelt this Night Sir George Wright appeared to
King and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person Aug. 7. Wednesday An absolute Settlement between me and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large God bless me in it Aug. 14. Wednesday A Report brought to me that I was Poisoned Aug. 17. Saturday I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday Aug. 21. I acquainted his Majesty with it But my answer again was that somewhat dwelt within me which would not suffer that till Rome were other than it is Aug. 25. Sunday My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock Septemb. 19. Thursday I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury The Lord make me able c. The Day before viz. Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth my Coach Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat which was over-laden but I Praise God for it I lost neither Man nor Horse A wet Summer and by it a Casual Harvest The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time There was Barley abroad this Year within 30 Miles of London at the end of October Novemb. 13. Wednesday Richard Boyer who had formerly named himself Lodowick was brought into the Star-Chamber for most grosly Misusing me and Accusing me of no less than Treason c. He had broke Prison for Felony when he did this His Censure is upon Record And God forgive him About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November And a little after that one Green came into the Court at St. James's with a great Sword by his Side swearing the King should do him Justice against me or he wou'd take another course with me All the wrong I ever did this Man was that being a poor Printer I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life God preserve me and forgive him He was committed to Newgate Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son James Duke of York at St. James's Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me by L. T. c. This brake out then Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me though my Wealth be small And I hope God will bless me in it because it was his own Motion in me For this way never came into my Thoughts though I had much beaten them about it till this Night as I was at my Prayers Amen Lord. Anno 1634. March 30. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now and somewhat before great Fractions in Court And I doubt many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service Good Lord preserve me Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix and what I said at that Censure in which he hath many ways mistaken me and spoken untruth of me Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber shewed him the Letter asked him whether it were his hand Mr. Prynn said he could not tell unless he might read it The Letter being given into his hand he tore it into small pieces threw it out at the Window and said that should never rise in Judgment against him Fearing it seems an Ore tenus for this Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him for this into the Star-Chamber where all this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn I there forgave him c. Julij 26. I received word from Oxford that the Statutes were accepted and published according to my Letters in the Convocation-House that Week Aug. 9. Saturday Mr. William Noye his Majesties Atturney General dyed at Brainford circa Horam Noctis Decimam And Sunday Morning August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon before I was out of my Bed I have lost a dear Friend of him and the Church the greatest she had of his Condition since she needed any such Aug. 11. One Rob Seal of St Albans came to me to Croydon told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People And a Hand appeared unto him and Death and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth and made him swear he would do so and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie So I troubled not my self further with him or it Aug. 30. Saturday At Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate address to her when I had Occasion Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took and it held me above three weeks Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November save three days frost the dryest and fairest time The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December The Waters so low that the Barges could not pass God bless us in the Spring after this green Winter Decemb. 1. Munday My Antient Friend E. R. came to me and performed great Kindness which I may not forget Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches it was Thursday Decemb. 10. Wednesday That Night the Frost began the Thames almost frozen and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after Dec. 15. X. E. R. Januar. 8. Thursday I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham in the Closet at White-Hall Januar. 5. Munday-night being Twelfth-Eve the Frost began again the Thames was frozen over and continued so till February 3. 1634. A mighty Flood at the Thaw Feb. 5. Thursday I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue c. March 1. Sunday The great business which the King commanded me to think on and give him account and L. T. March 14. Saturday I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer upon the death of Richard Lord Weston Lord High Treasurer of England That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall a great deal of free and clear expression if it will continue March 16. Munday I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee by the King March 22. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Anno 1635. April 9. Wednesday and from thence-forward all in firm Kindness between K.
of his and the King's Enemies Out of doubt this Petition proceeds from Devotion not from Malice And if the Scots when they Invaded England upon a Treacherous Plot and Conjuncture with the like Faction here that so both might have their Ends against the King and the Church were not God's Enemies and the Kings the Prayer meddles not with them If they were as for my part I must believe if I judge by their Actions they deserve all that can be prayed against them so long as they continue in that Disobedience And yet the Prayer was not as 't is said against their Nation by Name No God forbid their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God and Loyal Subjects to their King But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God and the King Now follows the Conclusion Whosoever will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons and Common Prayer what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years past in England by his Disciples and Emissaries What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine his own Creatures his nearest Familiars and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects shall perceive that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks and Reformation of Religion which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting and had by this time rendred up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented us The Conclusion is like the rest much said in it and nothing proved Where first I desire no favour but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet Pious and Judicious Reader of all things done by me in the one Book or the other Next for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine I perswade my self the Intelligent and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation And if they whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business have slipped any thing they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf Thirdly what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine I know not This I know 't is an Easie but a base thing to abuse the Dead who cannot answer for themselves And they which are so over-bold with the Living may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave But whereas it is said that these worthy Men for such they were were my Creatures my nearest Familiars my willing Instruments and the like This I do here avow for truth I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys late Prelate of Edinburgh The first time that ever I saw him was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty After that time I never saw him till I attended his Majesty that now is as Dean of his Chappel into Scotland in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship no Letters had passed between us Then he Preached again very Learnedly and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh which was done accordingly and to my Remembrance he lived not above a Year after or very little more And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me With the Bp. of Dunblaine Dr. Wedderborne I confess I had more and longer Acquaintance for he lived some Years in England and was recommended unto me as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon who was not like to teach him any Popery and who certainly would not have retained him so long or so near unto him had he not found him a deserver After I came acquainted with him I wished him very well for his worth sake and did what I could for him to enable him to live But sure if my Intentions were so deep as they are after said to be he could be no fit Instrument for me he being a meer Scholar and a Book-Man and as unfit for as unacquainted with such Counsels and Projects as these Men would make me Author of And if my Intentions were so deep out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them This for the Men. But for the Matter if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought their Credit must answer for them to the World as their Conscience hath already done to God And for my own part I protest I do not nor ever did know of any such Papers which they had or left behind nor do I believe they left any behind them but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity But my Intentions they say were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks Surely the deeper the worse if they were so ill But as I cannot be so vain to assume to my self any such depth So I humbly thank God for it I am free from all such wickedness The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom was to wish it like the Church of England and so much better as it should please God to make it And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them was how they might not only be wished but made so As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions which they say was panting and had given up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them First this is under Favour most untrue and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government Secondly I shall take leave to Prophesy that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be 〈◊〉 that all stand for matters of Religion both Doctrine and Discipline and that rather with addition to the Churches Power than detracting from it as they then did when these Men say the Reformation was pantting and giving up the Ghost I much doubt that neither they nor their Childrens Children after shall see such Happy Days again for all things as these were which they so unthankfully to God and their King murmured against and as these Men yet snarl at And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action in such a wonderful way of Mercy if ever they awake out of this Lethargy for better it is not they will then see whence he is and whither he tends They add to this That if the Pope himself had been in his place he could not have been more Popish nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks to
for Mr. Greece who hath laboured much against me in all this Business God forgive him and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me God preserve him from his Father's End From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals and first to Canterbury Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare the two Witnesses two Prebendaries of that Church Dr Jackson and Dr Blechenden And first Dr Jackson says the Bowing was versus Altare So not to but toward the Altar and Dr Blechenden says it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God to whom if no Altar were there I should Bow Dr Jackson says this Bowing was to his Grief Strange I avow to your Lordships and the World no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church as he And for this Particular he never found the least fault with it to me and if he conceal his Grief I cannot ease it He says this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him For Dr. Blechenden says the Communion-Table was railed about and Bowings before it when he came first to be a Member of that Church and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach or not Performance of this Reverence I could tell your Lordships how often Dr Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized As for the Statutes my Secretary Mr Dell who copied them out testified here to the Lords that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester But there 's nothing but the old Objections Copes And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon and Reverence at coming in and going out of the Church And that great Kings have not in better Ages thought much to do And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church for 't is confessed the Injunction sent thither requires that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England So this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions But for the Copes in Cathedrals Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied For he said the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope Be it so But they must have that before they can wear it And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one my Injunction might require the providing and using of one Besides if there be no Popery no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one then certainly there can be none in the having of more for the same use The Superstition being lodged in the misuse not in the number From the Cathedrals Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches And First 't is Charged That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table But for ought I know this might have been concealed For it was liked so well that they to whom the Seats belonged removed them at their own Charges that the other might be done The next instance was in St Gregory's Church by S Pauls The Charge was the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise To the Charge it self Answer is given before The Particulars which are new are these The Witness Mr Wyan He says the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S Pauls And S Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary not by me He says next That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard and his Majesty present And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction about placing the Communion-Table In all this here 's nothing Charged upon me but maintenance of the Injunction And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it He says Sir Henry Martin came and saw it and said it would make a good Court Cupboard If Sir Henry did say so the Scorn ill became either his Age or Profession though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser God forgive them who have in Print called it so He says That hereupon I did say that he which spake that had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom This Man's Memory serves him long for Words This was many Years since and if I did speak any thing sounding this way 't is more like I should say Schismatical than Stigmatical Puritan But let him look to his Oath and which Word soever I used if Sir Henry used the one he might well hear the other For a prophane Speech it was and little becoming a Dean of the Arches He says that soon after this Sir Henry was put out of his Place Not very soon after this for I was at the time of this Business as far as I remember Bishop of London and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place After when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void neither could Sir Henry himself deny it And being void and in my Gift I gave it to another He says farther That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God in Bishop Jewel and Mr Fox his Judgment and that I replied it were better they should not have these Books in Churches than so to abuse them First for ought I yet know and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at their Judgment rightly understood is not so Secondly Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars and yet not differ from the Church of England As in this very Particular the Injunction for placing of the Table so is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England And I concieve the Queen then upon the Act of Reformation would not have enjoyned it nor the Church obeyed it had it been against the Word of God Thirdly if I did say That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs it were better they had them not in the Churches They gave too great occasion for the Speech For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed nor is that so much as Charged but said only thus That if no better use
And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs Printed An 1642. since this Parliament began and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me or any my Chappel Windows Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal I desired they might be read It was thought too tedious They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large I thought fit to Write them there 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his Then it was inferred at the Bar That it must be taken as my Act if it were done by my Chaplain But Inferences are no sworn Proof And I conceive no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it Then it was urged but without any Proof too that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me To which I shall answer when Proof is made And if I had 't is far enough from Treason 6. The next Instance was about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says the Book was Licensed and that a Papist thereupon said doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books That I was informed of these Words and the Book called in the next Day First Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words Secondly if any Papist did say so it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth and they which License Books must indure many and various Censures as the Readers of them stand affected Thirdly if any Papist did so speak I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief as much as in him lay Fourthly this is a very bold Oath For he swears that I was Informed of these Words He was not present to hear it and then he can have it but by Hearsay and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth which he doth but hear Lastly the Book was called in because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing Yea but Mr. Pryn Swears and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree But first Sparks his Oath is uncertain for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree and then by and by after says it was about that time Now the Book is somwhat large so that it might be sent him before the Decree and yet not be Printed till after and that a good space too And Secondly Mr. Pryn himself confesses the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament and of King James concerning Vorstius and Bertius First I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it Secondly King James his Declaration is very Learned But under Favour he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England and so Expressed by himself And to which I ever Consented And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords and yet for the Peace of Christendom and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism And here comes in Michael Sparks who says He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission And so not singly chargable against me Besides he is single in this Business He says he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission and never Sentenced This is more than I know But if it be so he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power the Church-Government never had He was Mr. Pryn's Printer He says I was a Dean then and he thinks of Hereford I was never Dean of Hereford But howsoever this is a dangerous Oath let him think of it He Swears that I was a Dean then and a High-Commissioner or else what had I to do in the Business Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner till I had been a Bishop some Years For the Book it self Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it But so far as I remember it was expresly against the King's Declaration And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this yet I remember no Proof he brought for it 8. The last Instance was pregnant and brought forth many Particulars As First Dr Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague But this was Still-born at least it says nothing of me Secondly Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity and against Dr Cosens both burnt But he doth not say absolutely burnt but as he is informed and he may be informed amiss And howsoever he says it was done by the High-Commission not by me Thirdly some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self And whereas it was here said at the Bar They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly could I bring Witnesses from Oxford how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts Fourthly Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials But himself confesses that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information that as that Cause was laid the High-Commission had no power in it he was dismissed Fifthly That about his Book Intituled Babel no Bethel he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual whensoever the Court was full of Business to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before that all whom it concerned might take notice of it and provide themselves Sixthly he says he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him but if he did I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults Seventhly he says he claimed the Petition of
He who sails in the midst of dangerous Rocks may justly fear and expect a Wrack Eighthly That the late Scottish Trouble and Wars were both plotted and raised by these Jesuitical Conspirators of purpose to force the King to resort to them and their Popish Party for Aid of Men and Money against the Scots and by Colour thereof to raise an Army of their own to gain the King into their Power and then to win or force him to what Conditions they pleased who must at least-wise promise them an universal Toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions e're they will yield to assist him And in case they conquer or prevail he must then come fully over to their Party or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another World as his Father they say was it 's likely by their Instruments or Procurement they are so conusant of it and then the Prince yet young and well enclined to them already by his Education being got into their Hands by this wicked Policy shall soon be made an Obedient Son of the Church of Rome Thus the Relator a chief Actor in this pre-plotted Treason discovers And if his single Testimony though out of a wounded Conscience will not be believed alone the ensuing Circumstances will abundantly manifest the Scottish Wars to be plotted and directed by them For Con the Pope's Legat Hamilton the Queen's Agent most of the Jesuits then about London Captain Read their Host the Lord Sterling with other chief Actors in the Plot being all Scots and employing Maxfield and he two other Popish Scots in raising these Tumults the Earl of Arundel another principal Member of this Conspiracy being by their procurement made General of the first Army against the Scots and most of his Commanders Papists the Papists in all Counties of England upon the Queen's Letters directed to them contributing large Sums of Money besides Men Arms and Horses to maintain this War Sir Toby Matthew the most Industrious Conspirator in the Pack making a Voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland to stir up the Papists there to contribute Men Arms Moneys to subdue the Scottish Covenanters yea Marquess Hamilton's own Chaplain employed as the King's Commissioner to appease these Scots holding Correspondency with Con and resorting to him in private to impart the Secrets of that business to him the general Discontent of the Papists and Conspirators upon the first Pacification of those Troubles which they soon after infringed and by new Contributions raised a second Army against the Scots when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintain the War All these concurring Circumstances compared with the Relation will ratifie it past Dispute that this War first sprung from these Conspirators Ninthly That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland and Wars in England originally issued from and were plotted by the same Conspirators For the Scottish War producing this setled Parliament beyond their expectation which they foresaw would prove fatal to this their long-agitated Conspiracy if it continued undissolved thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners coming over into England and confederating with the Dutchess of Buckingham Captain Read and other of these Conspirators who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland they plotted an universal Rebellion Surprisal and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdom which though in part prevented by a timely discovery securing Dublin and some few Places else yet it took general Effect in all other Parts to the loss of about an Hundred and Forty Thousand Protestants Lives there massacred by them And finding themselves likely to be overcome there by the Parliament's Forces sent hence and from Scotland to relieve the Protestant Party thereupon to work a Diversion they raised a Civil Bloody War against the Parliament here in England procuring the King after Endymion Porter a principal Conspirator in the Plot had gained the Custody of the Great Seal of England to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seal proclaiming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebels to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists contrary to his former Proclamations to raise Popish Forces both at Home and in Foreign parts for his Defence as his trustiest and most loyal Subjects to send Letters and Commissions of Favour to the Irish Rebels and hinder all Supplies from hence to the Protestant Party And withal they procured the Queen by the Earl of Antrim and Dutchess of Buckingham's Mediation to send Ammunition to the Irish Rebels and to attempt to raise an Insurrection in Scotland too as the Declaration of the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland more largely discovers Seeing then all may clearly discern the exact Prosecution of this Plot carried on in all these Wars by the Conspirators therein particularly nominated by the Queen and Popish Party in all Three Kingdoms and in Foreign Parts too who have largely contributed Men Money Arms Ammunition to accomplish this Grand Design through the Instigation of those Conspirators in this Plot who are gone beyond the Seas and have lately caused publick Proclamations to be made in Bruges and other parts of Flanders in July last as appears by the Examination of Henry Mayo since seconded by others That all People who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE RO-MAN CATHOLICKS IN ENGLAND should have it repaid them again in a Years time with many Thanks the whole World must now of Necessity both see and acknowledge unless they will renounce their own Eyes and Reason that this Conspiracy and Plot is no feigned Imposture but a most real perspicuous agitated Treachery now driven on almost to its Perfection the full Accomplishment whereof unless Heaven prevent it the Catholicks of England expect within the Circuit of one Year as the forenamed Proclamations intimate Tenthly That no setled Peace was ever formerly intended nor can now be futurely expected in England or Ireland without an universal publick Toleration at the least of Popery and a Repeal and Suspension of all Laws against it this being the very Condition in the Plot which the King must condescend to e're the Papists would engage themselves to assist him in these Wars thus raised by them for this end And that none may doubt this Verity the late most insolent bold Demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them the present Suspension of all Laws against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesty's Power the uncontrolled multitudes of Masses in his Armies Quarters Wales the North and elsewhere the open Boasts of Papists every where most really proclaim it And if the King after all their many Years restless Labour Plot Costs Pains and pretended Fidelity to his Cause against the Parliament should deny these Merit-mongers such a diminutive Reward as this is the very least they will expect now they have him the Prince and Duke within their Custody Bristol Chester Ireland all his Forccs in their Power this Discoverer an Eye and
shortly to follow and therewith give to the Publick what farther Account of them I shall then judge necessary The Originals both Diary and History I intend at my Death to leave to St John's Colledge in Oxford where the Authour the Arch-Bishop was bred to which place he ever bore so great a Love and where his Body now remaineth Which Intention of mine I chose here to mention that the 〈◊〉 and Fellows of that Colledge may hereafter if they shall think so 〈◊〉 demand them from my Executors To conclude although Private and Personal Matters or Affections ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be admitted to accompany a Work of such a publick Nature yet I cannot forbear to say that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me that in the Edition of this Work I have been able to serve the Illustrious Author of it and my most Reverend Deceased Patron and the Church of England at the same time And more particularly that I account it the most Fortunate Transaction of my whole Life to have contributed herein to the vindication of the Memory and the Cause of that most Excellent Prelate and Blessed Martyr to whom I have always paid a more especial Veneration ever since I was able to form any Judgment in these matters as firmly believing him to have taken up and prosecuted the best and most effectual Method although then in great measure unsuccessful through the malignity of the Times and to have had the Noblest the most Zealous and most sincere Intentions therein towards Re-establishing the Beauty the Honour and the Force of Religion in that part of the Catholick Church the Church of England to the Service of which I have entirely devoted my Life my Labours and my Fortunes Feb 2. 1693 4. Hen. Wharton THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME ARch-Bishop Laud's Diary of his Life wrote by himself and published from the Original Pag. 1 His Account of matters of Piety and Charity projected to be done by himself 68 His large History of his own Troubles and Tryal divided into CHAPTERS 71 CAP. I. An Account of his first Accusation and Commitment 73 CAP. II. Of the Original Causes and Occasions of his Troubles 75 CAP. III. The Articles exhibited against him to the Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners with an Answer to them 87 CAP. IV. The Additional Charge of the Scots exhibited against him with an Answer to it 137 CAP. V. An Account of what passed in relation to him or his Cause from his Commitment to Febr. 26. 〈◊〉 144 CAP. VI. An Account of what Passed at the Bar of the House of Lords when the Commons brought up their Charge against him 148 CAP. VII The first Articles of the Commons exhibited against him with an Answer to them 〈◊〉 CAP. VIII An Account of his Commitment to the Tower and what passed 〈◊〉 thence to March 13. 〈◊〉 174 CAP. IX Of what passed from thence to May 1. 1641. Pag. 176 CAP. X. Of what passed from thence to September 23. 1641. 181 CAP. XI Of what passed from thence to January 4. 〈◊〉 183 CAP. XII Of what passed from thence to February 24 〈◊〉 187 CAP. XIII Of what passed from thence to March 6 〈◊〉 190 CAP. XIV Of what passed from thence to March 24. 〈◊〉 192 CAP. XV. Of what passed from thence to May 16. 1642 194 CAP. XVI Of what passed from thence to January 6. 〈◊〉 196 CAP. XVII Of what passed from thence to May 27. 1643. 200 CAP. XVIII Of the Search made upon him in the Tower and his Papers taken away from him May 31. 1643. 205 CAP. XIX Of what passed from thence to October 3. 1643. 207 CAP. XX. Of what passed from thence to March 9. 1643 4. 211 CAP. XXI An Account of the Preliminaries and Preparation to his Tryal which began March 12 〈◊〉 216 CAP. XXII An account of his First Day 's Tryal March 12. 1643 4. 220 CAP. XXIII Of the Second Day 's Tryal March 13 〈◊〉 229 CAP. XXIV Of the Third Day 's Tryal March 16. 〈◊〉 242 CAP. XXV Of the Fourth Day 's Tryal March 18. 1643 4. 244 CAP. XXVI Of the Fifth Day 's Tryal March 22. 1643 4. 260 CAP. XXVII Of the Sixth Day 's Tryal March 28 1644. 270 CAP. XXVIII Of the Preparation to the Seventh Day 's Tryal 280 CAP. XXIX Of the Seventh Day 's Tryal Apr. 16. 1644. 282 CAP. XXX Of the Eighth Day 's Tryal May 4. 1644. 292 CAP. XXXI 〈◊〉 the Ninth Day 's Tryal May 16. 1644. 301 CAP. XXXII Of the Tenth Day 's Tryal May 20. 1644. 310 CAP. XXXIII Of the Eleventh Day 's Tryal May 27. 1644. Pag. 317 CAP. XXXIV Of the Twelfth Day 's Tryal June 6. 1644. 329 CAP. XXXV Of the Thirteenth Day 's Tryal June 11. 1644. 338 CAP. XXXVI Of the Fourteenth Day 's Tryal June 14. 1644. 347 CAP. XXXVII Of the Fifteenth Day 's Tryal June 20. 1644. 354 CAP. XXXVIII Of the Sixteenth Day 's Tryal June 27. 1644. 390 CAP. XXXIX Of the Seventeenth Day 's Tryal July 5. 1644. 366 CAP. XL. Of the Eighteenth Day 's Tryal July 17. 1644. 374 CAP. XLI Of the Nineteenth Day 's Tryal July 24. 1644. 389 CAP. XLII Of the Twentieth Day 's Tryal July 29. 1644. 400 CAP. XLIII The Arch-Bishop's Recapitulation of his Defence made at the Bar of the House of Lords Sept. 2. 1644. 412 CAP. XLIV The Plea or Defence made for the Arch-Bishop by his Councel at the Bar of the House of Lords Octob. 11. 1644. 422 CAP. XLV The Arch-Bishop's Defence of himself at the Bar of the House of Commons Novemb. 11. 1644. 432 CAP. XLVI An Account of what passed from thence in both Houses to his Condemnation Jan. 4. 〈◊〉 441 A short Account of the Arch-Bishop's Condemnation Suffering taken from Mr. Rushworth's Collections 443 A larger Account of the same and of the manner of his Suffering taken from Dr. Heylin's Life of him 444 The Arch-Bishop's Speech made upon the Scaffold Jan 10 〈◊〉 with his Prayers and behaviour there 447 The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament 454 Nine Passages taken out of the Arch-Bishop's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit referr'd to in the preceding History 458 Twelve Passages out of other Printed Books referr'd to in the preceding History and Tryal 461 The Arch-Bishop's large Answer to the Speech of the Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy Pag. 470 The Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province presented to the King with the King 's Apostils or Marginal Notes upon them 515 The King's Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Abbot in the Year 1629. 517 Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1632. 519 The Kings Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Laud in the Year 1634. 520 A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1635. 523 A Note of Arch-Bishop Sancroft and a Letter to him about the same 524 Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1633. 525 His Account for the
plucked with this Sickness c. October 20. Munday I was forced to put on a Truss for a Rupture I know not how occasioned unless it were with swinging of a Book for my Exercise in private Novemb. 29. Felton was Executed at Tyburn for killing the Duke and afterwards his Body was sent to be Hanged in Chains at Portsmouth It was Saturday and St. Andrew's Even and he killed the Duke upon Saturday St. Bartholomew's Even December 25. I Preached at White-Hall December 30. Wednesday The Statutes which I had drawn for the reducing of the Factious and Tumultuary Election of Proctors in Oxford to several Colledges by course and so to continue were passed in Convocation at Oxford no Voice dissenting January 26. Munday the 240 Greek Manuscripts were sent to London-House These I got my Lord of Pembrooke to buy and give to Oxford January 31. Saturday-night I lay in Court I dreamed that I put off my Rochet all save one sleeve and when I would have put it on again I could not find it Feb. 6. Friday Sir Thomas Roe sent to London-House 28 Manuscripts in Greek to have a Catalogue drawn and the Books to be for Oxford March 2. Munday The Parliament to be dissolved declared by Proclamation upon some disobedient passages to his Majesty that day in the House of Commons March 10. Tuesday the Parliament Dissolved the King present The Parliament which was broken up this March 10. laboured my ruin but God be ever blessed for it found nothing against me Anno 1629. March 29. Sunday Two Papers were found in the Dean of Paul's his Yard before his House The one was to this effect concerning my self Laud look to thy self be assured thy Life is sought As thou art the Fountain of all Wickedness Repent thee of thy monstrous Sins before thou be taken out of the World c. And assure thy self neither God nor the World can endure such a vile Councellor to live or such a Whisperer or to this effect The other was as bad as this against the Lord Treasurer Mr. Dean delivered both Papers to the King that Night Lord I am a grievous Sinner but I beseech thee deliver my Soul from them that hate me without a Cause April 2. Thursday Maundy-Thursday as it came this Year About Three of the Clock in the Morning the Lady Dutchess of Buckingham was delivered of her Son the Lord Francis Villiers whom I Christened Tuesday Apr. 21. Apr. 5. I Preached at White-Hall Maij 13. Wednesday This Morning about Three of the Clock the Queen was delivered before her Time of a Son He was Christened and Died within short space his Name Charles This was Ascention Eve The next Day being Maij 14. Ascention Day Paulò ante mediam Noctem I Buried him at Westminster If God repair not this loss I much fear it was Descention-day to this State Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris I fell sick upon the way towards the Court at Woodstock I took up my Lodging at my ancient Friend's House Mr. Francis Windebanck There I lay in a most grievous burning Fever till Munday Sept. 7. Septemb. 7. On which Day I had my last Fit Octob. 20. I was brought so low that I was not able to return towards my own House at London till Tuesday Octob. 29. Octob. 26. I went first to present my humble Duty and Service to his Majesty at Denmark-House Munday 26. Octob. March 21. After this I had divers Plunges and was not able to put my self into the service of my Place till Palm-Sunday which was March 21. Anno 1630. Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward being Chancellor of the University of Oxford died of an Apoplexie Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor and word was brought me of it the next Morning Munday April 28. Wednesday The University came up to the Ceremony and gave me my Oath Maij 29. Saturday Prince Charles was born at St. James's Paulò ante Horam primam post Meridiem I was in the House 3. Hours before and had the Honour and the Happiness to see the Prince before he was full one Hour old Junij 27. Sunday I had the Honour as Dean of the Chappel my Lord's Grace of Canterbury being infirm to Christen Prince Charles at St. James's Horâ ferè quintâ Pomeridianâ August 22. Sunday I Preached at Fulham Aug. 24. Tuesday St Bartholomew Extream thunder Lightning and Rain The Pestilence this Summer The greatest Week in London was 73. à 7. Octob. ad 14. spread in many Places miserably in Cambridge The Winter before was extream wet and scarce one Week of Frost This Harvest scarce A great Dearth in France England the Low-Countreys c. Octob. 6. Wednesday I was taken with an extream Cold and Lameness as I was waiting upon St. George his Feast at Windsor and forced to return to Fulham where I continued ill above a Week Octob. 29. Friday I removed my Family from Fulham to London-house Novemb. 4. Thursday Leighton was degraded at the High Commission Novemb. 9. Tuesday That Night Leighton broke out of the Fleet. The Warden says he got or was 〈◊〉 over the Wall the Warden professes he knew not this till Wednesday Noon He told it not me till Thursday Night He was taken again in Bedfordshire and brought back to the Fleet within a Fortnight Novemb. 26. Friday Part of his Sentence was executed upon him at Westminster Decemb. 7. Tuesday The King Sware the Peace with Spain Don Carlo Colonna was Embassadour Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King Christmas-day January 16. Sunday I Consecrated St. Catherine Creed-Church in London January 21. The Lord Wentworth Lord President of the North and I c. In my little Chamber at London-House Friday January 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the Fields Sunday Feb. 20. This Sunday Morning Westminster-Hall was found on Fire by the Burning of the little Shops or Stalls kept there It is thought by some Pan of Coals left there over night it was taken in time Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday I preached in Court at White-Hall March 20. Sunday His Majesty put his great Case of Conscience to me about c. Which I after answered God Bless him in it The Famine great this Time But in part by Practice Anno 1631. March 27. Coronation day and Sunday I Preached at St. Paul's Cross. April 10. Easter-Munday I fell ill with great pain in my throat for a Week It was with Cold taken after Heat in my service and then into an Ague A fourth part almost of my Family Sick this Spring June 7. Tuesday I Consecrated the Chappel at Hammersmith June 21. Tuesday and June 26. Saturday My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. I pray God bless us in it June 26. My business with L. T. c. about the Trees which the King had given me in Shotover towards my building in St. John's at Oxford Which work I resolved on in November last And
found him with his Mother sitting in the Room It was a fair Chamber he went away and I went after but missed him and after tyred my self extreamly but neither could I find him nor so much as the House again Anno 1637 March 30. Thursday I Christened the Lady Princess Ann King Charles his third Daughter She was born on Friday March 17. Junij 10. My Book of the Records in the Tower which concerned the Clergy and which I caused to be Collected and Written in Vellam was brought me finished 'T is ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4. Junij 14. This Day Jo Bastwick Dr of Physick Hen Burton Batch of Divinity and Will Prynne Barrister at Law were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church c. Junij 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber was commanded by the King to be Printed And it came out Junij the 25. Junij 26. This Day Munday The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert began their Journey toward the Sea Side to return for Holland Junij 30. Friday the above named three Libellers lost their Ears Julij 7. Friday A Note was brought to me of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Memento for the last of June Julij 11. Tuesday Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering and corrupting of Wit in the King's Cause Julij 24. Being Munday He was suspended by the High Commission c. Aug. 3. Thursday I Married James Duke of Lenox to the Lady Mary Villars sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth the Day very Rainy the King present Aug. 23. Wednesday My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls That the Devil had lett that House to me c. Aug. 25. Friday Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle in the Snuff going out in a Stench Aug. 25. The same Day at Night my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside My Speech in the Star-Chamber set in a kind of Pillory c. Aug. 29. Tuesday Another short Libel against me in Verse Octob. 22. Sunday A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport Speech of it at the Council My free Speech there to the King concerning the increasing of the Roman Party the Freedom at Denmark-house the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night and highly displeased with me and so continues Novemb. 22. Wednesday The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began and continued till Decemb. 8. Decemb. 12. Tuesday I had Speech with the Queen a good space and all about the Business of Mr. Montague but we parted fair Anno 1638. April 29. The Tumults in Scotland about the Service-Book offered to be brought in began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger No question but there is a great Concurrence between them and the Puritan Party in England A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion c. Maij 26. Saturday James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth as the King's Commissioner to appease the Tumults in Scotland God prosper him for God and the King It was a very Rainy Day June My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford by my Visitors was Adjourned to my own Hearing against and upon Octob. 2. Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam tertiam Lambeth The Warden appeared very foul Octob. 19. Friday News was brought to us as we sate in the Star-Chamber That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich many and great Apprehensions upon this Business Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before and after the Water-men called it Q Mother Weather Octob. 26. Friday A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames I was in it going from the Star-Chamber Home between six and seven at Night I was never upon the Water in the like Storm And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge Octob. 31. Wednesday The Q Mother came into London and so to St James's Novemb. 13. Tuesday The Agreement between me and Ab. S. c. Novemb. 21. Wednesday The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit. Novemb. 29. Thursday The Proclamation issued out for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland under pain of Treason Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding and made many strange Acts till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday and then they rose But have indicted another Assembly against July next Januar. 14. Munday About 5. at Night a most grievous Tempest of Wind Thunder Lightning and Rain Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed and this day being Sunday I delivered a Copy to his Majesty Feb. 12. Tuesday-night I dreamed that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow And that I was called upon to do it No Service-Book could be found and in my own Book which I had I could not find the Order for Marriage Anno 1639. March 27. Wednesday Coronation-day King Charles took his Journey Northward against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success March 29. Friday An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark forty Houses burnt down April 3. Wednesday Before the King 's going I setled with him a great business for the Queen which I understood she would never move for her self The Queen gave me great Thanks And this day I waited purposely on her to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance She was pleased to be very free with me and to promise me freedom April 29. Munday This day the King went from York toward New-Castle but stayeth at Durham for a week at least Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday As I was going to do my duty to the Queen an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen the other to excite the Apprentices c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn a Prisoner in the Fleet Sentenced in the Star-Chamber c. Junij 5. Wednesday I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council Junij 15 17. Saturday and Munday The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom Junij 28. Friday I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew Arabick and Persian
to be there at Seven in the Morning as if need be I can prove by sufficient Witness and at that Hour I came By this accident I came late and found a Resolution taken to Vote the dissolution of that Parliament and the Votes entred upon my Lord Cottington being in his Speech when I came into the Council-Chamber All Votes concurred to the ending of that Parliament save two The Persons dissenting were the Earls of Northumberland and Holland I co-operated nothing to this breach but my single Vote Yet the very next day Libels were set up in divers parts of the City animating and calling together Apprentices and others to come and meet in St. George's Fields for the Hunting of William the Fox for the Breach of the Parliament This setting up of Libels and animation of the baser People continued I acquainted his Majesty and the Council with it But upon Munday night following being May 11. Five Hundred of them came about my House at Lambeth to offer it and me violence By God's Merciful Providence I had some Jealousie of their intent and before their coming left the best Order I could to secure my House and by the Advice of some Friends went over the water and lay at my Chamber in White-Hall that Night and some other following So I praise God no great hurt was done One young Fellow only had a little hurt with a Dag who was after taken and Executed Thus you see how the malignity of the Time fastned and continued upon me For this Libelling in a very base and most unworthy manner continued against me But not one of them charged me with any one Particular save the breaking of the Parliament of which I was not guilty During this Parliament the Clergy had agreed in Convocation to give his Majesty six Subsidies payable in six Years which came to Twenty Thousand Pound a Year for six Years but the Act of it was not made up His Majesty seeing what lay upon him and what fears there were of the Scots was not willing to lose these Subsidies and therefore thought upon the continuing of the Convocation though the Parliament were ended but had not opened those Thoughts of his to me Now I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at their next sitting haste and trouble of these businesses making me forget that I was to have the King 's Writ for the Dismissing as well as the Convening of it Word was brought me of this from the Convocation-House while I was sitting in Council and his Majesty present Hereupon when the Council rose I moved his Majesty for a Writ His Majesty gave me an unlooked for reply Namely that he was willing to have the Subsidies which we had granted him and that we should go on with the finishing of those Canons which he had given us power under the Broad Seal of England to make And when I replyed it would be excepted against in all likelyhood by divers and desired his Majesty to Advise well upon it The King Answered me presently That he had spoken with the Lord Keeper the Lord Finch about it and that he assured him it was Legal I confess I was a little troubled both at the difficulties of the Time and at the Answer it self that after so many Years faithful Service in a business concerning the Church so nearly his Majesty would speak with the Lord Keeper both without me and before he would move it to me And somewhat I said thereupon which pleased not but the Particulars I do not well remember Upon this I was Commanded to sit and go on with the Convocation At first some little Exception was taken there by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation whether we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this doubt and humbly besought him that his Learned Council and other Persons of Honour well acquainted with the Laws of the Realm might deliver their Judgment upon it This his Majesty Graciously approved and the Question was put to them They answer'd as followeth under their Hands The Convocation being called by the King 's Writ under the Great Seal doth continue until it be dissolved by Writ or Commission under the Great Seal notwithstanding the Parliament be Dissolved 14. Maij 1640. Jo. Finch C. S. H. Manchester John Bramston Edward Littleton Ralph Whitfield John Bankes Rob. Heath This Judgment of these great Lawyers setled both Houses of Convocation So we proceeded according to the Power given us under the Broad-Seal as is required by the Statute 25 H. 8. Cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six Subsidies according to Ancient Form in that behalf and delivered it under Seal to his Majesty This passed Nemine Refragante as may appear apud Acta And we followed a President in my Lord Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time An. 1586 who was known to be a Pious and a Prudent Prelate and a Man not given to do boisterous things against the Laws of the Realm or the Prerogative of the Crown but one that went just and fair ways to both Nor did this Grant lye dead and useless for divers Processes are yet to be seen for the fetching in of that which was so Granted to the Queen's use in case any Man refused payment Together with this Act for Subsidies we went on in deliberation for certain Canons thought necessary to be added for the better Government and more setled Peace of the Church which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of some Factious Men which have since more openly and more violently shewed themselves In the Debates concerning these Canons I dare be bold to say never any Synod sate in Christendom that allowed more freedom either of Speech or Vote The Canons which we made were in number seventeen and at the time of the Subscription no Man refused or so much as checked at any one Canon or any one Branch in any one of them Saving a Canonist or two who excepted against two or three Clauses in some of the last of the Canons which concerned their Profit and their Carriage towards the Clergy in which they were publickly and by joint consent over-ruled in the House And excepting Godfrey Goodman Lord Bishop of Glocester who was startled at the first Canon about the Proceedings against the Papists This Canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian means to bring them out of their Superstitious Errors and to settle them in the Church of England This Canon would not down with my Lord of Glocester And the Morning before the Subscription was to be he came over to Lambeth to me and after great expressions of his dislike I gave him the best Counsel I could that he would keep himself out of that scandal which his refusing to Subscribe would bring both upon his Person his Calling and the Church of England in these broken times especially But I fell so short of
this set others on work both in the Western and the Northern Parts Till at last by the practice of the Faction there was suddenly a great alteration and nothing so much cryed down as the Canons The comfort is Christ himself had his Osanna turned into a Crucifige in far less Time By this means the Malice of the Time took another occasion to whet it self against me The Synod thus ended and the Canons having this Success but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily The King was very hardly put to it and sought all other means as well as he could to get supply against the Scots But all that he could get proved too little or came too late for that service For the averse party in the late Parliament or by and by after before they parted ordered things so and filled Mens Minds with such strange Jealousies that the King 's good People were almost generally possest that his Majesty had a purpose to alter the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom and to bring in Slavery upon his People A thing which for ought I know his Majesty never intended But the Parliament-men which would not relieve the King by their meeting in that Assembly came to understand and inform one another and at their return were able to possess their several Countries with the Apprehensions themselves had and so they did Upon this some Lords and others who had by this time made an underhand solemn Confederacy with a strong faction of the Scots brought an Army of them into the Kingdom For all Men know and it hath been in a manner confessed that the Scots durst not have come into England at that Time if they had not been sure of a Party here and a strong one and that the King should be betrayed on all hands as shall after appear By these and the like means the King being not assisted by his Parliament nor having Means enough to proceed with his Forces in due Time the Scots were brought in as is aforesaid upon both King and Kingdom They under the Conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley their General passed the Tyne at Newborne Aug. .... 1640. and took New-castle the next Day after And all this gross Treason though it had no other end than to Confirm a Parliament in Scotland and to make the King call another in England that so they might in a way of Power extort from him what they pleased in both Kingdoms yet Religion was made almost all the pretence both here and there and so in pursuance of that pretence Hatred spread and increased against me for the Service-Book The King hearing that the Scots were moving Posted away to York Aug. 20. being Thursday There he soon found in what Straights he was and thereupon called his Great Council of all his Lords and Prelates to York to be there by September 24. But in regard the Summons was short and suddain he was Graciously pleased to dispense with the Absence of divers both Lords and Bishops and with mine among the rest How things in Particular succeeded there I know not nor belongs it much to the Scope of this short History intended only for my self But the Result of all was a present Nomination of some Lords Commissioners to treat at Rippon about this Great Affair with other Commissioners from the Scotch Army But before this Treaty at Rippon one Melborne or Meldrum Secretary to general Leshly as he was commonly said to be at the Shire-House in Durham when the Country-Gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish Army about a composition to be made for Payment of Three Hundred and Fifty Pounds a Day for that County expressed himself in this Manner Septemb. 10. 1640. I wonder that you are so Ignorant that you cannot see what is good for your selves For they in the South are sensible of the good that will ensue and that we came not unsent for and that oftner than once or twice by your own Great Ones There being a Doubt made at these words Great Ones He reply'd your own Lords with farther Discourse These Words were complained of during the Treaty at Rippon to the English Lords Commissioners by two Gentlemen of the Bishoprick of Durham to whom the Words were spoken by Meldrum The Gentlemen were Mr. John Killinghall and Mr. Nicholas Chaytor and they offer'd to Testify the Words upon Oath But the Lords required them only to Write down those Words and set their Hands to them which they did very readily The Lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners with the Words They sent to Newcastle to make them known to General Leshly He called his Secretary before him questioned him about the Words Meldrum denyed them was that enough against two such Witnesses This Denyal was put in Writing and sent to Rippon Hereupon some of the English Lords Commissioners required that the two Gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch Camp and there give in their Testimony before General Leshly The two Gentlemen replyed as they had great reason to do that they had rather testify it in any Court of England and could do it with more safety Yet they would go and testify it there so they might have a safe Conduct from the Scottish Commissioners there being as yet no Cessation of Arms. Answer was made by some English Lords that they should have a safe Conduct Hereupon one of the Kings Messengers attendant there was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a safe Conduct for the Two Gentlemen He brought back Word from the Earl of Dumfermling to whom it was directed that the Two Gentlemen were unwise if they went to give such Testimony at the Camp And then speaking with the Lord Lowdon he came again to the Messenger and told him that such a safe Conduct could not be granted and that he would satisfy the Earl that sent for it who was Francis Earl of Bedford The Messenger returning with this Answer the Gentlemen were dismissed So the business dyed it being not for somebody's safety that this Examination should have proceeded for it is well enough known since that many had their hands in this Treason for Gross Treason it was by the express Words of the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. 2. The Truth of all this will be sworn to by both the Gentlemen yet living and by a very honest grave Divine who was present at all these Passages at Rippon and gave them to me in Writing In this Great Council while the Treaty was proceeding slowly enough it was agreed on that a Parliament should begin at London Nov. 3. following And thither the Commissioners and the Treaty were to follow and they did so After this how things proceeded in Parliament and how long the Scotch Army was continued and at how great a charge to the Kingdom appears olsewhere upon Record for I shall hasten to my own particular and take in no more of the Publick than Necessity shall inforce me to make my sad Story hang together
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
be made of this Canon what their Reason was they best know I returned Answer belike in this sort That the Canon stood behind the Curtain and would not be throughly understood by every Man yet advised the Printing in regard of the necessary use of it For let this Canon be in force and right use made of it and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing through any Storm which without this Latitude it can never do The next Charge is in 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates For there 't is thus Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative I perceive they mean to sift narrowly when the Title cannot scape But truly in this Charge I am to seek which is greater in my Accusers their Ignorance or their Malice Their Ignorance in the Charge or their Malice in the Inference upon it The Title was Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And this was very fit to express the Prelates intendment which for ought I know was to propose them so But this Book which was brought to me was to be Printed And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense For no Church uses to Print Canons which are to be proponed to their Synods but such as have been proposed and agreed on Nor did this altering of the Title in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods before they Printed them And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice to force from hence that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or the King's Prerogative Whereas most manifest it is that the fitting of this Title for the Press doth neither give any Power to Prelates nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority After this comes 3. The formidable Canon Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in Copies sent from them but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire First whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates or not I cannot tell but sure it was in the Copy brought to me or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely Secondly after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon because no less is threatned than Excommunication I would fain know what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons Liturgy and Ordinations than to Excommunicate the Offenders or what Church in any Age laid less upon a Crime so great Thirdly suppose this Thunderbolt as 't is called were forged in Canterbury's Fire yet that Fire was not outragious For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed for every one of these Crimes single Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all And this I would my Accusers should know that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire than have been in mine nor State nor Church would have Flamed as of late they have done 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists A Minister shall be deposed if he shall Rushw. be found negligent to convert Papists Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Errour of Popery Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery are not so much as mentioned Here 's a great general Accusation offered to be made good by three Particulars The general is that in the Copy of the Canons which their Prelates sent there 's a dislike of Papists But none in the Edition as it was alter'd by me Now this is utterly untrue for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it And again in the same Canon That no Foreign Power hath in his Majesty's Dominions any Establishment by the Law of God And this with an Addition That the Exclusion of all such Power is just And Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy And Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy And sure I think 't is no great matter whether Papists or Popery be Named so long as the Canons go so directly against them This for the General Now for the three Particulars And first That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists I did think fit to leave out upon these two Grounds The one that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression and of too large an extent to lay a Minister open to Deposition And if Church-Governours to whom the execution of the Canons is committed should forget Christian Moderation as they may Pati humana a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence for Negligence is Negligence be it never so little Besides I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England that even gross Negligence in a matter as great as this is is punished but with Suspension for three Months The other Ground why I omitted this clause is Because I do not think the Church of Scotland or any other particular Church is so blessed in her Priests as that every of her Ministers is for Learning and Judgment and Temper Able and Fit to convert Papists And therefore I did think then and do think yet that it is not so easie a work or to be made so common but that it is and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected as Men are apt to overvalue themselves let them try their Gifts and labour their Conversion in God's Name But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause and blemish the Church The
second Particular is an excellent one 'T is about the Adoration of the Bread in the Blessed Sacrament Cap. 6. 6. And 't is implyed as if this Superstition were condemned in the Copies sent by their Prelates but left out by me Good God! how shameless are these Church-Men for they drew up these Articles against me though the Lay-Commissioners delivered them And was there neither Clergy nor Lay-Man among them so careful as to compare the words of the Charge with the words of the Canon before they would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the Parliament of England Would not Mr. Alexander Henderson who was the Prime Leader in these Church-Affairs be so careful for himself and his own Reputation as not publickly to deliver in a most Notorious Untruth For most manifest it is that these words As therefore the Adoration of the Bread is condemned c. stand still in the Copy Revised by me as is to be seen in the Printed Copy of those Canons and in the same place by them quoted and in a different Character that I wonder how any Man's Eye could miss them So here I am accused for putting that out which I left in The third Particular is That their Prelates call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Error of Popery Cap. 6. 2. Which is 〈◊〉 out too they say in my Edition as they will needs call the Printed Copy The Truth is this we did think fit to leave out Because the Absolute necessity of Baptism in the Ordinary way of the Church leaving God as he is most free to save with Baptism or without as himself pleases is no Popish Error but the true Tenet of the Catholick Church of Christ and was by their good leave an Error in your Prelates to call it so And I provided both for Truth and their Credit by keeping it from the view of Christendom Nor could you expect other from me in this Point being an Arch-Bishop of the Church of England which maintains the Necessity of Baptism such as is above mentioned As appears in the Rubrick before Publick Baptism in the Service-Book confirmed by Act of Parliament The Words are these Though it be fittest to Administer Baptism on Sundays and other Holy-days c. Nevertheless if Necessity so require Children may at all times be Baptised at Home And again in the Rubrick before private Baptism thus When great need shall compel them to Baptise their Children at Home it shall be Administred on this fashion And farther the Church of England takes care to have such Ministers Punished as shall defer Baptism if the Child be in Danger So that I could not let this Clause stand in the Scottish Canons but I must Charge my Mother the Church of England as guilty of maintaining an Error of Popery and the Parliament of England for confirming it 5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons with Altars Fonts Chancels Reading of a long Liturgy before Sermons c. But Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory in all these When I met so often with this Phrase Our Prelates do not this and that in which Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory It made me hope at first these Men had some good Opinion of their own Prelates But so soon as they had once gotten the Power into their own Hands they made it presently appear that though their Prelates had not the boldness to trouble them yet they had the Impudence to cast the Prelates out of all the Means they had and without any the least Mercy to themselves their Wives and Children And that in a most Ignorant and Barbarous manner calling them the Limbs and Members of Antichrist But what 's the Crime which your Prelates had not the boldness to trouble you with and in which Canterbury that strange Man is so Punctual and Peremptory O! Grave Crimen Caie Caesar 'T is a Charge indeed A mighty Charge A Novation of above Thirteen Hundred Years old For after the Church was once formally setled under the Christian Emperours nay and for some Years before I challenge these Men to shew any Church under Heaven without that which was promiscuously called The Holy Table or Altar Or without a Font or a Chancel or a formal set Liturgy before Sermon c. And therefore if I were punctual in these I did but my Duty But Peremptory I am sure I was not as well knowing the difference between things of Decency and Uniformity and things of Necessity to Salvation But the Charge must go on for all this 6. For although the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. be fair yet the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross may be seen in the point of Justification of a Sinner before God by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates and as it was returned from Canterbury and Printed Here 's a Confession that the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. are fair And so they are indeed The Canon runs thus It is manifest that the Superstition of former Ages is turned into great Prophaneness and that People for the most part are grown cold for doing any good esteeming that Good Works are not necessary Therefore shall all Presbyters as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works to their Hearers These words they say are fair and sure they are so What 's amiss then What Why the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us Wicked Intentions under such fair words Now God forbid I hope Ross had none I am sure Canterbury had not But how come they to be Judges of our Intentions How Why they say they may be seen in the point of the Justification of a Sinner before God That 's a high Point and a dangerous for any Man to have Wicked Intentions about it How then may our Wicked Intentions be seen Why by comparing the Canons so they say And I desire nothing more than that the Book which I perused may be produced And upon sight of it I will acknowledge and make good whatsoever I did or humbly crave Pardon for what I cannot make good And though I cannot get to see the Book yet you shall hear the Comparison Our Prelates say thus It is manifest that the Superstitions of former Ages are turned into a great Prophaneness and that People are grown cold for the most part in doing any good thinking there is no place for Good Works because they are excluded from Justification Therefore shall all Ministers as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works as they would be Saved and remember that they are Via Regni the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven quamvis non sint Causa Regnandi howbeit they be not the Cause of our Salvation How the Canon goes now is manifest in the words preceeding How it went before in the Copy which their Prelates sent is now expressed And if it be fairly related here are two things Charged to
Oblation for no other end but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 21. not of the Spiritual Sacrifice but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. This Book they say Inverts the Order of the Communion in the Book of England Well and what then To Invert the Order of some Prayers in the Communion or any other part of the Service doth neither pervert the Prayers nor corrupt the Worship of God For I hope they are not yet grown to be such superstitious Cabbalists as to think that Numbers work any thing For so the Prayers be all good as 't is most manifest these are it cannot make them ill to be read in 5. 7. or 3. place or the like unless it be in such Prayers only where the Order is essential to the Service then in hand As for Example to read the Absolution first and the Confession after and in the Communion to give the Sacrament to the People first and read the Prayer of Consecration after In these Cases to Invert the Order is to Pervert the Service but in all other ordinary Prayers which have not such a necessary dependence upon Order first second or third work no great effect And though I shall not find fault with the Order of the Prayers as they stand in the Communion-Book of England for God be thanked 't is well yet if a Comparison must be made I do think the Order of the Prayers as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy to be the better and more agreeable to use in the Primitive Church and I believe they which are Learned will acknowledge it And therefore these Men do bewray a great deal of Will and Weakness to call this a New-Communion only because all the Prayers stand not in the same Order But they say there are divers secret Reasons of this Change in the Order Surely there was Reason for it else why a Change But that there was any hidden secret Reason for it more than that the Scottish Prelates thought fit that Book should differ in some things from ours in England and yet that no differences could be more safe than those which were in the Order of the Prayers especially since both they and we were of Opinion that of the two this Order came nearest to the Primitive Church truly I neither know nor believe As for the only Reason given of this Change 't is in my Judgment a strange one 'T is forsooth for no other end they say but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning not of the Spiritual Sacrifice but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. Now Ignorance and Jealousie whither will you For the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving no Man doubts but that is to be Offer'd up Nor doth any Man of Learning question it that I know but that according to our Saviour's own Command we are to do whatsoever is done in this Office as a Memorial of his Body and Blood Offered up and shed for us S. Luc. 22. Now 't is one thing to Offer up his Body and another to Offer up the Memorial of his Body with our Praise and Thanks for that infinite Blessing So that were that Change of Order made for this end which is more than I know I do not yet see how any Popish Meaning so much feared can be fastned upon it And the Words in that Prayer are plain as they are also in the Book of England That we offer and present unto God our Selves our Souls and Bodies to be a reasonable holy and lively Sacrifice unto him What is there here that can be drawn to a Popish Meaning unless it be with the cords of these Mens Vanity Yet thus much we have gained from them That this Prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion Any approbation is well of that Antichristian Service-Book as 't is often called And I verily believe we should not have gained this Testimony of them for it but only that they are content to approve that to make the greater hatred against their own Next they tell us 2. It seems to be no great matter that without warrant of the Book of England the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table shall stand during the time of Consecration at such a part of the Table where he may with the more ease and decency use both his Hands Yet being tryed it importeth much As that he must stand with his hinder parts to the People representing saith Durand that which the Lord said to Moses Thou shalt see my hinder parts Truly this Charge is as it seems no great matter And yet here again they are offended that this is done without warrant of the Book of England How comes this Book of England to be so much in their esteem that nothing must be done without warrant from it Why 't is not that they approve that Book for they will none of that neither But 't is only to make their Complaint more acceptable in England Yet they say this very remove of the Presbyter during the time of Consecration upon tryal imports much The Rubrick professes that nothing is meant by it but that he may use both his Hands with more ease and decency about that work And I protest in the presence of Almighty God I know of no other Intention herein than this But these Men can tell more They are sure it is that he may turn his hinder parts to the People representing that which the Lord said to Moses And what Warrant have they for this Why Durand says so Now truly the more Fool he And they shall do well to ask their own Bishops what acquaintance they have with Durand For as for my self I was so poorly satisfied with the first Leaf I Read in him that I never medled with him since Nor indeed do I spend any time in such Authors as he is So I have nothing to do with this Yea but they find fault with the Reason given in the Rubrick For they say He must have the use of both his Hands not for any thing he hath to do about the Bread and the Wine for that may be done at the North end of the Table and be better seen of the People But as we are taught by the Rationalists That he may be stretching out his Arms represent the extension of Christ on the Cross. But the Reason given in the Rubrick doth not satisfie them For they say plainly They have no use of both their Hands for any thing that is to be done about the Bread and the Wine Surely these Men Consecrate these Elements in a very loose and mean way if they can say truly that they have not use of both their Hands in this work Or that whatsoever is done may as well be done at the
work of God's Omnipotency Well and a work of Omnipotency it is what ever the Change be For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements either in Nature or Vse to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them is no proof at all of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament 'T is true this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England but I wish with all my Heart it were For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation Secondly these words they say intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament because the Words in the Mass are ut fiant nobis that they may be unto us the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom I would with all my Heart that these words ut fiant nobis That these Elements might be To us worthy Receivers the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope that this great Controversie which to all Men that are out of the Church is the shame and among all that are within the Church is the division of Christendom might have some good Accommodation For if it be only ut fiant nobis that they may be to us the Body and the Blood of Christ it implies clearly that they are to us but are not Transubstantiated in themselves into the Body and Blood of Christ nor that there is any Corporal Presence in or under the Elements And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome than their own Service For as the Elements after the Benediction or Consecration are and may be called the Body and Blood of Christ without any addition in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture So when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ nobis to us that Communicate as we ought there is by this addition fiant nobis an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood And the true Sense so well signified and expressed that the words cannot well be understood otherwise than to imply not the Corporal Substance but the Real and yet the Spiritual use of them And so the words ut fiant nobis import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove And I hope that which follows will have no better success On the other side the Expressions of the Book of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by Faith and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee are utterly deleted Before they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament by some positive words And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England For they say and 't is true that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy at the delivery of the Elements and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland But it is altogether false either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it For the first of feeding on Christ by Faith if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence surely neither the Scottish Bishops nor my self were so simple to leave it out here and keep these words in immediately after that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us which have duly received those Holy Mysteries with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son For the feeding on Christ by Faith and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ are all one and 't is hard that the asserting of a Spiritual Food should be made the proof a Corporal Presence or that the omitting of it in one place should be of greater force than the affirming it in another The like is to be said of the second omission of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us For that remembrance of his Death and Passion is expressed almost immediately before And would not this have been omitted as well as the other had there been an intention to forget this remembrance and to introduce a Corporal Presence Besides St. Paul himself in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this in remembrance of me But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing which we bless is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ The Bread which we break is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ Which Interrogation there is a pressing Affirmation and these words in remembrance of Christ are omitted And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence I hope they will not But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work it cannot reflect upon me For when I shall come to set down as I purpose God willing to do the brief Story what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland it shall then appear that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them without any Omission or Addition at all this or any other that so the Publick Divine Service might in all his Majesty's Dominions have been one and the same But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England and this was one as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand Dr. Wetherborne whose Notes I have yet by me concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book And concerning this particular his words are these The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life And so The Blood of c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd Amen There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book And if there be no more in ours the Action will be much the shorter Besides the words which are added since take eat in remembrance c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion So that for my part First I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words none at all And next if there be any it proceeded not from me That which follows is a meer flourish in the general For they say Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his Sectaries which this Paper cannot contain They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur at
Peace of both Kingdoms which must be little less than a Miracle if he do As for my Hand that it was at the Warrant of Restraint of the Commissioners sent from the Parliament c. This also is but a meer clamour to bring me into further hatred which hath been their aim all along For why else is my Hand picked out alone whereas the Hands of all for ought I know that were then present at the Committee were subscribed to that Warrant And yet it seems no Hand hath troubled them but mine And for these Commissioners seeking the Peace of the Kingdom I will not offer to enter upon their Thoughts what they sought but leave it to future times that will discover the success of things and by it open the aim of the Agents how they sought the Peace of these Kingdoms But yet they go on For when we had say they by our Declarations Remonstrances and Representations manifested the Truth of our Intentions and Lawfulness of our Actions to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England when the late Parliament would not be moved to assist or enter into a War against us maintaining our Religion and our Liberties Canterbury did not only advise the breaking up of that High and Honourable Court to the great grief and hazard of the Kingdom but which is without Example did sit still in the Convocation and make Canons and Constitutions against us and our Just and Necessary defence They did indeed offer by many Pamphlets Printed and sent into England to manifest the Truth of their Intentions which was to join close with their Party here and come and gain some good Booty in England And this end they have obtained But the lawfulness of their Actions they neither have nor can make good to any Impartial and Judicious Reader of them And whereas they say they have made the lawfulness of them manifest to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England you must know that they are only such English as joyn with them in their Plot or at least in Affection to Religion And 't is easie to make any thing that fits their Humour and comes from their Associats manifest enough But God forbid these should be all the good Subjects of England which it may too justly be feared are none of them And yet it cannot be denied but that England hath at this day much too many of these good Subjects They add further that the late Parliament would not assist nor enter into a War against them I believe that is true and I leave the Parliament to give their own Reasons why they would not But I am sure that which follows is most untrue That I gave Advice for the breaking of it up as appears by that which I have formerly set down and will not repeat And I shall ever wish from my Heart that the Kingdom may never be hazarded more than it hath been by my Counsels and then by God's Blessing it shall be a happier Kingdom than the youngest now alive are like to see it if things go on in the Track they now are Next they say that without all Example I sat still in Convocation though the Parliament were risen Without Example What is that to them if it were so But the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury have sate in Convocation and made Canons too when no Parliament hath been sitting as is most manifest by the Records of that See Yea but there is no Example of it since the Reformation Be it so Nor is it for all that forbidden in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy 25 H. 8. so they sit by the King 's Writ And yet here I was so careful as that I caused the great Lawyers of the Kingdom to be consulted abaut it and followed their Judgments as is before expressed And for the Canons which were made they were not against them One branch indeed of the first Canon is against Subjects bearing Arms against their King offensive or defensive under any pretence whatsoever But this as it is the Antient Doctrine which the Church of Christ hath ever Taught in all times and places So is it not against them at all unless they against Christian Religion and Natural All giance bear Arms against their King But if they do or have done so the Canon that was not made against them hits them full And in this Case let them pretend what they list their Defence can neither be Just nor Necessary Yea but they say farther that I Ordained under all highest pains That hereafter the Clergy shall Preach four times in the Year such Doctrine as is contrary not only to our Proceedings but to the Doctrine of other Reformed Kirks to the Judgment of all sound Divines and Politicks and tending to the utter Slavery and Ruine of all States and Kingdoms and to the dishonour of Kings and Monarchs This goes high indeed if it were as full in proof as 't is loud in expression But here is not one shew of Proof added either from Reason or Authority Divine or Humane more than their bare word And therefore I must answer it in the same Key First then 't is true that in the Preface of the first Canon every Minister is injoyned under a Penalty to Publish to his People the Exposition of Regal Power contained in that Canon and this once every quarter of a Year So then if the Doctrine contained in that Canon be true and it was approved for Truth by the whole National Synod of England then all this high Charge falls low enough Besides it will concern them to consider well what their Proceedings have been For as for this Canon it is according to the Doctrine and Practice of the Primitive Church And they surely were both Pious and Sound Divines that lived in it and I for my part shall hold no Man a Sound Divine that runs contrary to it Now that the Primitive Christians were of Opinion that Subjects ought not to take Arms against their Kings Offensive or Defensive upon any pretence whatsoever which are the words in our Canon which they are so angry with no not for or under pretence of Religion see the Proofs in the Margin For in the most bitter Times of Persecution for the very highest points of Religion whatever Miseries they indured they still contained themselves within the bounds of their Obedience And that too not out of any want of Power but will to hurt And if the Doctrine of other Reformed Churches be contrary to this they shall do well to shew it and then I 'll give such farther Answer as is fit But if the Canon be contrary to the Judgment of sound Politiques I know not which they call sound For if they mean such as are of their Feather I think their Judgments are alike Sound that is neither And if they mean Learned and well experienced Politiques I believe they will be able to shew none of
CAP. IV. NOW follows Adam Blair the second with a Codicil or a Corollary to this Charge And this though it concerns my Brethren the Bishops as much as me yet because it charges upon the Calling and was delivered in with the Charge against me though under another date of December 15. I shall express what I think of that too For I think the Scotch Commissioners took another day in upon advice that they might have a fling at the whole Calling And I cannot but think it was upon design among them when I consider how eagerly the House of Commons hath followed Episcopacy ever since This Codicil to their last Will and Testament concerning me begins thus We do indeed confess that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper some of them more and some less inclinable to Popery yet what known Truth and constant Experience hath made undeniable we must at this Opportunity express And so must we For we as ingenuously confess that the Presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper And the more moderate for Temper and the more able for Learning among them have ever declared for the Episcopacy of England But whereas they say some of the Bishops of England are more and some less inclinable to Popery that may seem to imply that all of them are more or less inclinable to Popery which I dare say is a loud untruth Perhaps that which some of them call Popery is Orthodox Christianity and not one whit the worse for their miscalling it though they much the worse for disbelieving it But now you shall hear what that known truth is which constant experience they say hath made undeniable That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland not only after the coming of King James of Happy Memory into England but before the Prelates of England have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our Discipline and Government A little change in the words answers this For from the very first of the Reformation of the Church of England as well before as after the coming in of King James of Happy Memory the Presbyters of Scotland have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of Episcopacy our Discipline and Government As appears most manifestly in Archbishop Bancroft's Works So then either this is a loud untruth if our Prelates did not so practise against them Or if it be truth our Bishops had altogether as much reason if not more the justice of the Cause considered to work the overthrow of their Discipline than they had of Episcopacy But they tell us It hath come to pass of late that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought Vs to Subjection in point of Government and finding their long-waited-for Opportunity and a rare Congruity of many Spirits and Powers ready to co-operate for their Ends have made a strong Assault upon the whole External Worship and Doctrine of our Kirk Surely for their Doctrine 't is too large a Field to beat over at this time Yet many Doctrines are on foot amongst them which are fitter to be weighed than swallowed would they permit them to be brought to the Sanctuary and Balanced there And for the whole External Worship which they speak of I have heard it said they have none at all and out of doubt 't is very little they have if any And therefore if the Prelates of England had gotten an Opportunity and a Congruity of Spirits and Powers to co-operate which yet is not so they had been much to blame if they had not pursued it till they had brought both the one and the other to a better Condition than they stand in at present And if they had such an Opportunity they were much to blame that deserted it And if they had not these Men are unworthy for asserting it But what End had the Prelates of England in this Why sure By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England but to make Scotland first whose weakness in resisting they had before experienced in Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship and therefore England conform to Rome even in those matters wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the time of Reformation These Men out of doubt have or take on them to have a great insight into the Hearts and Souls of the Prelates of England They know that we did not aim to make them conformable to England but to make Scotland first and then England conformable to Rome But I know the contrary and will leave the Book it self to be judged by the Learned in all parts of Christendom for it is carefully Translated into Latin whether it teach or practise Conformity with Rome or not which trial is far beyond their unlearned and uncharitable Assertion And if any other of my Brethren have had this aim they should do well to name them But they are so void of Charity that they cannot forbear to say that we aim to make them Conformable to Rome even in those things wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the Reformation Which is so monstrous an untruth that I wonder how Impudence it self dare utter it considering what the Bishops of England have written in defence of their Reformation against Rome and how far beyond any thing which the Presbyters of Scotland have written against it As for the Reason which is given why we began with Scotland namely because we had experience of their weakness in resisting Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship I know not what they mean by their weakness in resisting unless it be That they did not prevail against King James of Blessed Memory for resist they did to their power when he brought in Bishops which it seems they call Novations in Government and the Articles of Perth which they stile Novations in some Points of Worship And if this be that which they mean there is no Novation in the one or the other And for their weakness in resisting you may see what it is For no sooner have they gotten the Opportunity which they speak of in the beginning of this Codicil but they cast out all their Bishops reversed all the Articles of Perth all the Acts of Parliament which confirmed both brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and Buchanan saving that they have made it much worse by admitting so many Lay-Elders with Votes in their General Assemblies as may inable the Lay-men to make themselves what Religion they please A thing which the Church of Christ never knew in any part of it Nor have they stayed here but made use of the same Opportunity to cry down the Bishops and Church-Government in England As you will see by that
of the said pretended Canons enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Laity of this Kingdom I Composed no Book of Canons The whole Convocation did it with unanimous Consent So either I must be free or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason For in that Crime all are Principals that are guilty Accessory there is none Neither did I publish or put in Execution those Canons or any of them but by Lawful Authority And I do humbly conceive and verily believe there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Rights of Paliament the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects or any matter tending to Sedition or of dangerous consequence or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine or without due Consideration and Debate Neither was there any thing in that Convocation but what was voted first and subscribed after without fear or compulsion in any kind And I am verily perswaded there never sate any Synod in Christendom wherein the Votes passed with more freedom or less practice than they did in this And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects so I do humbly conceive that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom that this Oath and all those Canons then made and here before recited and every Branch in them are Just and Orthodox and Moderate and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and other places to the Disinherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal to the least Disinherison Dishonour or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom Nor did I ever deny that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England But that which I have said and do still say concerning my Office and Calling is this That my Order as a Bishop and my Power of Jurisdiction is by Divine Apostolical Right and unalterable for ought I know in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power either of Order or Jurisdiction within this Realm of England is derived wholly from the Crown And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power Foreign or Domestick And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty I have not used it to the Contempt but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person and to the Preservation not the Destruction of his People Both which appear already by the great Distractions Fears and Troubles which all Men are in since my Restraint and which for ought I yet see are like to increase if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of the Kingdom I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom or to bring in Romish Superstition Neither have I declared maintained or Printed any Popish Doctrine or Opinion contrary to the Articles of Religion established or any one of them either to the end mentioned in this Article or any other I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them But all that I laboured for in this particular was that the external Worship of God in this Church might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency and in some Beauty of Holiness And this the rather because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God the Inward fell away apace and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self And secondly because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost that were wavering in Religion but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect or think meanly of the Church of England was that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church as they conceived it and the Churches themselves and all things in them suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom These and no other Considerations moved me to take so much care as I did of it which was with a single Eye and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing As for Ceremonies all that I injoyned were according to Law And if any were Superstitious I injoyned them not As for those which are so called by some Men they are no Innovations but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies in and from the beginning of the Reformation and setled either by Law or Custom till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England did oppose them and cry them down And for the Censures which I put upon any I presume they will to all indifferent Men which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause appear to be Just Moderate and according to Law 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of divers his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry
with Truth and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire For I have Learned from a Prime School-Man of their own That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason or Definition of that which is good but that only upon which depends Esse perfectum Rei the perfect Essence of that thing So that in this particular if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni the true Being and Nature of Good And therefore I did never desire that England and Rome should meet together but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion But were this done God forbid but I should Labour for a Reconciliation if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other have not made it impossible as I much doubt they have But that I shou'd practice with Rome as now it stands and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits or hold secret intelligence with the Pope or treat with him or any Instruments Authorised by him or by any Agents is utterly untrue As I hope may fully appear by that which follows vid. init libri And First in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction I do here make my solemn Protestation in the Presence of God and this great Court that I am Innocent of any thing greater or less that is charged in this Article or any part of it And I do here offer my Corporal Oath Please it the Lords to give it me in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived that I am wholly Innocent of this Charge And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me is not Guilt but Subornation of Perjury Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such as that though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men which I see make no Conscience of the Way so they may compass their End Secondly Should I practice be it with whom you will to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion established in England I have taken a very wrong way to it For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party and have reduced as many from it and some of great Quality and some of great Learning and Judgment as I believe any Divine in England hath done And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition to reduce Men from it Or is this the Reward from the State which Men must look for that have done these Services Thirdly The Book which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny or proclaim me a Villain to the World And I hope I have so lived as that Men have not that Opinion of me sure I am I have not deserved it And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time fuller of Railing than Reason a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties But being Written in the way it is I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it or to think me a Favourer of their Cause And since I am thus put to it I will say thus much more This Book of mine is so Written by God's great blessing upon me as that whensoever the Church of England as they are growing towards it apace shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid she shall never be able before any Learned and disingaged Christian to make good her Difference with and her Separation from the Church of Rome And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this For the Outrages which have been against me force me to say it and I am confident future times will make it good unless Profaneness break in and over-run the whole Kingdom which is not a little to be feared Fourthly I must confess I am in this Particular most unfortunate For many Recusants in England and many of that Party beyond the Seas think I have done them and their Cause more Harm than they which have seemed more fierce against them And I doubt not but I shall be able to prove that I have been accounted beyond Sea the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place And shall I suffer on both sides Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with them Well If I do suffer thus 't is but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams and is beaten by both As the poor Church of England is at this day by the Papist and the Separatist But in this and all things else in despight of all Malice Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing Fifthly If I had practised with the Pope or his Agents for the alteration of Religion in England surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end And in a business of so great Consequence Difficulty and Danger to all that should have a Hand nay but a Finger in it no Man would venture to meddle without good pay And 't is well known that I have filled no Purse nor laid up any store to set ill Instruments on work upon that or any other unworthy design Sixthly I am a Man in Years great Years for a Man so loaded with business as I have been all my Life And it cannot be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me yet they which know me and my ways will easily believe that I have not so little Conscience or care of my Soul as to double with God to my very Death Nay could I have doubled thus I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty and how to have been as gracious with the People as any even the worst of my Predecessours But I have ever held that the lowest depth of Baseness to frame Religion to
serve turns and to be carried about with every wind of vain Doctrine to serve and please other Mens Fancies and not a Man 's own either Understanding or Conscience Seventhly I think the greatest Enemies I have are of Opinion that if I would have turned to the Roman Party especially if I would have been such an active Instrument for them as this Article would make me I might have been welcome to them and should have been rewarded by them at least that I should have been made able to live in Credit if not in Honour And this being granted I would fain know what could stay me here save only my Conscience in and to the Truth Surely not any care of Wife and Children for I have them not And as this Storm drives upon me I most humbly and heartily bless God for it that I have not any of these Clogs to hang about me Not the Greatness of my Place For if in this present Tumble any thing be put either upon it or me that a knowing Conscience ought to check at the World shall soon see how little I value Canterbury in regard of Conscience Not the Honour of my place neither For if I stood upon that I cannot but see how Malice hath laid that in the Dust or lower if it may be And can any Man think then that I would indure so much hatred and so many base Libels as have filled the Streets against me and such bitter revilings of me in Print as the Gall of some Pens have cast upon me when I might go live elsewhere with Content and Reputation Sure nothing but Conscience could stay me here in such a Condition Not the Wealth to be gotten in my place For the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it according as I have given a faithful Account to his Majesty And if it were of never so great a value I have made it manifest to the World that Wealth is not my aim For whatsoever benefit hath accrewed to me over and above my necessary and decent Expences I have refunded back upon the Poor or the Publick or the Church from whence I had it as in better times Church-Men were wont to do So there could be no external motive to work upon me to make me stay here if my Conscience went along with Rome And my Conscience being not that way set as most certainly it is not no Man can so much as probably think I should with hazard of my Life and Honour and all things practise the Change of Religion and that against my Conscience Eighthly This scandalous false Report that I should Negotiate with the Pope and with Rome for the Change of Religion in this Kingdom was first spread by the Scots who shamelesly Printed it in these words Canterbury did Negotiate with Rome about the frame of our Service-Book and Canons c. Now if this be false why did they Print it And if it be true why do they desert it It comes a great deal more home than double all else they have said against me And yet it seems when they had considered better of it and found they could not make it good they left it quite out of those Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England against me And I presume they would never have left that out which they had published in Print to the World could they have gotten any shew of Proof Immediately upon the arrival of this Pamphlet in England Court City and Country grew presently full of it that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Negotiated with Rome about the alteration of Religion And since they have thus Defamed me and that in Print I do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson who doubtless was either sole Author of that Remonstrance or had a great hand in it either to make it good against me or by like Publick acknowledgment of it in Print give me satisfaction for so foul a Calumny or to answer me when I shall not fail to challenge him for it at the Bar of Christ. Lastly I received Information out of Holland when his Majesty was last in the North that there was a Plot laid of a dangerous Treason against his Majesty's Life That this Treason was plotted here in England by Signior Con and his Complices and that these Contrivers took a deep dislike against me because they could not get within me nor make me pliable to their Projects about Religion and that they were so angry with me for it as that they resolved my Life must be first taken away before they could hope to get their Will of the King This Advertisement came to me from one that professed he was in the Bosom of Con and knew all the Secrets of his Imployments hither This business was first made known under an Oath of 〈◊〉 as I remember to Sir William Boswell his Majesty's Agent in Holland and it was ordered between them that his Papers should be sent over sealed to me as they were and that by an Express and a Charge to deliver them to no Hand but mine as he tendred the King's safety in regard so many Great Men were as he said in the Treason I sent away these Letters and Papers to his Majesty's own Hands and received direction what Answer I should give to Sir William Boswell At his Majesty's return at the beginning of this Parliament he named a Committee of Lords to hear this business and commanded me to bring the Papers thither This I did and they were all Read before his Majesty and the Committee Sir William Boswell's Letters and the other Papers are yet all in my Hands but it seems the Particulars could not all be got out Now this is a hard straight into which I am cast The Pope's Agent as 't is said plots my Death on the one side because I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman Superstition and the Parliament on the other side Articles to overthrow me out of a Jealousie that I go about to bring it in So that I am in the Prophet David's Case Ps. 31. For I also have heard the Blasphemy of the Multitude and fear is on every side while they conspire together against me and take their Counsel to take away my Life But my hope hath been and is in thee O Lord. And for the latter part of this Article it is utterly untrue that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom And if any such be Established it is more than I know to this Instant But this I am sure of and can prove that when the Queen's Almoner was to be made a Bishop I laboured as much against it as I could Whereupon he delayed the taking of his Bishoprick upon him for a good time And when divers Offers were made on his behalf and the Queen grew earnest for his Preferment I was called again
by his Majesty in the presence of a Secretary of State and commanded to speak my Judgment and my Conscience And I did so And declared clearly against any Bishops of the Roman Party his coming into the Kingdom to reside or exercise any Jurisdiction here And I gave then for my Reason the very self-same which is since Published by the 〈◊〉 of Commons in their Remonstrance A different and inconsistent Church within a Church which ever brought hazard upon the State And in this Judgment I persisted and never permitted much less countenanced any Popish Hierarchy to settle in this Kingdom but hindred it by all the 〈◊〉 and means I could 11. He in his own Person and his Suffragans Visitors Surrogats Chancellors or other Officers by his Command have caused divers Learned Pious and Orthodox Preachers of Gods Word to be Silenced Suspended Deprived Degraded Excommunicated or otherwise grieved and vexed without any just and lawful Cause whereby and by divers other Means he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom and increased and cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness amongst the People That so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Trayterous Designs of altering and corrupting the True Religion here Established I have neither by my self nor by my Command to my Officers Silenced Suspended Deprived Degraded or Excommunicated any Learned Pious and Orthodox Preachers nor any other but upon Just Cause Proved in Court and according to Law And I think it will appear that as few be the Cause never so Just have been Suspended or Deprived in my Diocess as in any Diocess in England Nor have I by these Suspensions hindred the Preaching of Gods Word but of Schism and Sedition as now appears plainly by the Sermons frequently made in London since the time of Liberty given and taken since this Parliament first began Nor have I caused any of his Majesty's Subjects to forsake the Kingdom but they forsook it of themselves being Separatists from the Church of England as is more than manifest to any Man that will but consider what kind of Persons went to New-England And whereas in their late Remonstrance they say The high Commission grew to such excess of Sharpness and Severity as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition and yet in many Cases by the Arch-Bishops Power was made much more heavy being assisted and strengthned by Authority of the Council-Table I was much troubled at it that such an Imputation from so great a Body should be fastned on me And therefore first I considered that my Predecessors were all or most of them strengthned with the same Authority of the Council-Table that I was And therefore if I did use that Authority to worse ends or in a worse manner than they did I was the more to blame Therefore to satisfie my self and others in this particular I did in the next place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that Court which can deceive no Man what Suspensions Deprivations or other Punishments had past in the Seven Years of my Time before my Commitment Then I compared them with every of the Three Seven Years of my immediate Predecessor for so long he sat and somewhat over and was in great esteem with the House of Commons all his Time and I find more by Three Suspended Deprived or Degraded in every Seven Years of his Time than in the Seven Years of my Time so cryed out upon as you see for Sharpness and Severity even to the equasling of that Commission almost to the Romish Inquisition So safe a thing it is for a Man 〈◊〉 Imbarque himself into a Potent Faction and so hard for any other Man be he never so intire to withstand its Violence 12. He hath 〈◊〉 endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches And to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom And divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffiction to these Churches that so by such Disunion the Papists might have more advantage for the Overthrow and Extripation of both I never endeavoured to set Division between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches And if I had so done it had been a very Unchristian and unworthy Act but yet no Treason as I conceive And for the Priviledges and Immunities granted by his Majesty and his Royal Progenitors to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom I did not seek to Suppress or Abrogate any of them which kept Conform to their first Toleration here much less did I labour by any Disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the Papists to the overthrow of both But this I found that they did not use their Priviledges with that Gratitude and Fairness to his Majesty the State and Church of England as they ought to have done And hereupon I acquainted his Majesty and the Lords in full and open Council with what I conceived concerning that business As Namely 1. That their living as they did and standing so strictly to their own Discipline wrought upon the Party in England which were addicted to them and made them more averse than otherwise they would have been to the present Government of the Church of England 2. That by this means they lived in England as if they were a kind of God's Israel in Egypt to the great Dishonour of the Church of England to which at first they fled for Shelter against Persecution And in that time of their Danger the Church of England was in their Esteem not only a true but a glorious Church But by this Favour which that Church received it grew up and incroached upon us till it became a Church within a Church and a kind of State within a State And this I ever held dangerous how small beginning soever it had And that upon two main Reasons The one because I find the Wisdom of God against it For he says plainly to his prime People One Law and especially for Divine Worship shall be to him that is home-born and to the Stranger that Sojourns among you Exod. 12. And the other because I find the Wisdom of this State against it For this Parliament in their Remonstrance give the self-same Reason against the Papists but must hold good against all Sects that labour to make strong and inlarge themselves The Words are these Another State moulded within this State independent in Government contrary in Interest and Affection 〈◊〉 corrupting the Ignorant or Negligent Professors of our Religion and closely Vniting and Combining themselves against such as are sound in this posture waiting for an Opportunity c. And the Words are as true of the one Faction as the other and
I ever pressed the Argument alike against both as I can prove by good Witness if need be And I pray God this Faction too little feared and too much nourished among us have not now found the Opportunity waited for 3. That they live here and enjoy all freedom and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language or to converse with any more than for advantage of Bargaining And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice nor teach them any of their Manufactures which I did then and do still think most unreasonable 4. That for Religion if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land and so Native Subjects these Children of theirs should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour I thought then and do still that no State could with safety or would in Wisdom endure it And this concerning their Children was all that was desired by me As appears by the Act which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury Sandwitch and Maidstone in my Diocess and the Publication of this Act in their Congregations by their own Ministers in this Form following I am commanded to signifie unto you that it is not his Majesty's intent nor of the Council of State to dissolve our Congregations And to that end his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree to continue Members of our Congregations as before But the Natives in this Church after the first descent are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy every one in his Parish without inhibiting them notwithstanding from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies And my Lord Arch-Bishop of 〈◊〉 means notwithstanding that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church for the better subsisting thereof And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council if need be and they require it to maintain them in their Manufactures against those which would trouble them by Informations Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches was to a syllable all one with this in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided As at South-hampton and Norwich And I have a Letter to shew full of thanks from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities which these Churches had in England or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom And since this time I have not only seen but gotten the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet specifying what Order she would should be taken with and for these Churches The Letter is Signed with her Majesty 's own Hand and Signet and gives them not half so much Liberty I do not say as they take but as I have been ever most content to give them For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline much different from it This was the Wisdom of those times which I pray God we may follow The Queen's Letter follows in these words Elizabeth RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen we greet you well Whereas in the time of our Brother and Sister also the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London for to have therein Divine Service considering that by an Universal Order all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue for the better edifying of the People which the Strangers Born understand not Our Pleasure is that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church and all things thereto belonging to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good to serve from time to time in the same Churches both for daily Divine Service and for Administration of the Sacraments and Preaching of the Gospel so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our Laws And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February the Second Year of our Reign To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor the Marquess of Winchester High Treasurer of England 13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms And by his own Authority and Power contrary to Law did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification as Dishonourable to his Majesty and by his Counsel and Endeavours so incensed his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland that he did thereupon by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop enter into an offensive War against them to the great 〈◊〉 of his Majesty's Person and his Subjects of both Kingdoms I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland but my Counsels were for Peace As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without than with a War And if I were mistaken in this Counsel yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause which was differences in Religion which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood And I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then and said my Grounds would deceive me And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me so soon as we were risen from Counsel and was pleased to say to me that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right and the King my Master the best Service that ever I did him in my Life And Mr. Patrick Male of his Majesty's Bed-chamber when he heard what I had done came and gave me
into the Hands of the Parliament His Words are concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church his Majesty is willing to declare that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament which he desires them to enter into speedily that the present Distractions about the same may be composed But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses that his Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left as well as what is fit to be taken away So here they are made Masters of all and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House So God bless the poor Church of England for I very much fear this can bode no good The same Day being Munday there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday Febr. 25. They were glad Men procured their Bayl and went out of the Tower on Wednesday Febr. 16. This Order of the Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough yet they would take no Notice of it nor offer to stay the Bishops But on Wednesday after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings they sent a Message to the Lords that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House Because being Impeached by them the Lords had Bayled them without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way This Message was very high and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis The Lords yielded And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday Febr. 19. I will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any This I am sure of that as this Business was carried though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands On Saturday Febr. 19. according to appointment the Twelve Bishops were all at the House and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons The Bishops said not much but their Counsel were very earnest that they might be presently Heard But they were not admitted to speak And so the Business was put off to Thursday Febr. 24. That Night when the Commons were returned into their own House there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill and not in the other Ordinary Way CAP. XIII ON Sunday Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman by the Name of Mr. Hunt to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide one of the House of Commons I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt When I came he professed that though he was unknown to me yet he came to do me service in a great Particular And Prefaced it farther that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man or by any of the Parliament nor did expect any Reward but only was desirous to serve me I wondred what the matter should be Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket and gave it me to read It contained four Articles fairly Written and drawn up against me to the Parliament All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England He told me when I had read them that the Articles were not yet put into the House They were subscribed by one Willoughby who he said was a Priest but now turned and come away from them I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me He said he left me to think on that but professed he looked for no advantage to himself I conceived hereupon this was some piece of Villany and bad him tell Willoughby from me that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper and for the Articles let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him for he meant me Service I reply'd that he came to me Civilly and used me in Speech like a Gentleman But Willoughby was in this as I had called him I left him and his Paper and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber There I told him and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb all that passed And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer and did think as I my self did that it was a Plot to intrap me After they were gone I sat thinking with my self and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him till he brought forth this Willoughby I am since informed that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles in which way had I complyed with him I had utterly undone my self But I thank God for his Mercy to me I am Innocent and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me On Friday Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were at Mr. Maxwell's namely Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield having formerly Petitioned were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves and they did so At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops which were in the Tower which was sent into that House upon the Example of the other two was read After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill But what it shall contain is not yet known So herein they departed not from their former Resolution On Sunday Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon I walked in a large Room of which I had the use before I went to Dinner And after I had walked a pretty while expecting some Company upon the sudden as I walked on I heard a great Crack as loud as the Report of a small Dag to my thinking And the Noise being near me I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder God knows how For I was upon plain Boards and had no uneven step
two Years since from the Lord Herbert's House in Lambeth upon some Discourse of St. Paul's Church then in their Eye upon the Water said to some young Lords that were with him that he hoped to live to see that one Stone of that Building should not be left upon another But that Church stands yet and that Eye is put out that hoped to see the Ruins of it Many heavy Accidents have already fallen out in these unnatural Wars and God alone knows how many more shall before they end But I intend no History but of my own sad Misfortunes nor would I have mentioned this but that it relates to the Church which for my Calling sake I take as a part and a near one of my self On Friday March 24. one Mr. Ford came to me to the Tower and told me there was a Plot to send me and my Lord of Ely Bishop Wren as Delinquents to New England within fourteen days And that Mr. Wells a Minister that came thence offer'd Wagers of it The Meeting where he heard this was he said at Mr. Barnes a Mercers House in Friday-Street a Son in Law of Mr. Fords This Gentleman told me he was a Suffolk man but I never saw him before and was doubtful of the Truth of his Relation Partly because I knew no motive he had to take such care of me being a Stranger to him And partly because it could not sink into me that the Honourable Houses after so long Imprisonment would send me into such a Banishment without hearing me or my Cause Yet he protested the truth of it very deeply and wished me to endeavour to prevent it That I knew not how to do For to Petition against it upon such a private Information might rather call it on than keep it off seeing what an edge there was against me Therefore I referred my self to God my constant Anchor and so rested my Thoughts as well as I could It was now known in the House to the Lord General 's Friends that I had a resolution not to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet And it may be it was thought also that I did but pretend the Kings Letters about it and that if some other Man were named against whom I had no Exception it might be that I would give it And if I did give it then they should discover that either I had no Letters from the King Or that I could make bold to dispence with them so Mr. Corbet were not the Man And if they could have gained this upon me that notwithstanding his Majesties Letters I would have given that Benefice to another man they would then have recalled their Order from him and commanded me for Mr. Corbet That this my Conjecture hath Truth in it seems evident to me by all the future carriage of this Business For one Mr. Hudson came and Preached at the Tower and gave all men very good content And on Tuesday March 28. he brought me an Order from the Lords requiring me to give Chartham to him And this Order was known in the Tower For some Prisoners of Note said I might do well to give it him being so good a Preacher My answer to him was fair yet I told him truly that the King had written to me for another That I had promised to give it or lapse it as his Majesty required me That the King never asked any of me till now That I hoped the Parliament would not take it ill that I gave this one at the Kings requisition since I had already given as many Benefices upon their Orders as came to above Eight hundred Pounds a year passing by my own Friends and Chaplains honest and able men And for his particular I might live to pleasure him with another so I were not over-pressed concerning this Hudson either mistook my Answer or wilfully misreported it and me to the House and thereupon came another Order to me of April 11. to give him Chartham I was not willing to be mistaken again and therefore desired Mr. Lieutenant to deliver me a Petition to the House on Thursday Apr. 13. in which I set forth my true Answer as is above expressed and in all Humility desired their Favour That very day another quick Order was made for Hudson and brought to me the next day April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with all submission yet professed that I could not disobey the King in so fair a Command When all this would not serve the Mask was pulled off and a peremptory Order bearing date April 21. was brought to me on Saturday April 22. to Collate Chartham upon Mr. Edw. Corbet And upon Monday April 24. I humbly gave my Answer as before but in the softest Terms I could express it and in a Petition Monday May 1. the Windows of my Chappel at Lambeth were defaced and the Steps to the Communion-Table torn up And on Tuesday May 2. the Cross in Cheapside was taken down to cleanse that great Street of Superstition The same day in prosecution of the former Plot March 24. it was moved in the House of Commons to send me to New England but it was rejected The Plot was laid by Peters Wells and others of that Crew that so they might insult over me Then followed an Exemplary piece of Justice and another of Mercy Of Justice For my Goods in Lambeth-House and my Books were seized upon and my Goods set to Sale by Captain Guest Dickins and Layton And my Goods were sold and scarce at a third part of their worth all save what Layton took to himself who usually said all was his House Land Goods and all This was on Tuesday May 9. And all this before any Proceedings had against me And of Mercy For the same day there came out an Order for my farther Restraint that I might not go out of my Lodging without my Keeper so much as to take Air. Much about this time I received another Letter from his Majesty in which he requires me as he had formerly done for Chartham in particular that as oft as any Benefice or other Spiritual Promotion whatsoever should fall void in my Gift I should dispose it only to such as his Majesty should name unto me Or if any Command lay otherwise upon me from either or both Houses of Parliament I should then let them fall into Lapse that he might dispose of them to Men of worth Upon Tuesday May 16. there came out an Ordinance of both Houses for now the Order was grown up into an Ordinance requiring me to give no Benefice or Spiritual Promotion now void or to be void at any time before my Trial but with leave and Order of both Houses of Parliament This Ordinance was delivered unto me the next day And upon the reading of it I foresaw a Cloud rising over me about this Business of Chartham for which I did assure my self the Ordinance was made And soon
of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be hereby Sequestred by and unto the Parliament And William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Suspended ab Officio Beneficio omni omnimodâ Jurisdictione Archiepiscopali until he be either Convicted or Acquitted of High Treason for which he stands now Accused and whatsoever Livings Dignities or Ecclesiastical Promotions in the said Arch-Bishop's Gift or Collation are or hereafter shall be void shall henceforth be Instituted and Inducted unto by the Arch-Bishop's Vicar General or any other having Authority in this behalf upon the Nomination and Recommendation of both Houses of Parliament during the time of the Suspension and Seque stration aforesaid And upon this Ordinance it is Ordered and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that the said Ed. Corbet be and is hereby Nominated and Recommended forthwith upon sight hereof to be Admitted Instituted and Inducted by the Vicar General aforesaid or any other having Authority in this behalf into the said Rectory of Chartham Ratione suspensionis Domini Gulielmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Temporalium Archiepiscopatûs in Manibus Supremae Curiae Parliamenti jam existentium the same belonging unto their Gift And it is hereby farther Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that during the Suspension and Sequestration aforesaid the Jurisdiction of the said Arch-Bishop shall be Executed and Exercised by his Vicar General and other his inferiour Judges and Officers as formerly the same hath been This Ordinance was laid as a great Punishment upon me But I humbly thank both Houses for it as for the greatest Benefit they have bestowed on me since my Troubles especially since the Sequestration of my Jurisdiction Novemb. 2. 1641. For it appears before in this History how ever since that time I have been troubled for every Benefice which hath fallen in my Gift disinabled to prefer any Friend or Chaplain of my own were he never so worthy And which is worse by much forced to admit such Men how unworthy so-ever as were by them Nominated to me or else fall under a Contempt of their Ordinances and such Arbitrary Punishment as they shall thereupon load me with Whereas now I am freed both from the Trouble and the Sin of admitting unworthy Persons into the Church-Service and leave them to the Business and the Account for it On Sunday Junij 11. One came and Preached at the Tower his Name I could not learn In his Sermon after he had liberally railed on me he told the Auditory that Mr. Pryn had found a Book in my Pocket which would discover great things This to inflame the People against me Et si non satis insanirent suâ sponte instigare This is Zealous Preaching God forgive their Malice An Ordinance passed on Munday Junij 12. that the Synod of Divines formerly Named by both Houses not chosen by the Clergy should begin to sit on the first of July following And they did begin to sit that day Dr. Twiss in the Chair and he made the Latin Sermon The Names of these Synodical Men are to be seen in the Ordinance Printed Junij 12. Where any Man that will may see a great if not the greater part of them Brownists or Independents or New-England-Ministers if not worse or at the best refractory Persons to the Doctrine or Discipline or both of the Church of England Established by Law and now brought together to Reform it An excellent Conclave But I pray God that befal not them which Tully observes fell upon Epicurus Si quae corrigere voluit deteriora fecit He made every thing worse that he went about to mend I shall for my part never deny but that the Liturgy of the Church of England may be made better but I am sure withal it may easily be made worse And howsoever it would become this Synod well to remember that there is a Convocation of the English Prelates and Clergy lawfully Chosen and Summoned and by no Supream or Legal Authority as yet dissolved And can there be two National Synods at one time but that one must be irregular Belike we shall fall to it in the Donatists way They set up Altare contra Altare in Africk and these will set up Synodum contra Synodum in England And this without God's Infinite Mercy will bring forth a Schism fierce enough to rent and tear Religion out of this Kingdom Which God for the Merits and Mercies of Christ forbid A Committee of the House of Commons sent Mr. Dobson my Controwler to me to the Tower to require me to send them word under my Hand what Originals I had of the Articles of Religion Established 1562 1571. This was on Wednesday July 12. And I returned by him the same day this Answer in Writing with my Name to it The Original Articles of 1571. I could never find in my Paper-Study at Lambeth or any where else And whether any Copy of them were ever left there I cannot tell The Original Articles of 1562. with many Hands to them I did see and peruse there But whether the Bishops Hands were to them or not I cannot remember This Answer satisfied them but what their Aim was I cannot tell unless they meant to make a search about the two first Lines in the twentieth Article concerning the Power of the Church in these words The Church hath Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of Faith Which words are left out in divers printed Copies of the Articles and are not in the one and twentieth Article of Edw. 6. nor in the Latin Copy of the Articles 1571. But in the Original Articles of 1562. the words are plain and manifest without any Interlining at all If this were their Aim 't is probable we shall see somewhat by what their Synod shall do concerning that Article On Tuesday August 3. my Servant Mr. Edw. Lenthrop came to me and told me that the day before he met with Sir K. Digbye who had the leave to go out of Prison by the Suit of the French Queen and to Travel into France But before he took his Journey he was to come before a Committee and there he said he had been It seems it was some Committee about my Business for he told Mr. Lenthrop and wished him to tell it me that the Committee took special notice of his Acquaintance with me and Examined him strictly concerning me and my Religion whether he did not know that I was offer'd to be made a Cardinal and many other such like things That he Answer'd them That he knew nothing of any Cardinal-ship offer'd me And for my Religion he had Reason to think I was truly and really as I professed my self for I had laboured with him against his return to the Church of Rome Which is true and I have some of my Papers yet to shew But he farther sent me word that their Malice was great against me though he
should be thought too much I am sure the Homilies so often pressed against me cry out against the neglect of Reverence in the Church This passage was read and by this it seems the Devil 's Cunning was so soon as he saw Superstition thrust out of this Church to bring Irreverence and Prophaneness in Here Mr. Browne having pressed this Charge Replies upon me in his last that I would admit no mean but either there must be Superstition or Prophaneness whereas my words can infer no such thing I said this was the Devil's Practice I would have brought in the mean between them and preserved it too by God's Blessing had I been let alone Sir Hen. says next that he knew of no Bowings in that Chappel before my time but by the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter at their Solemnity No time else Did he never see the King his Master Offer before my time Or did he ever see him Offer or the Lord Chamberlain attend him there without Bowing and Kneeling too And for the Knights of the Garter if they might do it without Superstition I hope I and other Men might do so too Especially since they were Ordered by Hen. 5. to do it with great Reverence ad modum Sacerdotum Which proves the Antiquity of this Ceremony in England He farther says there was a fair Crucifix in a piece of Hangings hung up behind the Altar which he thinks was not used before my time But that he thinks so is no proof He says This fair piece was hanged up in the Passion Week as they call it As they call it Which they Will he shut out himself from the Passion Week All Christians have called it so for above a Thousand Years together and is that become an Innovation too As they call it Fifthly He says the hanging up of this piece was a great scandal to Men but indifferently affected to Religion Here I humbly crave leave to observe some few Particulars First that here 's no proof so much as offer'd that the piece was hung up by me or my Command Secondly that this Gentleman came often to me to Lambeth and professed much Love to me yet was never the Man that told me his Conscience or any Mans else was troubled at it which had he done that should have been a scandal to no Man Thirdly that if this were scandalous to any it must be offensive in regard of the Workmanship or Quatenus Tale as it was a Crucifix Not in regard of the work certainly for that was very exact And then if it were because it was a Crucifix why did not the old one offend Sir Henry's Conscience as much as the new For the piece of Hangings which hung constantly all the Year at the back of the Altar thirty Years together upon my own Knowledge and somewhat above long before as I offer'd proof by the Vestry Men and so all the time of Sir Henry's being in Court had a Crucifix wrought in it and yet his Conscience never troubled at it Fourthly that he could not possibly think that I intended any Popery in it considering how hateful he knew me to be at Rome beyond any my Predecessors since the Reformation For so he protested at his return from thence to my self And I humbly desire a Salvo that I may have him called to Witness it Which was granted When they had charged me thus far there came up a Message from the House of Commons I was commanded to withdraw But that Business requiring more haste I was dismissed with a Command to attend again on Wednesday May 22. But then I was put off again to Munday May 27. And after much pressing for some Maintenance considering how oft I was made attend and with no small Expence on May 25. I had an Order from the Committee of Sequestrations to have Two Hundred Pound allowed me out of my own now Sequestred Estate It was a Month before I could receive this And this was all that ever was yet allowed me since the Sequestration of my Estate being then of above Two Years continuance CAP. XXXIII The Eleventh Day of my Hearing THis day Mr. Serjeant Wilde followed the Charge upon me And went back again to my Chappel Windows at Lambeth Three Witnesses against them The first was one Pember a Glasier He says there was in one of the Glass-Windows on the North side the Picture of an Old Man with a Glory which he thinks was of God the Father But his thinking so is no proof Nor doth he express in which of the North Windows he saw it And for the Glory that is usual about the Head of every Saint And Mr. Brown who was the Second Witness and was trusted by me for all the work of the Windows both at Lambeth and Croydon says expresly upon his Oath that there was no Picture of God the Father in the Windows at Lambeth But he says He found a Picture of God the Father in a Window at Croydon and Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Arms under it and that he pulled it down So it appears this Picture was there before my time And continued there in so Zealous an Arch-Bishop's time as Cranmer was well known to be and it was pulled down in my time Neither did I know till now that ever such a Picture was there and the Witness deposes he never made me acquainted with it The Third Witness was Mr. Pryn. He says he had taken a survey of the Windows at Lambeth And I doubt not his diligence He repeated the Story in each Window I have told this before and shall not repeat it He says the Pictures of these Stories are in the Mass-Book If it be so yet they were not taken thence by me Arch-Bishop Morton did that work as appears by his Device in the Windows He says the Story of the day of Judgment was in a Window in atrio that must not come into the Chappel Good Lord whither will Malice carry a Man The Story opposite is of the Creation and what must not that come into the Chappel neither The Chappel is divided into an inner and utter Chappel In this outward the two Windows mentioned are And the Partition or Skreen of the Chappel which makes it two was just in the same place where now it stands from the very building of the Chappel for ought can be proved to the contrary So neither I nor any Man else did shut out the day of Judgment He says I had Read the Mass-Book diligently How else should I be able really to confute what is amiss in it He says I had also a Book of Pictures concerning the Life of Christ in my Study And it was fit for me to have it For some things are to be seen in their Pictures for the People which their Writings do not perhaps dare not avow The Second Charge of this day was about the Administration of
to see what I did at Oxford 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent And he says The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already And if it be lawful in one place 't is in another For the Chappel of Magdalen College and Christ-Church Quire he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either Nor doth he know whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door as I knew nothing of it till it was done so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too that he knows not of any Adoration of it as Men passed the Streets or otherwise When this Witness came not home they urged the Statute of Merton College or the Vniversity where if I took my Notes right they say I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam And as I know no fault in that Injunction or Statute so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church without some Bowing or Genuflection 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett He says that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles he gave Reasons against it but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still First my Lords if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it and not I. Secondly it may be observed that this Man by his own Confession gave Reasons such as they were against due Reverence to God in his own House He says that Dr. Frewen told him from me That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's or let another Execute his place as Proctor This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen who being at Oxford I cannot produce him And if I had sent such a Message I know no Crime in it He says that after this he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him He did so And from that Day he heard no more of it but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked He says Mr. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he He confesses ingenuously that the Bowing required was only Toward not to the Altar And To the Picture at St. Mary's Door he says he never heard of any Reveverence done to it And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church was since my Time But it must be his Knowledge not his Belief that must make an Evidence 3. The Third Witness was one Mr. Bendye He says There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time If there be 't is more than I know My Lord of York that now is when he was Bishop of Lincoln worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel and if he did set up a Crucifix I think it was before I had ought to do there He says there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus And God forbid but there should and the Canon of the Church requires it He says there were Latin Prayers in Lent but he knows not who injoyned it And then he might have held his Peace But there were Latin Sermons and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday when few came to Church but the Lent Proceeders who understood them And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin and had so long before I knew the University The last Thing he says was That there were Copes used in some Colleges and that a Traveller should say upon the sight of them that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back therefore a Protestant may not wear one or entring into S. Pauls he may cry Down with it for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity The Words were to this Effect I desire you to remember me a Sinner Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis which is no more than that when they there fall on their Knees or Prostrate to Prayer they would remember me In which Desire of mine or Expression of it I can yet see no Offence No nor in coram Altare their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence but because I have answered those Titles already I refer the Reader thither and shall not make here any tedious Repetition Only this I shall add That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen that not Bishops only one to another but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra to Bishops of meaner place than my self to say no more But here Mr. Brown in his last Reply was pleased to say This Title was not given to any Bishop of England First if I had my Books about me perhaps this might be refuted Secondly why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation Is it impossible be my Unworthiness what it will for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another Thirdly be that as it may if it were as certainly it was Lawfully given to other Bishops though they not English then is it neither Blasphemy nor Assumption of Papal Power as was Charged upon it From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge And I must be Guilty if ought were amiss there too For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses Mr. Wallis Mr. Greece and Mr. Seaman Their Testimonies agreed very near So I will answer them together First they say That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks and Pictures in the Glass-Windows and the like But these things I have often answered already and shall not repeat They say the Chief Authors of these things were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens They are both living why are they not called to answer their own Acts For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me For no one of them says that I gave direction for any of these No says Mr. Serjeant but why did I tolerate them First no Man complained to me Secondly I was not Chancellor and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place And thirdly this was not the least Cause why I followed my Right for Power to visit there And though that Power was confirmed to me yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it It would have but heaped more Envy on me who bare too much already As
from thence where he had made his Party He says farther that some few of the Citizens of Gloucester were called into the High-Commission for an Annuity of Twenty Pound a Year allowed Mr. Workman out of the Town-Stock For the thing it self it was a Gross Abuse and Scorn put upon that Court that when they had Censured a Schismatical Lecturer for such he was there proved the Towns-Men should make him an allowance of Twenty Pound a Year A thing as I humbly conceive not fit to be indured in any settled Government And whereas Clamour is made that some few of the Citizens were called to an account for it that 's as strange on the other side For where there are many Offenders the Noise would be too great to call all And yet here 's Noise enough made for calling a few Here it was replyed by Mr. Maynard That this was done by that Corporation and yet a few singled out to Answer and that therefore I might be singled out to Answer for things done in the High-Commission But under Favour this Learned and Worthy Gentleman is mistaken For here the Mayor and Magistrates of Gloucester did that which was no way warrantable by their Charter in which Case they may be accountable all or some But in the High-Commission we medled with no Cause not Cognoscible there or if by Misinformation we did we were sure of a Prohibition to stop us And medling with nothing but things proper to them I conceive still no one Man can be singled out to suffer for that which was done by all And this may serve to Answer Mr. Brown also who in his last Reply upon me when I might not Answer made use of it 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Purye of 〈◊〉 He says that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Guies the Town-Clark were called to the Council-Table about this Annuity and that I 〈◊〉 it might be 〈◊〉 Examined at the High-Commission If this were true I know no Offence in it to desire that such an Affront to Government might be more thoroughly Examined than the Lords had leisure to do But the Witness doth not give this in Evidence For he says no more than that he heard so from Mr. Brewster And his Hear-say is no Conviction He says farther that the High-Commission called upon this Business of the Annuity as informed that the Twenty Pound given to Mr. Workman was taken out of the Moneys for the Poor And this I must still think was a good and a sufficient ground justly to call them in question He says also That these Men were Fined because that which they did was against Authority So by their own Witness it appears that they were not Fined simply for allowing Means to Mr. Workman but for doing it in opposition to Authority Lastly he says they were Fined Ten Pound apiece and that presently taken off again So here was no such great Persecution as is made in the Cause And for the Cancelling of this Deed of the Annuity it was done by themselves as Mr. Langlye Witnesses After these two Witnesses heard the Sentence of the High-Commission-Court was read which I could not have come at had not they produced it And by that it appeared evidently that Mr Workman was Censured as well for other things as for his Sermon about Images in Churches As first he said so many Paces in Dancing were so many to Hell This was hard if he meant the Measures in the Inns of Court at Christmas and he excepted none Then he said and was no way able to prove it that Drunkards so they were Conformable were preferred Which was a great and a notorious Slander upon the Governours of the Church and upon Orderly and Conformable Men. Then he said that Election of Ministers was in the People And this is directly against the Laws of England in the Right of all Patrons Then constantly in his Prayer before his Sermon he Prayed for the States and the King of Sweden before his Majesty which was the Garb of that time among that Party of Men. Then that one of his common Themes of Preaching to the People was against the Government of the Church And then that Images in Churches were 〈◊〉 better than Stews in the Commonwealth which at the best is a very unsavoury Comparison But here it was replyed That Images were Idols and so called in the Homilies and that therefore the Comparison might hold Yea but in the second Homily against the Peril of Idolatry Images or Pictures in Glass or Hangings are expresly and truly said not to be Idols till they be Worshipped And therefore Mr. Workman should not have compared their setting up to Stews till he could have proved them Worshipped And in all this were the Act good or bad in the Censuring of him it was the Act of the High-Commission not mine After this followed the Fifth Charge which was Mr Sherfeild's Case his Sentence in the Star-Chamber for defacing of a Church-Window in or near Salisbury The Witnesses produced were Two The First was Mr Carill He said that Mr Sherfeild defaced this Window because there was an Image in it conceived to be the Picture of God the Father But first this comes not home For many a Picture may be conceived to be of God the Father which yet is not nor was ever made for it And then suppose it were so yet Mr Sherfeild in a setled Government of a State ought not to have done it but by Command of Authority He says that in my Speech there in the Court I justified the having of the Picture of God the Father as he remembers out of Dan. 7. 22. This as he remembers came well in For I never justified the making or having that Picture For Calvin's Rule that we may picture that which may be seen is grounded upon the Negative that no Picture may be made of that which was never never can be seen And to ground this Negative is the Command given by Moses Deut. 4. Take good heed to your selves For what That you make not to your selves this Picture Why For that you saw no manner of similitude in the day that the Lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire Out of the midst of the fire and yet he still reserved himself in thick darkness Exod. 20. So no Picture of him because no similitude ever seen And this Rule having ever possessed me wholly I could not justifie the having of it I said indeed that some Men in later Superstitious Times were so foolish as to Picture God the Father by occasion of that place in Daniel but for my self I ever rejected it Nor can that place bear any shew of it For Daniel says there that the Ancient of days came But in what shape or similitude he came no Man Living can tell And he is called the Ancient of days from his Eternity not as if he appeared like an Old Man The Text hath no Warrant at all
Secondly he confesses that when Dr. Bray made stay of them he never complained to me and I cannot remedy that which I do not know Thirdly he confesses that all the time he was in Lambeth-House my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor I do not yet know But he said that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott and desired to be advised by him what he should do And that he Answer'd he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business more than my Predecessors had done Be this so yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books makes such a great Noise as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons warmly insisted upon this Particular I thought it necessary to Answer as follows That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images I knew not nor could I now know my Chaplain being Dead But that this I was sure of that else-where in those very Sermons there was as plain a passage and full against Images left in And in another place a whole Leaf together spent to prove them Idolaters and that as gross as the Baalists and so he terms them Yea and that the Pope is Antichrist too and not only called so but proved by divers Arguments And not so only but in plain Terms that he is the Whore of Babylon And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons And many other-like to these there are So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages Where so many upon as good Cause were left in But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books and the overview of them to my Chaplains it was then urged That the Commissary of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham being then in the King's Service And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act whom I might put away when I would than he for his Commissary who had a Patent and could not be put out at pleasure Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me But first there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop and he in the King's Service of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender And Secondly the Bishop and his Official call him Chancellor or Commissary or what you will make but one Person in Law and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction and the Bishop may be answerable for it But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will yet that cannot help what is past if ought have been done amiss by him And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown Upon my entrance on this days Defence I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal and another Pamphlet of the Week wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me as if it were fully proved never so much as mentioning what or how I Answer'd And that it troubled me the more because as I conceived the passages as there expressed trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received but there they dyed and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath CAP. XXXV The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day was the Opinion which was held of me beyond the Seas The first Witness was Sir Henry Mildmaye who as is before related told me without asking That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome that ever sate in my See since the Reformation Now he denied not this but being helped on by good Preparation a Flexible Conscience and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation he minced it And now he says that there were two Factions at Rome and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England But the other Faction spake as well of me because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome But first my Lords this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General That I was hated at Rome not of a Party or Faction there And my Servants heard him at the same time and are here ready to witness it that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning and but that he was something taller he was as like Auditor Philips who was then at Dinner with me as could be But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome One Faction hates me because I aim at too much Power And the other loves me because I would draw England nearer Rome Why if I went about to draw England nearer Rome can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great For if I used my Power for them why should any there Condemn me And if I used it against them why should any here Accuse me Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus These things suit not with the Times or the Dispositions of Rome But the plain Truth is I do not think that ever he was at Rome I after heard a whisper that he only stepped into France for another Cure not to Rome for Curiosity which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither 2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner He says not much of his own knowledge but of Fame that tatling Gossip yet he told the Lords I was a very Obscure Man till within these Fifteen Years Be it so if he please Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years And 't is Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome A strong Opinion but a weak Proof For it was an Opinion of Enemies and such as could easily believe what they over-much desired He farther said that some of them were of Opinion that I was a good Roman-Catholick and that
is upon the bare Circumstance of Quomodo How Christ is present in the Sacrament As for that which was said in the beginning of this Charge That Rome is a True Church I ever did and ever must grant it that such it is Veritate Entis in the Truth of it's Entity and Being For as I have said against Fisher Ens Verum Being and True are convertible one with another And every thing that hath a Being is truly that Being which it is in truth of Substance but a Right or an Orthodox Church I never said it was either in Doctrine or Manners As a Thief is a true Man in Verity of his Essence that is he is a Creature indued with Reason but it doth not therefore follow that he is a true Man Veritate Moris in his Life and Conversation And this I answered first to the Lords and after to Mr. Brown's Summary Charge who in his last Reply said two things First That when I said Rome was a True Church I spake it generally without this Distinction But this is quite beyond the Proof for no Witness says so Besides it is manifest by distinction of Fundamentals from other Doctrines acknowledged by both the Witnesses that I did not speak it absolutely but plain enough to any ordinary Understanding Secondly which I was very sorry to hear from so grave a Man he added That there was no Truth of a Church but in the Verity of Doctrine and Manners and that in Veritate Entis a Company of Turks were a True Church Now God be merciful to us whither are we posting 'T is known that the Greek Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies Church signifies also in Heathen Authors any kind of Company or Congregation of Men Turks if you will But in Ecclesiastical Writers and among all Christians the Word Church is used only and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too for a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ and are Baptized into his Name And will any Man say that a Company of Turks are such a Church in Veritate Entis in the Verity of this Being as all the World knows Papists are Or if he will not speak de Ente tali but change the Suppositum he may say what he please But I was very much troubled to hear this and from him I had almost forgot that Mr. Nicolas here pressed the Authority of the Homilies upon me again where 't is said That the Bishop of Rome and their Adherents are not the true Church But the Answer is easie For I say as the Homily doth and as it means too in that place Namely that the Church of Rome is not the true that is not the Catholick Church nor the Head thereof But there is a great deal of difference between the Church and a Church The one is the General the other a Particular The Church it cannot be A Church it is and a true one too in the Sense before specified Upon occasion of this Mr. Nicolas his Mouth was open again and said That at the beginning I reckon'd up some that I had Converted But if this were my Opinion and that if this might stand for good I might Convert the Devil and all My Ears had been so beaten with his Language that I was patient and left him to insult And to help on this business while he was in these loud Expressions the E. of Pembrook came to Mr. Burton to the Bar and in my hearing desired him to repeat the Testimony he had given which Mr. Burton did and his Lordship seemed to be much pleased with it Not long before when the News was come hot to the House that York was taken when I came at Five in the Afternoon to make my Answer I was no sooner come to the Bar but the same Lord came and sat just before me and there with much Joy told Mr. Lieutenant the News I presume he did it in favour to me because he thought it would put me in very good Heart being then instantly to begin to make my Answer God forgive this Lord for I have deserved in my time far better of him if he understood himself or any Man else The next Charge was out of Dr. Packlinton's Altare Christianum p. 49 50. where he speaks they say for I now have not his Book of a Happiness that the Bishops of England can derive their Succession from St. Peter which in great Scorn Mr. Nicolas called the Archbishop's Pedigree First If there be any Crime in this Dr. Pocklinton is to Answer it not I. Secondly He may scorn what he will but Wise Men know 't is a great Honour to the Church of England and a great Stopple in the Mouths of the Romanists that her Bishops can derive their Calling successively from St Peter especially considering how much they stand upon personal Succession Thirdly Dr. Pocklinton in this says no more for me and the Bishops than St. Augustin urged for himself and his Brethren against the Donatists in the same words save that St. Aug. begins at St. Peter and descends to his own time and the Dr. begins at his own time and ascends to St. Peter But it seems an Upstart Clergy without a Calling will serve Mr. Nicolas well enough The Sixth Charge was That Books were written of purpose to maintain these Opinions and such Men as writ them only preferred He named Mr. Shelford Mr. Butterfield Dr. Cosins and Dr. Pocklinton This hath been Clamoured upon already if any have set out unworthy Books they may be called to account for it I hope I shall not answer for all the Divines in the Kingdom They whom I preferred were Worthy and Able Men and it will not be in the Power of Mr. White 's Centuries to Blast a Man of them among any that know them For these that are named Mr. Shelford I know not Mr. Butterfield I saw punished in the High-Commission Neither of them preferred that I know The two last by whomsoever they were preferred deserved all the Preferment they had and more The Seventh Charge is out of my Diary at June 15 1632. where 't is said that I preferred Mr Secretary Windebank my old Friend And here Mr. Nicolas laid all the Correspondency open which he said that Gentleman had with the Popes Agents with Priests and Jesuits and when he had made him this way as foul as he could then I must be guilty of all for preferring such a Man to the King This Gentleman was indeed my ancient Friend In my many Years Acquaintance with him I saw nothing in him but Honesty and Worth If when he was preferred he deceived my Opinion he is living to answer for himself Many in all Ages have been preferred to Princes which do not answer the Hopes and Desires of them which prefer them and yet they not made answerable for them neither But whether he did fail in any Publick Trust or no I am not his Judge
promised to take all into Consideration And so I was dismissed Sine Die But here I may not go off from this Dream so since Mr. Pryn hath Printed it at the end of my Diary Where he shamelesly says This Dream was Attested from my own Mouth at my Tryal in the Lords House For I have set down all that pass'd exactly Nor did I then give any Attestation to it only before I could gather up my self to Answer the Earl of Pembroke in a fitting manner and not to hurt my self Mr. Nicolas fell upon me with that Unchristian bitterness as diverted me from the Earl to Answer him But once for all and to satisfie any Man that desires it That is all true which I have here set down concerning this Dream and upon my Christianity and hope of future Salvation I never had this Dream nor any like it nor did I ever tell it this Lord or any other any other way than in Relation to Badger and Pryn as is before related And surely if I had had such a Dream I should not have had so little Discretion as to tell it any Man least of all to pour it into that Sieve the Earl of Pembroke For that which follows and wherein his Charity and Words are almost the same with those of Mr. Nicolas I give him the same Answer and forgiving him all his most Unchristian and Insatiable Malice against me leave my self in the Hands of God not in his I Received an Order from the Lords that if I had a mind to make a Recapitulation as I had formerly desired of my long and various Charge I should provide my self for it against Munday next this Order came upon Friday and that I should give in my Answer the next Morning what I meant to do The next day in Obedience to this Order I gave in my Answer which was Humble Thanks that I might have liberty to make it referring the day to their Honourable Consideration with this that Munday next was a very short time for such a Collection Upon this Answer an Order was presently made that I should provide to make my Recapitulation upon Munday September the Second And about this time the certain day I know not it was Resolved in the House of Commons that according to my Plea I should enjoy the benefit of the Act of Oblivion and not be put to Answer the Thirteenth Original Article concerning the Scottish Business And truly I bless God for it I did not desire the benefit of that Act for any Sense of Guiltiness which I had in my self but in Consideration of the Times and the Malice of the now Potent Faction which being implacable towards me I could not think it Wisdom to lay by any such Power as might help to secure me Yet in the former part of this History when I had good Reason to think I should not be called to Answer such General Articles I have set down my Answer to each of them as much as Generals can be Answer'd And thereby I hope my Innocency will appear to this Thirteenth Article also Then came Munday Sept. 2. and according to the Order of the Lords I made the Recapitulation of my whole Cause in matters of greatest Moment in this form following But so soon as I came to the Bar I saw every Lord present with a New Thin Book in Folio in a blue Coat I heard that Morning that Mr. Pryn had Printed my Diary and Published it to the World to disgrace me Some Notes of his own are made upon it The first and the last are two desperate Untruths beside some others This was the Book then in the Lords Hands and I assure my self that time picked for it that the sight of it might damp me and disinable me to speak I confess I was a little troubled at it But after I had gathered up my self and looked up to God I went on to the Business of the Day and thus I spake CAP. XLIII My Recapitulation Mr. Lords my Hearing began March 12. 1643 4. and continued to the end of July In this time I was heard before your Lordships with much Honour and Patience Twenty Days and sent back without Hearing by reason of your Lordships greater Employments Twelve Days The rest were taken up with providing the Charge against me And now my Lords being come near an end I am by your Grace and Favour and the leave of these Gentlemen of the Honourable House of Commons to represent to your Lordships and your Memories a brief Summ of my Answers to this long and various Charge In which I shall not only endeavour but perform also all possible Brevity And as with much Thankfulness I acknowledge my self bound to your Lordships for your Patience So I cannot doubt but that I shall be as much obliged for your Justice in what I am innocent from Crime and for your Clemency in what the common Frailty of Mankind hath made me Err. And I Humbly desire your Lordships to look upon the whole Business with Honourable Care of my Calling of my Age of my long Imprisonment of my Sufferings in my Estate and of my Patience in and through this whole Affliction The Sequestration having been upon my Estate above Two Years In which notwithstanding I may not omit to give Thanks for the Relief which my Petitions found for my present necessities in this time of my Hearing at your Honourable Hands 1. First then I humbly desire your Lordships to remember the generality and by occasion of that the incertainty of almost every Article charged upon me which hath cast me into great streights all along in making my Defence 2. Next That your Lordships will be pleased to consider what a short space upon each Days Hearing hath been allowed me to make my Answer to the many Charges in each several Day laid against me Indeed some Days scarce time enough to peruse the Evidence much less to make and then to review and weigh my Answers Especially considering to my greatest Grief that such a Charge should be brought up against me from so Great and Honourable a Body as the Commons of England In regard of which and all other sad Occasions I at first did and do still in all Humility desire that in all Particulars concerning Law my Councel may be heard before your Lordships proceed to Sentence and that a Day may be assigned for my Councel accordingly 3. Thirdly I heartily pray also that it may be taken into your Honourable Consideration how I have all manner of ways been sifted to the very Bran for that what e're it amounts to which stands in Charge against me 1 The Key and use of my Study at Lambeth Books and Papers taken from me 2 A Search upon me at the Tower made by Mr. Pryn and One and Twenty Bundles of Papers prepared for my Defence taken from me and not Three Bundles restored to me again This Search made before any Particular Articles
Reader And if they do not make themselves of another Religion I shall never endeavour to make them 13. By a Pack of such Witnesses as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling Messengers and Pursevants and such as have shifted their Religion to and again Pillory-men and Bawds And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests 12. In the midst of these upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation it was pressed against me That I had altered the King's Oath 14. And last of all That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments Upon both these I did very much enlarge my self But here also that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction that I did not the one nor am the other But my Lords there are other strange Arguments produced against me to prove my Compliance with Rome which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten 1. As first my Lords it hath been Charged upon me That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons one Clause whereof is this That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this and can be no other That I did endeavour to bring in Popery because I made and took a solemn Oath never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument And they which follow are as pregnant against me 2. Secondly My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me where the Argument must lie thus I have endeavoured to advance Popery because I have written against it And with what strength I have written I leave to Posterity to judge when the Envy which now over-loads me shall be buried with me This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here save that his Life was not sought I never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity nor I hope ever shall And let the Church of England look to it for in great Humility I crave to write this though then was no time to speak it That the Church of England must leave the way it 's now going and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome 3. Thirdly All the late Canons have been charged against me and the Argument which is drawn from thence must lie thus The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in 4. Fourthly I have by my Industry and God's great Blessing upon my Labours stayed as many from going and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done I named them before and had Scorn enough put upon me for it as your Lordships could not but both see and hear where the Argument lies thus I converted many from Popery and setled them in the Religion established in England Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way 5. Fifthly The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self by Andreas ab Habernfield hath been charged against me That Plot for altering of Religion and by what ways your Lordships have heard already and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece Now if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information and no Proof of any Particular as indeed it did What 's become of Rome's Master-piece But if it had any reality in it as it appeared to be a sad Plot not only to me but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent with an absolute Undertaking to prove them then it appears expresly that I was in danger of my Life for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England 'till I was taken out of the way And though in conclusion the Proofs failed yet what was consulted and it seems resolved concerning me is plain enough And then the Argument against me lies thus There 's no hope to bring in Popery 'till I am taken out of the way therefore I did labour to bring it in Do not these things my Lords hang handsomly together 6. Lastly There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers brought out of my Study into this Honourable House they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany Why they should be brought hither but in hope to charge them upon me I know not and then the Argument will be this I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments and what Proof they make against me I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason For answer to which I must be bold to tell your Lordships That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason the Result from them cannot be Treason which will appear by these Reasons following 1. First The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises But 't is confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them And this holds in Nature in Morality and in Law In Nature and that both for Integral and Essential Parts for neither can the Body of a Bear and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox nor the Legs of a Bull the Body of a Horse and the Head of an Ass result into a Man In Morality and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices For neither can many Actions of Liberality Meekness and Sobriety rise up into a Result of Fortitude neither can many Actions of Malice Drunkenness and Covetousness result into Treason In Law 't is so too For be there never so many particular Crimes yet there is no Law in this Kingdom nor any where else that I know that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law So this imaginary Result is
consider of and on September 27. Friday they were earnestly called upon to hasten their Report And on Friday Octob. 4. Mr. Nicolas made a great noise about me in the House and would have had me presently Censured in the House and no less would serve his turn but that I must be Hanged and was at Sus. per Coll. till upon the Reasons before given that if they went on this way they must Condemn me unheard this violent Clamour ceased for that time And a Message was sent up to the Lords for my Councel to be heard as touching the first Question concerning Treason but not concerning any Exception that they shall take against the Articles in point of certainty This Message the Lords took into present Consideration and Order'd it accordingly And appointed the Friday following being Octob. 11. for my Councel to be Heard and my Self to be present This day according to this Order of the Lords I and my Councel attended My Councel were Mr. Hern and Mr. Hales of Lincolns-Inn and Mr. Gerrard of Grays-Inn When we were called into the House and the Lords setled in their places Mr. John Hern who was the Man that spake what all had resolved on delivered his Argument very freely and stoutly proving that nothing which I have either said or done according to this Charge is Treason by any known Established Law of this Kingdom The Argument follows in these words according to the Copy which Mr. Hern himself delivered me My Lords THE Work of this Day we humbly conceive is in many respects of very great and high Concernment 1. In that it concerns Matter of Life a Thing of the highest Consequence 2. The Life of an Arch-Bishop a Person who had attained the highest Dignity conferred in the Church of England 3. Those Happy Laws many Years since Enacted and Confirmed by several Parliaments to be the Boundaries what was Treason a Crime before so various as it had no Bounds and so Odious that the punishment of it was an Infamous Death a total Confiscation with a Brand of Infamy to all Posterity 4. In that the Charge against him moves from no less a Body than the whole Commons of England which presents him now a Prisoner at this Bar before your Lordships in the High and Supream Court of Judicature in Parliament And if any thing shall fall from us subject to any doubtful Construction we shall humbly crave your Lordships Pardon and Leave to make our Explication For as there is upon us a Duty to be wary not to offer any thing which may minister just Offence so neither may we be unfaithful to omit what may justly tend to our Client's Defence The Charge against him we find to be made up of two several parcels of Articles Exhibited by the Honourable House of Commons 1. The First in Maintenance of their Accusation whereby he stands charged with High Treason 2. The latter Intituled farther Articles of Impeachment of High Treason and divers high Crimes and Misdemeanours for all which Matters and Things they have Impeached him of High Treason and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours tending to the Subversion of Religion Laws and Liberties and to the utter Ruine of this Church and Common-wealth Concerning this Charge and the Arch-Bishop's Defence he hitherto made before your Lordships we by your Lordships Command Assigned his Councel neither have nor could by Reason of the mixt Charge without distinguishing what was thereby intended to be a Charge of Treason and what of Misdemeanour only be farther useful to him than to Advise the Form of his Plea and Answer which we received from him as to all the Matters of Fact to be a Not Guilty We have not in all or any the Facts Charged or Evidenced against him in any sort intermedled But the same how proved and how appliable to the Charges without mention of any of them shall wholly leave to your Lordships Notes and Memories What Defence he hath offered hitherto hath been wholly his own He without us in that and we without consulting him in the work of this day Wherein having received your Lordships Commands we did present in writing the Points in Law we then humbly conceived fit for us to insist upon I. Whether in all or any the Articles charged against him there was contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom II. Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles did contain such certainty and particularity as is required by Law in a Case where Treason is charged But being enjoyned by your Honourable Order to speak only to the former We shall as in Duty becomes conform thereunto For our Method herein shall follow the course holden in the Reply made upon the whole Articles whereby we conceived the Charges contained in them were reduced to these three Generals 1. A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law contained in the first Original and first Additional Articles 2. Secondly A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert God's True Religion by Law Established and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry this contained in the seventh Original and seventh Additional Articles 3. Thirdly That he laboured to Subvert the Rights of Parliament and the Ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings and by False and Malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments And this contained in the fourteenth Original and tenth Additional Articles All other the Articles we humbly conceive to be but Instances conducing and applied to some of those Generals Concerning those three General Heads of the Charge we shall crave leave to propose two Questions to be debated 1. Whether there be at this day any other Treason than what is Declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Cap. 2. or Enacted by some subsequent particular Statute which we humbly conceive and shall endeavour to satisfie your Lordships there is not any 2. Whether any the Matters in any of the Articles charged contain any of the Treasons declared by that Law or Enacted by any subsequent Law which we likewise conceive they do not And for the clearing of both these shall humbly insist That 1. An endeavour to Subvert the Laws An endeavour to Subvert Religion A labouring to Subvert the Rights of Parliaments Are not Treasons either within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other particular Statute 2. That not any of the Particulars instanced in any other the Articles is a Treason within the Statute 25 Ed. 3. or any other Statute And to make good our Tenet upon our first Question shall humbly offer That before this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Treasons at the Common Law were so general and uncertain that almost any Crime by Inferences and Constructions might be and was often extended to be a Treason in so much as we find in 22o. of the
Yet not forgetting what Ordinance you told me was drawn up against me If that which I have now said may any way satisfie this Honourable House to make stay of it or to mitigate it I shall bless God and you for it And I humbly desire you to take into consideration my Calling my Age my former Life my Fall my Imprisonment long and strict That these Considerations may move with you In my Prosperity I bless God for it I was never puffed up into Vanity whatever the World may think of me And in these last full four Years durance I thank the same God Gravem Fortunam constanter tuli I have with decent Constancy born the weight of a pressing Fortune And I hope God will strengthen me unto and in the end of it Mr. Speaker I am very aged considering the Turmoils of my Life and I daily find in my self more Decays than I make shew of and the Period of my Life in the Course of Nature cannot be far off It cannot but be a great Grief unto me to stand at these Years thus Charged before ye Yet give me leave to say thus much without Offence Whatsoever Errours or Faults I may have committed by the way in any my Proceedings through Human Infirmity as who is He that hath not offended and broken some Statute-Laws too by Ignorance or Misapprehension or Forgetfulness at some sudden time of Action Yet if God Bless me with so much Memory I will die with these Words in my Mouth That I never intended much less endeavoured the subversion of the Laws of the Kingdom nor the bringing in of Popish Superstition upon the true Protestant Religion Established by Law in this Kingdom And now Mr. Speaker having done with the Fact I have but this one thing to put to the Consideration of this Honourable House My Charge hath been repeated I confess by a very worthy and a very able Gentleman But Ability is not absolute in any The Evidence given against me before the Lords was as by the Law it ought to be given in upon Oath But the Evidence now summed up and presented to this Honourable House is but upon the Collection and Judgment of one Man how able or intire soever and what he conceived is proved against me is but according to his Judgment and Memory which perhaps may differ much from the Opinion and Judgment of the Judges themselves who heard the Evidence at large Nor was this Gentleman himself present every Day of my Hearing and then for those Days in which he was absent he can report no more here than what others have reported to him So for so much his Repetition here is but a Report of a Report of Evidence given And at the best but a Report of Evidence and not upon Oath And I suppose never any Jurors who are Tryers of the Fact in any Case Civil or Criminal did ever ground their Verdict upon an Evidence only Reported before them and which themselves heard not And if this manner of Proceeding shall be thought less considerable in my Person yet I humbly desire it may be thoroughly weighed in the prudent Judgment of this Honourable House the great Preserver of the Laws and Liberties of the Subject of England how far it doth or may trench upon these in future Consequences if these great Boundaries be laid loose and open And because my Infirmities are many and great which Age and Grief have added to those which are naturally in me I most humbly desire again That my Councel may be heard for point of Law according to the former Concession of this Honourable House For I assure my self upon that which hath been pleaded to the Lords That no one nor all of the things together which are charged against me if proved which I conceive they are not can make me guilty of High Treason by any known Established Law of this Kingdom The Sum of all is this Upon an Impeachment arising from this House I have pleaded Not Guilty Thereupon Issue hath been joined and Evidence given in upon Oath And now I must humbly leave it to you your Wisdom and Justice Whether it shall be thought Fit and Just and Honourable to Judge me here only upon a Report or a Hearsay and that not upon Oath CAP. XLVI HEre ended the heavy Business of this Day I was exceeding faint with speaking so long and I had great pain and soreness in my Breast for almost a Fortnight after then I thank God it wore away I was commanded to withdraw and to attend the House again on Wednesday Novemb. 13. which I did Then Mr. Brown made a Reply to my Answer The Reply had some great Mistakes in it but else was for the most part but a more earnest Affirming of what he had delivered And I conceived I was not to Answer to his Reply but that he was to have the last Speech For so it was always carried during my Hearing in the Lords House Therefore being dismissed I went away And I was no sooner gone but the House called for the Ordinance which was drawn up against me and without Hearing my Councel or any more ado Voted me Guilty of High Treason And yet when I came that Day to the House all Men and many of the House themselves did much magnifie my Answer before given I will forbear to set down in what Language because it was high and as no time can be fit for Vanity so least of all was this time for me And Vain I must needs be thought should I here relate what was told me from many and good Hands But it seems the Clamour prevailed against me On Saturday Novemb. 16. this Ordinance was passed the House of Commons suddenly and with so great deliberation as you have heard was transmitted to the Lords and by them the Debate concerning it put off to Friday Novemb. 22. Then the Earl of Pembroke began more fully to shew his canker'd Humour against me how provoked I protest I know not unless by my serving him far beyond his Desert There among other course Language he bestowed as I am informed the Rascal and the Villain upon me And told the Lords they would put off giving their Consent to the Ordinance till the Citizens would come down and call for Justice as they did in my Lord Strafford's Case Was there not Justice and Wisdom in this Speech Hereupon the Business was put off to Saturday Novemb. 23. and then to Friday Novemb. 29. But then upon Thursday Novemb. 28. Mr. Strowd came up with a Message from the Commons to quicken the Lords in this Business And at the end of his Message he let fall That they should do well to agree to the Ordinance or else the Multitude would come down and force them to it At this some Lords very honourably took Exception and Mr. Strowd durst not bide it that this was any part of the Message delivered him by the House of Commons
of the Arch-Bishop passed in the House of Commons November 13. 1644. But yet the Business was not done for the Lords stuck at it Some of which having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity began to find themselves Compassionate of his Condition not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction For the Ordinance having been Transmitted to the House of Peers and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it it was Voted on December 4. That all Books Writings and Evidences which concerned the Tryal should be brought before the Lords in Parliament to the end that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves as they came before them But meaning to make sure work of it they had in the mean time after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion prepared an Ordinance which they sent up unto the Lords importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army Which being found too weak to hold they fall upon another and a likelier Project which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number And to effect the same with more speed and certainty they had recourse to their Old Arts drawing down Watkins with his General Muster of Subscriptions and putting a Petition into his Hands to be tendred by him to the Houses that is themselves Wherein it was required amongst other things That they should vigorously proceed unto the Punishment of all Delinquents and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Business of State the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons On such uncertain Terms such a ticklish Tenure did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament who so officiously complied with the House of Commons in depriving the Bishops of their Vote and the Church's Birth-Right And this was it which helped them in that time of need And yet not thinking this device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance Strowd was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons to let them know That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition with 20000 Hands to obtain that Ordinance By which stale and common Stratagem they wrought so far on some weak Spirits the rest withdrawing themselves as formerly in the Case of the Earl of Strafford that in a thin and slender House not above six or seven in number it was pass'd at last The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for Establishing their New Directory which in effect was nothing but a total Abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book and thereby shewed unto the World how little hopes they had of setling their new Form of Worship if the Foundation of it were not laid in the Blood of this Famous Prelate who had so stoutly stood up for it against all Novellism and Faction in the whole course of his Life It was certified by some Letters to Oxon and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following Week That the Lord Bruce but better known by the Name of the Earl of Elgin was one of the Number of those few Lords which had Voted to the Sentence of his Condemnation The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence being the Earls of Kent Pembroke Salisbury and Bullingbrook together with the Lord North and the Lord Gray of Wark But whatsoever may be said of the other six I have been advertised lately from a very good Hand that the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings as most abhorrent from his Nature and contrary to his known Affections as well unto his Majesty's Service as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England This Ordinance was no sooner passed but it revived many of those Discourses which had before been made on the like occasion in the Business of the Earl of Strafford Here we have a new-found Treason never known before nor declared such by any of his Majesty's Justices nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament but only Voted to be such by some of those Members which sate at Westminster who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind the first that ever suffered Death by the Shot of an Ordinance as himself very well observed in his Dying Speech upon the Scaffold though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy to which now he hastneth For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower he neither entertained the News with a Stoical Apathy nor wailed his Fate with weak and Womanish Lamentations to which Extreams most Men are carried in this Case but heard it with so even and so smooth a Temper as shewed he neither was ashamed to Live nor afraid to Die The time between the Sentence and Execution he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God having obtained though not without some difficulty a Chaplain of his own to Attend upon him and to assist him in the work of his Preparation though little Preparation needed to receive that Blow which could not but be welcome because long expected On the Evening before his Passover the Night before the dismal Combat betwixt him and Death after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper he betook himself unto his Rest and Slept very soundly till the time came in which his Servants were appointed to Attend his Rising A most assured sign of a Soul prepared The fatal Morning being come he first applied himself to his private Prayers and so continued till Pennington and others of their Publick Officers came to conduct him to the Scaffold which he ascended with so brave a Courage such a chearful Countenance as if he had mounted rather to behold a Triumph than be made a Sacrifice and came not there to Die but to be Translated And though some Rude and Uncivil People Reviled him as he pass'd along with opprobrious Language as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace yet it never discomposed his Thoughts nor disturb'd his Patience For he had profited so well in the School of Christ that when he was reviled he reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but committed his Cause to him that Judgeth Righteously And as he did not fear the Frowns so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People than to affect the ostentation either of Memory or Wit in that dreadful Agony Whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence I can hardly say As for the matter of his Speech besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation his great care was to clear his Majesty and the Church of England from
share therein as he could desire his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes of People whom Love or Curiosity or remorse of Conscience had drawn together purposely to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable That being whilst he Lived the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established he had the Honour being Dead to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed after it had been long disused and almost reprobated in most Churches of London Hitherto Dr. Heylin The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury viz. Jan. 4. they likewise passed an Ordinance that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines Rushworth par 3. vol. 2. pag. 839. H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate with his Arms and this Inscription Engraven thereon In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis qui Securi percussus Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij AEtatis suae LXXII Archiepiscopatûs XII In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London and being carried to Oxford was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament In Dei Nomine Amen I William Laud by God's great Mercy and Goodness Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being in perfect Health tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London God knows for what in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty do hereby Make Ordain and Declare this my Last Will and Testament in Manner and Form following And First in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart I 〈◊〉 beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour And though I have been a most Prodigal Son yet my hope is in Christ that for his sake God my most merciful Creator will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father Amen Lord Jesus In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort into the Mercies of God the Father through the Merits of God the Son in the Love of God the Holy Ghost And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity One God to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come and in my Change to receive me to that Rest which he prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name So Amen Lord Jesu Amen Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness And whosoever hath Offended me I pray God forgive them and I do And I hope and pray that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him Amen For my Faith I Die as I have Lived in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ foreshewed by the Prophets and Preached to the World by Christ himself his Blessed Apostles and their Successors and a True Member of his Catholick Church within the Communion of a Living part thereof the present Church of England as it stands Established by Law Secondly I leave my Body to the Earth whence it was taken in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant And for my Burial tho' I stand not much upon the place yet if it conveniently may be I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner yet my earnest desire is I may not be buried in the Tower But wheresoever my Burial shall be I will have it private that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses Thirdly For my Worldly Estate I Will that my Debts be presently paid which at this time I praise God are very small Then for St Paul's Church it grieves me to see it at such a stand And tho' I have besides my pains given largely towards it and the Repairs thereof yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work if ever it go on while the Party trusted with it lives But my Executors are not charged with this 't is in safe but other Hands Item I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles whom God bless 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt which he owes me being 2000 l. and require that the Tallies for it be delivered up Item I give to St John's College in Oxford where I was bred all my Chappel-Plate gilt or party-gilt All my Chappel-Furniture all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death which they have not in their Library and 500 l. in Money to be laid out upon Lands And I Will that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike upon the 17th day of October every fourth Year Something else I have done for them already according to my Ability And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace my Chalice and Patin of Gold and these I desire the young Duke to accept and use in his Chappel as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love and the Honour to be beloved of his Father So God bless him with wise and good Counsels and a Heart to follow them By Father and Mother I never had Brother nor Sister but by my Mother many They were all Ancient to me and are Dead but I give to their Children as followeth Legacies To his Brother Dr Robinson's Children Scil Henry and John and Lucie and Elizabeth Wife to Dr Baily To Dr Cotsford Son of his Sister Amie To Dr Edward Layfield Son of his Sister Bridget To Eliz Holt Daughter of his Sister Bennet To William Bole Son of his Sister Elizabeth To his Sister Briget's Daughter Wife to Mr Snow To his Chaplains Rings rich or Watches To the Poor of several places he had reference to 5 l. each To Canterbury Lambeth and Croydon 10 l. each To the University of Oxford where I was Bred and to the Town of Reading where I was Born I have already in perpetuity as God hath made me able Item I give to so many of my Servants as did continue my Servants
impossibilitatis Neque enim talis casus aut extit it aliquando aut contingere potest nisi fallat nos Dominus qui promisit Portae Inferorum non praevalebunt c. THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy The Speech begins thus MY Lords I have waited to find you free from greater Businesses that I might crave leave to speak of something that concerns my self And this I have the more desired since my Lord of Canterbury's last Speech who expressing his Troubles and 〈◊〉 the Misery of his Condition and of the Condition of the Church of England for he would needs join them together which I think he may as the Cause and the Effect for the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from him he insisted much upon this That these Troubles had befallen him through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries and by those he said the Church was greatly afflicted MY Lords and all Christian Readers those great Businesses which my Lord speaks of are now ended and I hope as you are free from Business so you will be free from Prejudice while I also crave leave to speak something concerning my self And this I also have the more desired since I saw this Honourable Lord had put his Speech in Print which I find as much if not more against me than for himself This Speech was not put in Print till near six Months after it was Spoken and I conceive was Printed then to renew the Business and to whet the Malice of those Sectaries against me 'T is true that after I was Impeached by the House of Commons for High Treason there came no Articles up against me in full Ten Weeks after then they came up in Generals only and I was called to the House to hear them on Friday February the 26th 〈◊〉 Now by these Articles I found that there was great but I humbly praise God for it causeless Jealousie of me in point of Religion This made me labour more to clear my self from that than from any thing else objected against me as ever hating to seem other in Religion than what I truly and really am For of all Simulations or Dissimulations that is the basest when a Man for poor Temporary fading ends shall shift his Religion or his Judgment concerning it with the Time if not with the Tide As if at all times he had somewhat to seek before he would express Whereas it is most true which St. Hilary speaks in Matter of Religion Non opus est intervallo aliquo inter Cor Os There 's no need of a distance between the Heart and the Mouth as if a Man were to bethink himself of some faithless ambiguity before he would speak that which belonged to the Profession of his Faith Now if seeing my self under so great a pressure and the Church of England so hard lay'd at as then it was I did bewail the Condition of both I think I did what became me And I hope I offended no Man in joyning our Conditions together And whereas this Honourable Lord thinks that I might well joyn them as the Cause and the Effect I think so too my self but in another Sense For his Lordship says too peremptorily that the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from me No certainly The Miseries of this Church have proceeded from the Separatists and from such as for private at least if not for worse ends have countenanced them and their strange Proceedings against the Government and Governours of the Church And this so long till they brought the Church's Condition which flourished before to be the Cause of my Condition such as it now is And I fell into this Condition by labouring by all good Means to uphold the Church of England from that Misery into which I fear it is now falling And I doubt not but God will open the Eyes of all Good Men to see clearly in time that this was the Cause which laid both me and this Church so low and not any Actions much less Practices of mine This being so if I insisted much upon this that these Troubles have befallen me through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries as this Honourable Lord says I did I had great Reason so to do For certainly the Church of England is greatly afflicted by them and I pray God in the end it be not torn in pieces between them That which I then said in my sudden Speech to the Lords to this Particular was as follows I am very Unfortunate in this Business between the Malignity of two Parties against me the Papist and the Separatist And shall I suffer on both sides at once Shall I be accounted a deadly Enemy to the Papist as I am reputed by them both at Home and Abroad and in the mean time accused for no less than Treason for favouring and complying with them Well If I do suffer 't is but because Truth usually lyes between two sides and is beaten on both sides as the poor Church of England is at this day by these Factions But in this and all things else and in despight of Malice Truth shall either be my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer and by God's gracious Assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing This or to this effect I then spake and I hope without any Offence sure I am without reflecting upon any particular Person Yet my Lord seems to think otherwise For he says How far this Man will extend this Word Sectary and whom he will comprehend under it I know not but I have some cause to fear that I may lie under some Misapprehension in respect of Matters of this nature which how far it concerns him your Lordships will perceive by what I shall say My Lord it seems knows not how far I will extend the Word Sectary Truly no farther than the Church of Christ extended it ever since Sects and Schisms broke in upon it to help dispoil it of Peace and Unity And a Sectary is he ..... The next thing which my Lord knows not is Whom I will comprehend under that Name and that his Lordship may easily know For I comprehend none under it but such as divide from the Church and either make or follow a Breach where no just cause is given by the Church or where though cause were given Ways of Division are preferr'd before Ways of Peace But that which troubles my Lord about these things which he professes he knows not is That he hath some cause to fear for so he confesses that he may lie under some Misapprehensions in respect of Matters of this nature And this I think may
Witness I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us which whatever some other Men think I know was sunk very low and if in labouring this I did err in any Circumstance for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake which cannot free it self from Error But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State was the bringing in of the Scots and the keeping of them here at a vast charge only to serve Turns and those very base ones And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation as well as the King And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business he best knows Sure I am his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees But my Lord thinks himself safe enough so he can cry me up among the Rabble to be the Author of all And not content with this he insults farther upon me as follows Yet to magnifie his Moderation presently after the breaking of the last Parliament he told a Lord who sits now in my sight that if he had been a Violent Man he wanted no occasion to shew it For he observed that the Lord Say never came to Prayers and added that I was in his knowledge as great a Separatist as any was in England What ever it was I said was not to magnifie my Moderation Nor do I remember that ever I spake these words Yet First if any Lord will say upon his Honour that I did say these very Words I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour as that I will submit and believe his Testimony against my own Old now and Weak Memory Next upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord I had as much exception to him as to any Separatist in England These Words are neither so Bold nor so Vncivil as those in the Charge and perhaps I might speak these though I remember it not For during the last Parliament not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords came to me of themselves as I sat there and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church and some of them wondred he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it And if any of them would be so mean as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord he did that who ever he were which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord I must and do say them again and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge that I questioned him not when the Times were calmer For had I done that I had done my Duty and if I had not cured him perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church as his Lordship hath procured since that time both by his Example his Counsel and his Countenance And for the Words I doubt not but he himself will be found to have made them good before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship In the mean time my Lord proceeds My Lords how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me I am not certain but I may well fear where it might do me greatest Prejudice I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience that I may give you in these things which so nearly concern me a true account of my self which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness and so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear I am not such a one as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe I have spit no Venom against his Lordship much less have I spit any thing far For this Report which is here called Venom is common through the Kingdom And I have already told you what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament And that is no more than hath been avowed unto me by very many others and some of very good Quality so the spreading was to me not from me But yet my Lord fears I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice I know not what my Lord means by this unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty And if that be his meaning I will tell his Lordship truth what I know therein I was present when I heard some Lords more than once tell the King that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England and would not come at her Common-Prayers And one of these Lords afterwards told me he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion and that his Majesty had need look to it To this last which was spoken to me in private but I will depose the Truth of it I could not but assent And to the former I then said I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty but I was not certain of it And I doubt not but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight as well as that Lord who told him the other of me And not in his Sight only but in his Affections also as things go now But however they carry it with him now this they said of him then Nor will I here pick a Thanks to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty when he was thought to be in danger enough though I was chidden by a Great one that stood by for my Labour I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader 's Favour and Patience that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with and doth nearly concern me So I may proceed to the rest which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth And so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear that I am not such a Waspish Man as my Lord would fain render me to the World But if I have been a Wasp in any Court wherein I have had the Honour to sit yet his Lordship should not have called me so considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards and in other Places of Business Where he pinches so deep that discreet Men are in a doubt whether his Aim be to sting the Wards or the Court it self to Death first For no Man can believe 't is for the good of the King And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it not to my Cause which is very good against his Lordship but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions and my Weakness compared with his
say Amen to Besides with my Lord's leave upon the Consideration which he desires me to take I think I have found other Differences For besides the Vse and Custom which we are inured to I find that to have some set Form of Prayer when the Congregation meets is little less than * Traditio Vniversalis an Universal Tradition of the whole Church And that it took beginning while some of the Apostles were yet living and hath continued from thence in all Ages and Places of the Church to this day Now though particular Customs and Traditions vary and may be varied in several Churches yet I do not find there is such a Power over Traditions that are General but that next to the Scripture it self they are kept by all Sober Christians inviolable And St. Augustine says plainly St. Aug. Epist. 118. c. 5. 't is Insolentissimae insaniae a trick of most insolent Madness to dispute or doubt of that quod tota per Orbem frequentat Ecclesia which the Church of Christ practises throughout the whole World And for my part I believe him and I would my Lord did so too and then I think he would not refuse the Service for the Injunction nor fall into any fit of this insolent Madness As for Preaching that was ever left free And therefore the Church did ever put a difference And I find upon this Consideration another Difference yet between Prayer and Preaching For Preaching is a Speech to Man for his Edification and Instruction in Faith and good Life But Prayer is a Speech to God to Honour and Worship him in the acknowledgment of his Dominion over and his Bounty and Goodness towards all Creatures but Mankind especially And therefore though a Man cannot take too much pains in that which he is to speak from God to Man lest he be proved a False Relater Yet of the two there should be more care had what Prayers he puts up for himself and the whole Congregation unto God lest he be not only a false Worshipper but also lest he suddenly and unadvisedly ask that which may be hurtful unto all And for ought he knows God may at that time be angry with us for our Sins and may hear in his anger and grant And I believe it will be found a greater and more dangerous Sin for the Priest to make the People ask at God's Hands those things which they ought not Besides the Publick Prayers of the Church do teach and inform the People not only how to Pray and so how to Worship but in many things also what to believe as well nay often times better than many Sermons So that ill Praying in Publick contains almost all the Mischiefs that ill Preaching hath in it over and above all the Ill that is proper to it self And so is the more dangerous Sin And therefore the Church cannot be too careful for a set and known Form for Publick Prayer yea and that enjoyned too so it be well weighed before-hand though for Preaching she leave a greater Latitude So upon consideration I think there is more difference between a set Form of Prayer and a set Form of Preaching than that we are invited to the one and not to the other Yet when I hear what Extravagant nay Seditious Preaching there is now-a-days I am strongly tempted to believe that were the like Injunction for Preaching it were far better than that such loose dangerous and most unchristian Preachings as are in many places should continue It seems my Lord hath now done with the First Part of the Waspish-Man's Charge against him for so he is pleased to call it And that is his Lordship's account why he refuses to come to Common-Prayer And now he goes on to the next My Lords let me presume upon your Patience so far farther as to give me leave to speak to the other Imputation laid upon me that I am a Separatist and the greatest in England My Lords very Honourably afforded his Lordship Patience to speak to the other Imputation laid upon him and so shall I very freely But how far and in what Language and upon what Occasion I imputed any thing to his Lordship I have ingenuously declared already And shall add no more till my Lord hath proceeded farther and expressed what he pleases as follows And First I shall say of this Word Separatist as that Learned Man Mr. Hales of Eaton saith in a little Manuscript of his which I have seen That where it may be rightly fixed and deservedly charged it is certainly a great Offence But in common use now among us it is no other than a Theological Scare-crow wherewith the potent and prevalent Party uses to fright and inforce those who are not of their Opinions to subscribe to their Dictates without daring to question them or bring them to any Rule of Examination either of Scripture or Reason And he observeth that this was too usual even in Ancient Times as well as now And First my Lord begins with the Word Separatist And he professes he will say of that as Learned Mr. Hales saith And surely the first part of Mr. Hales is very true That where this Word or the Crime signified by it is rightly fixt and deservedly charged 't is a great Offence But that which follows by my Lord 's good leave and Mr. Hales his too is somewhat too hard a Censure upon the Times and the Persons living in them The Truth is some Men are too apt to Accuse others of Schism and Separation but yet I do not think the Disease is so Epidemical as 't is here expressed As Namely That it is in common use amongst us Perhaps nothing so Common at this Time to call Separatist as to be one Or that it is a Theological Scare-crow by which the potent and prevalent Party uses to affright and enforce those who are not of their Opinions to subscribe to their Dictates Or sure if there be such practice the Fault is in the Persons that use it But even that is no Excuse at all for Schism or Separation because some in an inconsiderate heat Charge that Crime upon such as are not Guilty For perhaps my Lord may say as much as this of Excommunication it self that some are struck with it who deserve it not and yet I hope my Lord hath not proceeded so far as to say that Excommunication is but a Theological Scare-crow And I farther think there are as few at this Day of them whom my Lord calls the potent and prevalent Party which refuse to be brought to any Rule of Examination either of Scripture or Reason as have lived in this Church for some Hundreds of Years past how meanly soever this Lord Esteems them and how narrow soever he thinks their Comprehensions are To conclude this Passage my Lord tells us that Mr. Hales observes farther that this was too usual even in Ancient Times as well as now That some Faults and some Degrees of this Fault were in Ancient
Times as well as now may be true enough And yet in those Ancient Times none thought Schism or Separation from the Church howsoever charged to be but a Theological Scare-crow But caused it to be examined to the bottom as 't is fit nay necessary that it should For else the most dangerous Separation that can be may go away free with this That it is but a trick of the prevalent Party to fright other Men into their Opinions by charging them with Separation Now the most dangerous Separation in a Church is where the Church it self hath little or no Power to punish Separatists And where they of the Separation are by the great Misfortune of the State become the potent and prevalent Party And whether this be not or at least were not the condition of the State and Church of England when my Lord Printed this Speech of his I leave to the indifferent Reader to judge My Lord hath Printed no more than this and therefore I will take notice of no more But yet Iam told by a very good Hand that his Lordship upon this quotation of Mr. Hales his Manuscript was pleased openly in that Honourable House of Parliament where he spake it to lend Mr. Hales one Wipe and me another But since my Lord is pleased to pass it over at the Press I shall do so too Yet with this that if my Lord did give that Gird I will make it plainly appear whenever he shall publish it that there is no shew of Truth in it But now that my Lord hath done with Mr. Hales he proceeds and tells us his own Judgment Secondly I say that there is a two-fold Separation one from the Vniversal or Catholick Church which can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith for Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion And I say so too that there is a two-fold Separation and that one of them is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church But that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith I doubt comes short of Truth First because there is a great difference between Schism and Apostacy And every Apostacy is a Separation but every Separation is not Apostacy For a Man is not an Apostate properly till he fall away by denying the whole Faith But a Man may be in Heresie Schism and Separation upon the denyal of any one Article of the Faith received by the Catholick Church Secondly because should a Man agree in all and every Article of the Faith with the Catholick-Church yet he may maintain some false Opinion and incongruous both to the Verity and the Practice of Religion and Judgment of the Universal Church And be so in Love with these as that for these Opinions sake he will Separate from the whole Body Therefore Denyal of the Faith is not the only Cause of Separation from the Catholick Church since this Separation can be otherways made And my Lord within the space of Three Lines crosses himself For First he says that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith And in the very next Words he tells us that Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion Two Requisites to that Communion with the Universal Church therefore two Causes of Separation from it Therefore by my Lord 's own Confession he that is so out of Charity with the Universal Church for some Opinions or Practices which he dislikes as that he will not Communicate with it is in Separation though he do not deny the Faith The other my Lord tells us is a Separation from this or that particular Church or Congregation And that not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love But in dislike only of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would enjoyn upon others In this other Particular Separation I shall meddle with neither Congregation nor Conventicle Meeting allowed or disallowed by Church or State but that Separation which is or is not made by my Lord and his Followers from the National Church of England as it stands Setled and Established by Law Not as her Service may be mangled or otherwise abused in any particular Parish or Congregation whatsoever And if this Lord dislike any the Service as 't is used in some one Parish or other and yet will come to the Service as it is Established by Law in other either Cathedral or Parochial Churches my Lord hath had great Wrong to be accounted a Separatist But if my Lord will not come to the Prayers of the Church of England by Law Established let his Pretence be what it will a Separatist he is But my Lord says that this Particular Separation is not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love Where First you may observe on the by that in my Lord's Judgment Publick Breach in Charity as well as in Faith may be Cause of this Separation too as well as of that from the Vniversal or Catholick Church before mentioned Next that this particular Separation if it be not in respect of Difference in Faith or Love in what respect is it then Why if we may herein believe my Lord 't is only in dislike of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would injoyn others Well First I 'll pray for my Lord that there be no difference in Faith and Charity but I do very much doubt there is Next either there are such Corruptions in the External Worship and Liturgies as his Lordship hath just Cause to dislike or there are not If there be not why doth he Separate from them If there be or probably seem to be why doth he not complain to the King and the Church that these Corruptions may be considered on and amended if Cause appear And this he ought to do before he Separate For I hope Christianity is not yet come to that pass though it draw on apace that a Powerful Lay-Man or two shall say there are Corruptions in the set Service of God and then be Judges of such Corruptions themselves Nor doth the Church of England admit of Corruptions in her Liturgy or labour to injoyn them upon others Now my Lord tells us farther That This is a Separation not from their Persons as they are Christians But from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled And this Separation every Man that will keep himself Pure from other Mens Sins and not Sin against his own Conscience must make This will not yet help my Lord For say this be not a Separation from their Persons as they are Christians which yet it too often proves to be And I believe if this Lord would impartially examine himself he would find to be true in himself and his Comportment But that it is from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled First these Corruptions are
not proved so 't is Petitio Principii the begging of that to be granted which is the thing in question Secondly if there be Corruptions yet it is not proved they are in the Matter but of the two rather in the Manner of Worship Thirdly were both these granted yet it will remain a Question still whether these Corruptions be such as that the Worshippers are defiled therewith And another Question whether so deeply defiled as that other good Christians shall be defiled by coming to Common-Prayer with them For I am not yet persuaded nor shall be till I be convinced That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins and not Sin against his Conscience is bound to make this Separation For I conceive many Corruptions may be tolerated nay ought to be before a Separation be made And that a private Conscience is to be both informed and reformed before it be attempted Nor can I think that he which comes to the publick Service of any Church that is not Idolatrous or peccant in the Fundamentals of Religion doth partake with other Mens Sins that frequent the same Common-Prayer or Service with him or he with them And yet my Lord is so peremptory as that without any distinction or Degrees of Corruption he delivers it positively with a great deal more Boldness than Knowledge That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins must make this Separation Every Man and must make And it is not to be conceived but that what every Man must do my Lord who seems to be so careful to keep himself pure from other Mens Sins hath done already That is hath made this Separation from the Church And my Lord for ought I see is ready to confess as much For he adds And I will ingenuously confess that there are many things in many Churches or Congregations in England practised and injoyned upon all to be practised and suffered which I cannot practise nor admit of except I should Sin against the Light of my Conscience until I may out of the Word of God be convinced of the Lawfulness of them which hitherto I could never see sufficient ground for I told you my Lord was very near confessing as much as I have said For he says ingenuously there are many things in many Churches in England practised First I told my Lord before that this Business of Separation was not to be judged by what is practised in one or more Parochial Congregations but by what ought to be practised in all the Churches of England And if my Lord dislike any thing in one Congregation he may go to another so he will endure the whole Liturgy as it is setled by Law and no Man if he will do this ought to account him a Separatist And I find by my Lord's Words that his Exception is to many Churches and I would willingly hope if his Carriage would let me that he excepts not against all Besides he tells us that many things are so practised but he is not pleased to tell us what they are And then it is not possible for me or any Man else either to know whether his Lordship's Exception be just against them or to give him satisfaction in them And it is no great sign that my Lord bears any good Mind to the Church that he is so ready to charge many things against the Church and to name none My Lord goes farther and says plainly that these many things thus practised or enjoyned also and that upon all to be practised or suffered which he cannot practise nor admit of except he should Sin against the Light of his Conscience You have heard already how much my Lord is troubled with this Enjoyning and to that I refer you In the mean time since I am the Man so particularly shot at by my Lord I shall answer for my self according to Truth and with Truth I can legally prove if need be I have not Commanded or injoyned any one thing Ceremonial or other upon any Parochial Congregation in England much less upon all to be either practised or suffered but that which is directly commanded by Law And if any Inferiour 〈◊〉 in the Kingdom or any of my own Officers have given any such Command 't is either without my Knowledge or against my Direction And 't is well known I have sharply chid some for this very particular and if my Lord would have acquainted me with any such troubled thought of his I would have given him so far as had been in my Power either Satisfaction or Remedy if any thing had been against the Light of his Conscience Though in these things I must needs tell my Lord that there is now adays in many Men which have shaken off all Church Obedience great pretensions to Light in their Vnderstandings and Consciences when to Men which see indeed 't is little less than Palpable Darkness But how it is with my Lord and his Conscience I will not take upon me to Judge but leave him to stand or fall to his own Master Rom 14. For it seems my Lord stands not simply upon the Light of his Conscience but only until he may be convinced out of the Word of God of the Lawfulness of these things which hitherto he could never see sufficient ground for And this is the Common-Plea which all of them have resort to till they be convinced which as I have had experience of many they are resolved not to be And they will be convinced in every particular out of the Word of God to the very taking up of a Rush or Straw as their grave Master T. C. taught them As if God took care of Straws or their taking of them up As if every particular thing of Order or Decency were expresly set down in the Word of God Surely if this were so St. Paul should have had nothing to set in order when he came to Corinth 1 Cor 11. And if this be so the Church hath no Power left in any thing not so much as to Command a Bell shall Tole to call the people to publick Prayers because 't is no where commanded in the Word of God So that upon this Ground if any Man shall say he hath Light enough in his Conscience to see the unlawfulness of such Humane Devices he may Separate from the Church rather than Sin against this Light So there shall be no Publick Service of God but some Ignis Fatuus or other under the Name of Light in the Conscience shall except against it and Separate from it Which is directly to set up the Light in each private Spirit against that Light which God hath placed in his Church shine it never so clearly Yet his Lordship is confident and says But my Lords this is so far from making me the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue me to be any at all For my Lords the Bishops do know that those whom they usually
apply this term unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name and they know their Tenents The truth is they differ with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth I know Here then my Lord is 〈◊〉 to say that all that he hath hitherto said is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue him to be any at all For my part I would to God it were so But let 's examine whether it be so or not First then this I humbly conceive is certain That he whoever he be that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church which serves God as she ought is a Separatist But the Church of England as it stands established by Law serves God as she ought Therefore my Lord by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers is a Separatist And this is by his own confession For he says a little before and that expresly that this is a Separation which every Man must make that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins And I cannot doubt but his Lordship hath made that which he says he must make All that can be said for my Lord herein is this First That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God and such Corruptions as he must Separate from her But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy when he doth neither prove them to be such nor so much as name them what they are Surely no. And I think these Gnats which his Lordship strains at may be swallowed without any Offence to God or Man So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation Therefore for all this my Lord is a Separatist Yea but my Lord charges upon the Church of England that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves and imposing this Injunction under the name of the Church I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service and I hope made it manifest that this Authority is not usurped And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation Nay I must doubt whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men in any National Church the injoyning of the Service after it is made supposing always that it contain no Idolatry or Fundamental Error be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord or any other to Separate Therefore my Lord 's forsaking the publick Service of the Church upon no better Grounds than these makes him a Separatist by his own Confession without any Man calling him so As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related to the uttermost of my Memory what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind But whether I said it or not my Lord for ought I see will hardly escape being so For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church that absents himself with most will and least cause And this if I mistake not is my Lord's Case for he separates with most will that says Men must and ought to Separate And upon least Cause because as yet he hath Named none at all but Corruptions in general which any Man may say and the Injunction of a set Form which is no cause Therefore for ought I yet see it may truly be said of his Lordship that he is the greatest Separatist in England Especially if you add to this how busie and active his Lordship is and for many Years hath been to promote this Cause of Separation And I have some very good grounds to think that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power Next my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops and tells them that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name Separatist unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name I know not all things which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know Yet I think both they and I know this that the Name Separatist is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks that separate for their Opinions sakes either from the Catholick or from any particular Orthodox Church And if my Lord himself who it seems is well acquainted with them or any of my Lords the Bishops do know that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists be it so That I am sure is not material unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal Namely that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists and that the truth is they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists so far forth at least as they be Tenents and not varied from and so far as they are their General Tenents to which all or most of them agree And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are it may be all my Lords the Bishops know not Now if the Truth be as my Lord says it is for ought he knows that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent their Sin and my Lord 's too is the greater that they will so Uncharitably and with so great Heat and setled Violence and to the great scandal of Religion first separate themselves from and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church which by my Lord 's own Confession here differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth For sure if they differ not from us we differ not from them But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem and is sufficient to convince this Lord I think in his own way But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing Namely that the Church of England is very Orthodox and that the Brownists or Separatists call them as you will do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church but names none And should I charge the Brownists with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine and yet name none I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge whether
which my Lord calls so That if these Corruptions be fundamental they may be such too as may keep these Churches which he speaks of from being true Churches and the Ministry from being a true Ministry But if these Corruptions be of a very light Allay as I verily believe they are if there be any then his Lordship ought not to separate but to joyn in Communion with them for all these either Yokes or Corruptions The Apostle indeed tells us of a Church without Wrinkle Ephes. 5. But that is a Triumphant Church in Heaven not a Militant upon Earth And for the Yokes which my Lord speaks of they are not Yokes of Bondage as he pleases to call them but Yokes of Obedience which whenever they shall be broken the wild Asses of the Wilderness will over-run all My Lord goes farther and says That in these true Churches this true Ministry does yield unto and admit of these Yokes and these Corruptions contrary as he thinks to their Duty But it seems they think not so or if they do think so why do they not remonstrate their Grievance Sure if their Conscience tell them they do against their Duty they ought to inform their Conscience or forbear the Work To inform their Conscience I am sure is fit for them if they need it Though it seems my Lord would rather have them forbear the Duty the doing whereof he calls their yielding unto and their admitting these things which he calls Yokes and Corruptions As for that which follows and which my Lord says he is sure of that no Separatist in England that deserves that Name holds that which his Lordship says here he doth believe In that also I conceive his Lordship is utterly mistaken For I believe there is no Separatist in England Brownist or other deserving that Name but he holds and will say as much as my Lord believes namely that there are in England many true Churches that is Assemblies or Congregations of their own Brotherhood And a true Ministry To wit those which themselves have made And that they do hear them that is such as these Yea and that they could joyn in Communion with some other Churches were those Yokes of Bondage which are layd upon them taken off and those Corruptions removed That is upon the matter if they would become as themselves are then they would joyn with them And this 〈◊〉 of all doubt they think they ought to do and neither yield unto such Yoeks nor admit of such Corruptions So that my Lord may see every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in England even they which most deserve that Name hold that which his Lordship believes And therefore no question can be made but that my Lord deserves that Name as much as any of them even while he says he is sure no Separatist in England that deserves that Name holds as he doth But to come to the quick The Brownists and Separatists deal plainly with God and the World and say expresly that the whole Church of England as it stands established by Law is peccant both in the Doctrine Liturgy and Discipline of it and in such a degree as that they neither will nor can joyn in Communion with it And therefore separate from it and betake themselves to their own private Opinions and Congregations But my Lord he Equivocates both with God and Man And tells us he believes there are true Churches in England and a true Ministry which he hears And this no Separatist that understands himself but will say as fast as he But let his Lordship come home to the Business directly and plainly Let him say that the Church of England is a true Church That the Ministry of it is a true Ministry That the Doctrine Liturgy and Discipline of it as it stands established now by Law are free from any such Corruptions as give just cause for a Separation And when he hath said this let him joyn in Communion with it as he ought to do and then he shall wrong my Lord very deeply that says he is a Separatist But for all this which he hath yet said for himself 't is manifest that a Separatist he is And I doubt hath hereby proved himself whether I will or no the greatest Separatist in England And therefore he hath little cause to hope as he says he doth that he shall stand right in their Lordships Opinions or any other Man's that is not possest with the same Humour Yet my Lord hath two Requests to make I will now end with two Requests The one that your Lordships will please to pardon me for troubling you with so long a Discourse concerning my self I have not used it heretofore and I am not like to offend again in the same kind It is but once and your Lordships will consider the occasion In this Suit were there need I would joyn with my Lord. For though I have a great deal of hard Measure put upon me in this Speech yet I have the more reason to be content with it because this whole Discourse of my Lord's well weighed is more against himself than me And such Trouble of his Lordship's I hope all Men well affected to the present Church of England will easily Pardon And this I doubt not but their Lordships and all Men else will the rather do when they consider the Occasion Which certainly I gave not personally in the House But a Guilty Conscience it seems would needs be meant The Second Request is to entreat of you that where you know there is one and the same God worshipped one and the same Faith embraced one and the same Spirit working Love and causing an unblamable Conversation without any offence to the State in your Brethren who in all these concur with you you will not suffer them for Ceremonies and Things indifferent to you but not to them but Burthens which without offence to the State or prejudice to the Churches you may take off if you will to be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country For if you thus shall wound the Consciences of your Brethren you will certainly offend and sin against Christ. In this second Request I can easily agree with my Lord in some things but must differ in other And First I agree with all my Heart that I would have no pressure at all much less cutting off from their Native Country put upon them who are known to worship the same God to embrace one and the same Faith and one and the same Spirit working Love But in this I must disagree that the Separatists for they are the Men of whom this Lord speaks thus and says they are your Brethren and concur with you in all these are not known to be such For though he be one and the same God whom they worship yet the Worship is not one and the same For my Lord says plainly that our set Forms are Superstition And that he cannot joyn in Communion with us till our
and my Lords at the Council-Board and humbly desired That they both of the French Italian and Dutch Congregations which are born Subjects may not be suffered any longer to live in such a Separation as they do from both Church and State And have according to that which I thought might best sort with your Majesty's Intentions commanded my Vicar-General when he was lately at Canterbury to begin fairly to call them to Conform with the English Church Which business I do hereby humbly beseech your Majesty to look upon with a provident Eye not here only but much more in London for the better settling of both Church and Commonwealth in that Particular And for your Majesty's Instructions I have for my own part punctually observed them The rest of the Diocesses which I visited this Year are Rochester Salisbury Bristol Bath and Wells Exeter and Lincoln For Rochester I found no eminent thing amiss but the Bishop himself fell into a Palsie and was thereby forced to go to the Bath and so to be longer absent from his Diocess than otherwise he would have been and he is now returned God be thanked much better though not perfectly well And for the Diocess I did not find in my Visitation any noted Breach upon any your Majesty's Instructions For Salisbury I found the Bishop had taken a great deal of Care about your Majesty's said Instructions and that they might be the better both known and obeyed he hath caused Copies of them to be sent to most of the Ministers in his Diocess which hath done a great deal of good And though it be not amongst your Instructions yet I am bold to signifie unto your Sacred Majesty that I find the greatest part of Wiltshire overgrown with the Humours of those Men that do not Conform and are as backward both Clergy and Laity towards the Repair of St. Paul's Church as any part of England that I have observed The Cathedral at Salisbury is much pestered with Seats and I have given Order to remove them which I hope your Majesty will approve as well as you did at York and Durham and add your Power if mine be not sufficient For Bristol I find in my Visitation that the Bishop there hath taken very good Pains and Care since his coming thither And that some Clergy-men in Dorsetshire which gave great cause of Suspicion have quit themselves in a better manner than was expected though all be not right in those Parts Concerning Bath and Wells I must needs return to your Majesty that which I would to God I could do of all the rest namely That all your Instructions are punctually observed and the Lectures as many as are in that Diocess read not by any particular factious Persons but by a Company of Learned neighbouring Ministers which are every way conformable to the Church For Exeter where according to many Complaints that had been made here above I might have expected many things out of Order I must do my Lord the Bishop this Right that for your Majesty's Instructions they have been carefully observ'd But a great Division there is between the Dean and Chapter I have twice set them at Peace yet it breaks out again And I doubt there being so many Brothers and Brothers-in-Law in that Chapter is not the least Cause of it the rest siding together for fear of Oppression I find also there hath been and is at this present a great Difference between the Dean and Chapter and the City about Burial within the Church-yard of the Cathedral I shall do my best to set Peace between them and if I cannot as I much fear it I shall be an humble Suitor to your Majesty to take it into your Princely Consideration lest it do more Prejudice to both Bodies than is yet thought of As for Lincoln it being the greatest Diocess in the Kingdom I have now reduced that under Metropolitical Visitation also and visited it this preceding Year My Visitors there found Bedfordshire for the bigness most tainted of any part of the Diocess And in particular Mr Buckley is sent to the High-Commission for Inconformity And in Leicester the Dean of the Arches Suspended one Mr Angell who hath continued a Lecturer in that great Town for these divers Years without any License at all to Preach yet took Liberty enough I doubt his Violence hath crackt his Brain and do therefore use him the more tenderly because I see the Hand of God hath overtaken him For Lincoln it self my Vicar General certifies me there are many Anabaptists in it and that their Leader is one Johnson a Baker and that in divers parts of that Diocess many both of Clergy and Laity are excessively given to Drunkenness That the Town of Boston which was a great Nursery of Inconformity is since the calling of some of the Magistrates into the High-Commission become very Orderly and setled to Obedience But the Town of Louth somewhat to blame At Kelstern dwells the wild young Gentleman Mr South concerning whom I have lately spoken and that often with your Majesty he hath committed a horrible Incest and gotten two Sisters with Child I have called him into the High-Commission against the next Term and I hope your Majesty will give me leave to make South blow West for St. Pauls At Kensworth in Hertfordshire and some other Places many gadd from their own Churches by Troops after other Ministers Which is a common fault in the South Parts of that Diocess where the People are said to be very giddy in matters of Religion The Cathedral of this Diocess is not well ordered either for Reparation or Ornaments but the Dean and Chapter to whom that Care belongs have promised speedy amendment For Eaton College within that Diocess I do not find but that the Provost Sir Henry Wotton hath carried himself very worthily The greatest things thought to be amiss in that Society are those which are referred to me by your Majesty upon the Complaint of Kings College in Cambridge to which I have no more to say till I see whether they of Eaton will decline the Reference or no. Thus far concerning the Diocesses which I have visited this Year In all which I find one great Complaint and very fit to be redressed It is the general grievance of the poor Vicars that their Stipends are scarce able to Feed and Cloath them And which is worse the Vicars in great Market-Towns where the People are very many are for the most part worst provided for But I humbly thank your Majesty some good hath of late been done for them and I shall pursue all just and fair ways to give them Relief Humbly beseeching you to give your gracious Assistance to me and them For Winchester I find my Lord Bishop there hath been very careful for all your Majesty's Instructions and that they are well observed through that Diocess save only that in two Parishes the Bishop finds some defect
that by God's Blessing and the well Ordering of Church Affairs there have been fewer Popish Recusants presented than formerly and that the number of them is much decreased And this I cannot but highly approve to your Majesty if there be not fewer presented either by the over-awing of them which should present or some Cunning in those which would not be presented For this Diocess my Lord hath given me in a very careful and punctual Account very large and in all Particulars very considerable And I shall return it to your Majesty as briefly as I can reduce it And first he hath for this Summer but by your Majesty's leave lived from both his Episcopal Houses in Ipswich partly because he was informed that that side of his Diocess did most need his presence and he found it so And partly because his Chappel at his House in Norwich was possessed by the French Congregation and so the Bishoprick left destitute But he hath given them warning to provide themselves elsewhere by Easter next His Lordship found a general defect of Catechising quite through the Diocess but hath setled it And in Norwich where there are 34 Churches there was no Sermon on the Sunday Morning save only in four but all put off to the Afternoon and so no Catechising But now he hath ordered that there shall be a Sermon every Morning and Catechising in the Afternoon in every Church For Lectures they abounded in Suffolk and many set up by private Gentlemen even without so much as the knowledge of the Ordinary and without any due observation to the Canons or the Discipline of the Church Divers of these his Lordship hath carefully regulated according to Order and especially in St. Edmonds-bury and with their very good content and Suspended no Lecturer of whom he might obtain Conformity And at Ipswich it was not unknown unto them that now Mr Ward stands Censured in the High Commission and obeys not Yet the Bishop was ready to have allowed them another if they would have sought him but they resolve to have Mr. Ward or none and that as is conceived in despight of the Censure of the Court. At Yarmouth where there was great division heretofore for many Years their Lecturer being Censured in the High Commission about two Years since went into new-New-England since which time there hath been no Lecture and very much peace in the Town and all Ecclesiastical Orders well observed But in Norwich one Mr Bridge rather than he would Conform hath left his Lecture and two Cures and is gone into Holland The Lecturers in the Country generally observing no Church Orders at all And yet the Bishop hath carried it with that Temper and upon their promise and his hopes of Conformity that he hath Inhibited but three in Norfolk and as many in Suffolk of which one is no Graduate and hath been a common Stage-player His Lordship craves direction what he shall do with such Scholars some in Holy Orders and some not as Knights and private Gentlemen keep in their Houses under pretence to Teach their Children As also with some Divines that are Beneficed in Towns or near but live in Gentlemens Houses For my part I think it very fit the Beneficed Men were punctually commanded to reside upon their Cures And for the rest your Majesties Instructions allow none to keep Chaplains but such as are qualified by Law All which notwithstanding I most humbly submit as the Bishop doth to your Majesty's Judgment For Recusants whereas formerly there were wont to be but two or three Presented his Lordship hath caused above forty to be Endicted in Norwich at the last Sessions and at the Assizes in Suffolk he delivered a List of such as were Presented upon the Oath of the Churchwardens to the Lord Chief Justice and his Lordship to the Grand Jury But they slighted it pretending the Bishop's Certificat to be no Evidence But the true Reason is conceived to be because he had also inserted such as had been Presented to him for Recusant Separatists as well as Recusant Romanists His Lordships Care hath been such as that though there are about One Thousand Five Hundred Clergy-Men in that Diocess and many Disorders yet there are not Thirty Excommunicated or Suspended whereof some are for Contumacy and will not yet submit some for obstinate denyal to Publish your Majesty's Declaration and some for contemning all the Orders and Rites of the Church and intruding themselves without License from the Ordinary for many Years together Last of all he found that one half of the Churches in his Diocess had not a Clerk able to Read and Answer the Minister in Divine Service by which means the People were wholly disused from joyning with the Priest and in many places from so much as saying Amen But concerning this his Lordship hath strictly enjoyned a Reformation If this Account given by my Lord of Norwich be true as I believe it is and ought to believe it till it can be disproved he hath deserved very well of the Church of England and hath been very ill rewarded for it His humble Suit to your Majesty is That you will be graciously pleased in your own good time to hear the Complaints that have been made against him that he may not be overborn by an Outcry for doing Service In the Diocess of Oxon I find all your Majesty's Instructions carefully obeyed and there is but one Lecture in the whole Diocess and that is read at Henly upon Thames by some Ministers of the Diocess conformable Men and allowed by the Bishop His Lordship hath also called upon divers Recusants but upon their being questioned they plead an Exemption from his Authority under your Majesty's Great Seal From my Lord of Ely I have received a very fair Account that his Diocess is very orderly and obedient insomuch that he hath not any thing of Note to acquaint me with My Lord in his Certificat mentions two Particulars fit for your Majesty's Knowledge The First is that one of His Clergy in Bedfordshire a Learned and Pious Man as he saith set up a Stone upon Pillars of Brick for his Communion-Table believing it to have been the Altar-Stone And because this appeared to be but a Grave-Stone and for avoiding of farther Rumours in that Country among the preciser sort his Lordship caused it to be quietly removed and the ancient Communion-Table placed in the room of it But did not farther question the Party because they found him a harmless Man and otherwise a Deserver But how deserving soever he be I must judge it a very bold part in him to attempt this without the Knowledge and Approbation of his Ordinary The Second is that there are risen some Differences in the Southern parts of his Diocess about the Ministers urging the People to receive at the Rails which his Lordship saith he hath procured to be placed about the Holy Table and the People in
within their several Diocesses And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life and happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past being 1638. January 2d 〈◊〉 W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1639. In Dei Nomine Amen May it Please your most Sacred Majesty ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Church I here most humbly Present this my Account for the Year finished now at Christmas 1639. And First to begin with my own Diocess The great thing which is amiss there and beyond my Power to remedy is the stiffness of divers Anabaptists and Separatists from the Church of England especially in and about the Parts near Ashford And I do not find either by my own Experience or by any Advice from my Officers that this is like to be remedied unless the Statute concerning Abjuration of your Kingdom or some other way by the Power of the Temporal Law or State be thought upon But how fit that may be to be done for the present especially in these broken Times I humbly submit to your Majesty's Wisdom having often complained of this before Many that were brought to good Order for receiving of the Holy Communion where the Rails stand before the Table are now of late fallen off and refuse to come up thither to receive But this God willing I shall take care of and order as well as I can and with as much speed And the same is now commonly fallen out in divers other Diocesses There was about half a Year since one that pretended himself a Minister who got many Followers in Sandwich and some Neighbouring Parishes but at last was found to have gone under three Names Enoch Swann and Grey and in as several Habits of a Minister an ordinary Lay-Man and a Royster. And this being discovered he fled the Country before any of my Officers could lay hold on him Upon this occasion I have commanded my Commissary and Arch-Deacon to give Charge in my Name to all Parsons and Vicars of my Diocess that they suffer no Man to preach in their Cures but such as for whom they will Answer as well otherwise as for the point of Conformity which I hope will prevent the like abuse hereafter In this Diocess the last Year there was some heat struck by opposite Preaching in the Pulpit between one Mr Goodwin Vicar of St Stevens in Coleman-street and some other Ministers in the City concerning the Act of Believing and the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner And the Peoples Minds were much perplexed hereabouts This business was quieted by my Lord the Bishop and his Chancellour and a Promise of Forbearance made Yet now lately Mr Goodwin hath preached again in the same way and the same Perplexity is like to be caused again thereby in the City Yet my Lord the Bishop is in hopes to settle this also quietly wherein he shall have the best Assistance I can give him The Arch-Deacons in this Diocess and others are too negligent in giving their Bishops due Information of such things as are committed to their Charge Mr Joseph Simonds Rector of St Martin's Ironmonger-lane is utterly fallen from the Church of England and hath abandoned his Benefice and gone beyond the Seas and so was deprived in September last past Mr Daniel Votyer Rector of St Peter's in Westcheap hath been likewise convented for divers Inconformities and promised Reformation as Mr Simonds also did but being now called into the High Commission Order is taken for the Officiating of his Cure till it shall appear whether he will desert it or no for he also is gone beyond the Seas Mr George Seaton Rector of Bushy in the County of Hertford is charged with continual Non-residency and other Misdemeanours little beseeming a Clergy-man But of this neither my Lord nor my self can say more to your Majesty till we see what will rise in Proof against him My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess gives me a very fair Account of all things regular therein saving that the Popish Recusants which he saith are many in that Diocess do yearly increase there and that this may appear by the Bills of Presentment in his Annual Inquisitions My Lord the Bishop informs me that he hath been very careful in point of Ordination as being a Bishop near the University and to whom many resort for Holy Orders at times appointed by the Church But he complains that having refused to give Orders to Twenty or Thirty at an Ordination most of them have addressed themselves to other Bishops and of them received Orders not only without Letters Dimissory but without such Qualification as the Canon requires In this Case I would humbly advise your Majesty That my Lord the Bishop may enquire and certifie by what Bishops these Parties so refused by him were Admitted into Holy Orders that so they may be admonished to be more careful for the future and that this Abuse may not find Encouragement and increase For Popish Recusants they have been proceeded against in this Diocess according to Law saving only such of them as have pleaded and shewed your Majesty's Exemption under your Great Seal from being question'd in any Ecclesisiastical Court for matters concerning their Religion I find by the Bishop's Certificate that he hath constantly resided upon his Episcopal Houses but saith that he cannot have his Health at Eccleshall and hath therefore since resided in his Palace at Lichfield but with very little Comfort by reason of Inmates left as his Lordship saith upon the Church's Possession His Lordship adds That he hath an ancient Palace at Coventry in Lease but with reservation of the Use thereof in case the Bishop shall at any time come to live there Here he means to reside for a time if it stand with your Majesty's good liking For Popish Recusants his Lordship saith they are presented and prosecuted according to the Law This Diocess my Lord the Bishop assures me is as quiet uniform and conformable as any in the Kingdom if not more And doth avow it that all which stood out in Suffolk as well as Norfolk at his coming to that See are come in and have now legally subscribed and professed all Conformity and for ought he can learn observe it accordingly Yet his Lordship confesseth that some of the Vulgar sort in Suffolk are not conformable enough especially in coming up to Receive at the Steps of the Chancel where the Rails are set But he hopes by fair means he shall be able to work upon them in time His Lordship adds That some have Indicted a Minister because he would not come down from the Communion Table to give them the Sacrament in their Seats But this your Majesty hath been formerly acquainted with by the Minister's Petition which you were graciously pleased to command me to underwrite
so many innocent Souls from imminent Danger To whose monitions he willingly consented and delivered the following things to be put in Writing out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace may be clearly explicated and demonstrated 1. First of all that the Hinge of the Business may be rightly discerned it is to be known that all those Factions with which all Christendom is at this Day shaken do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham of which four Orders abound throughout the World Of the First Order are Ecclesiasticks whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion Of the second Order are Politicians whose Office it is by any means to shake trouble reform the State of Kingdoms and Republicks Of the Third Order are Seculars whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes to insinuate and immix themselves in Court Businesses bargains and sales and to be busied in Civil Affairs Of the Fourth Order are Intelligencers or Spies Men of Inferiour condition who submit themselves to the services of great Men Princes Barons Noblemen Citizens to deceive or corrupt the Minds of their Masters 2. A Society of so many Orders the Kingdom of England nourisheth For scarce all Spain France and Italy can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits as London alone where are found more than Fifty Scottish Jesuits There the said Society hath elected to it self a seat of Iniquity and hath conspired against the King and the most faithful to the King especially the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and likewise against both Kingdoms 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self that the forenamed Society hath determined to effect an universal Reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland Therefore the determination of the end necessarily infers a determination of means to the end 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany the said Society dubbed it self with the Title of The Congregation of propagating the Faith which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College and Cardinal Barbarino his Substitute and Executor 5. The chief Patron of the Society at London is the Popes Legat who takes care of the business into whose Bosom these Dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences Now the Residence of this Legation was obtained at London in the name of the Roman Pontif by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarino to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom For none else could so freely circumvent the King as he who should be palliated with the Pope's Authority 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Pope's Legat an universal Instrument of the conjured Society and a serious promoter of the business whose secrets as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers the present good Man the Communicator of all these things did receive and expedite whither the business required Cuneus set upon the chief Men of the Kingdom and left nothing unattempted by what means he might corrupt them all and incline them to the Pontifician Party He inticed many with various Incitements yea he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures Antiquities Idols and of other Vanities brought from Rome which yet would prevail nothing with the King Having entred familiarity with the King he is often requested at Hamptoncourt likewise at London to undertake the cause of the Palatine and that he would interpose his Authority and by his Intercession persuade the Legat of Colen that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of Peace might be inserted into the Conditions which verily he promised but performed the contrary He writ indeed that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things yet he advised not that they should be consented to lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince In the mean time Cuncus smelling from the Arch-Bishop most trusty to the King that the King's Mind was wholly pendulous or doubtful resolved That he would move every Stone and apply his Forces that he might gain him to his party Certainly considing that he had a means prepared For he had a command to offer a Cardinal's Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the Name of the Pope of Rome and that he should allure him also with higher Promises that he might corrupt his sincere Mind Yet a sitting ocasion was never given whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop for the Scorpion sought an Egg Free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel likewise by Secretary Windebank The intercession of all which being neglected he did fly the Company or familiarity of Cuneus worse than the Plague He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank well known to him neither yet was he moved 7. Another also was assayed who hindred access to the detestable wickedness Secretary Cook he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits from whom he intercepted access to the King he entertained many of them according to their deserts he diligently enquired into their Factions by which means every incitement breathing a Magnetical attractive power to the Popish Party was ineffectual with him for nothing was so dear unto him that might incline him to wickedness Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy he was endangered to be discharged from his Office it was laboured for three Years space and at last obtained Yet notwithstanding there remained on the King's part a knot hard to be untied for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy interposed himself as a most hard Rock When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishop's part that he had laboured in vain his Malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot Soon after Ambushes began to be prepared wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken Likewise a Sentence is passed against the King for whose sake all this business is disposed because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion but especially when he had opened his Mind that he was of this Opinion that every one might be saved in his own Religion so as he be an honest and pious Man 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken the Criminal execution at Westminster caused by some Writings of Puritans gave occasion of the first Fire Which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans that if it remained unrevenged it would be thought a blemish to their Religion the Flames of which Fire the subsequent book of Prayers increases 9. In this heat a certain Scottish-Earl called Maxfield if I mistake not was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party with whom two other Scottish Earls Papists held correspondency He ought to stir up the People
to Commotion and rub over the injury afresh that he might inflame their Minds precipitate them to Arms by which the hurtful Disturber of the Scottish Liberty might be slain 10. There by one Labour Snares are prepared for the King for this purpose the present business was so ordered that very many of the English should adhere to the Scots That the King should remain inferiour in Arms who thereupon should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists which yet he should not obtain unless he would descend into Conditions by which he should permit †Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire To which consent if he should shew himself more difficult there should be a present remedy at hand For the King's Son growing now very fast to his youthful age who is educated from his tender age that he might accustom himself to the Popish Party the King is to be dispatched For an Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp Poyson is kept in the Society which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in a boasting manner wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King after the Example of his Father 11. In this Scottish Commotion the Marquess of Hamelton often dispatched to the Scots in the name of the King to interpose the Royal Authority whereby the heat of minds might be mitigated returned notwithstanding as often without Fruit and without ending the business His Chaplain at that time repaired to us who communicated some things secretly with Cuneus Being demanded of me in Jest Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans Cuneus thereunto answered Would to God all Ministers were such as he What you will may be hence conjectured 12. Things standing thus there arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu Mr. Thomas Chamberlain his Chaplain and Almoner a Scot by Nation who ought to assist the College of the Confederated Society and seriously to set forward the business to leave nothing unattempted whereby the first heat might be exasperated For which service he was promised the Reward of a Bishoprick He cohabited with the Society four Months space neither was it lawful for him first to depart until things succeeding according to his wish he might be able to return back again with good News 13. Sir Toby Matthew a Jesuited Priest of the Order of Politicians a most vigilant Man of the chief Heads to whom a Bed was never so dear that he would rest his Head thereon refreshing his Body with Sleep in a Chair for an Hour or two neither Day nor Night spared his Machinations a Man principally noxious and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England a most impudent Man who flies to all Banquets and Feasts called or not called never quiet always in action and perpetual motion thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours he urgeth Conferences familiarly that he may fish out the Minds of Men whatever he observeth thence which may bring any Commodity or Discommodity to the Part of the Conspirators he communicates to the Pope's Legat the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope or to Cardinal Barbarino In sum he adjoins himself to any Man's Company no Word can be spoken that he will not lay hold on and accommodate to his Party In the mean time whatever he hath sished out he reduceth into a Catalogue and every Summer carrieth it to the General Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks which secretly meets together in the Province of Wales where he is an acceptable Guest There Councils are secretly hammer'd which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastick and Politick Estate of both Kingdoms 14. Captain Read a Scot dwelling in Longacre-street near the Angel-Tavern a Secular Jesuit who for his detestable Office performed whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church with secret Incitements to the Popish Religion with all his Family taking his Daughter to Wife for a Recompence obtained a Rent or Impost upon Butter which the Country People are bound to render to him procured for him from the King by some chief Men of the Society who never want a Spur whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office In his House the Business of the whole Plot is concluded where the Society which hath conspired against the King the Lord Archbishop and both Kingdoms meet together for the most part every Day But on the Day of the Carriers or Posts dispatch which is ordinarily Friday they meet in greater numbers for then all the Intilligencers assemble and confer in common what things every of them hath fished out that Week who that they may be without suspicion send their Secrets by Toby Matthew or Read himself to the Pope's Legat he transmits the compacted Pacquet which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers to Rome With the same Read the Letters brought from Rome are deposited under feigned Titles and Names who by him are delivered to all to whom they appertain for all and every of their Names are known to him Vpon the very same occasion Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip he notwithstanding being ignorant of things from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators There is in that very House a publick Chapel wherein an ordinary Jesuit consecrates and dwells there In the said Chapel Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of the House and of some of the Conspirators Those who assemble in the forenamed House come frequently in Coaches or on Horse-back in Lay-mens Habit and with a great Train wherewith they are disguised that they may not be known yet they are Jesuits and conjured Members of the Society 15. All the Papists of England contribute to this Assembly lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design Vpon whose Treasury one Widow owner of the Houses wherein Secretary Windebank now dwelleth dead above three Years since bestowed four hundred thousand English Pounds so likewise others contribute above their Abilities so as the Business may be promoted unto its desired End 16. Besides the foresaid Houses there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places of which verily they confide not even among themseves for fear lest they should be discovered First every of them are called to certain Inns one not knowing of the other hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble le st peradventure they should be surprised at unawares 17. The Countess of Arundel a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion bends all her Nerves to the universal Reformation whatsoever she hears at the Kings Court that is done secretly or openly in Words or Deeds she presently imparts to the Popes Legat with
Time to write it again out of my scribled Copy but I dare trust the Secresie in which I have bound him To others I am silent and shall so continue till the thing open it self and I shall do it out of Reasons very like to those which you give why your self would not divulge it here In the last place you promise your self That the Condition you are in will not hinder me from continuing to be the Best Friend you have To this I can say no more than that I could never arrogate to my self to be your Best Friend but a poor yet respective Friend of yours I have been ever since I knew you And it is not your Change that can change me who never yet left but where I was first forsaken and not always there So praying for God's Blessing upon you and in that Way which He knows most necessary for you I rest Lambeth March 27 1636. Your very Loving Friend To serve you in Domino I have writ this Letter freely I shall look upon all the Trust that ever you mean to carry with me that you shew it not nor deliver any Copy to any Man Nor will I look for any Answer to the Quaeries I have herein made If they do you any good I am glad if not yet I have satisfied my self But leisure I have none to write such Letters nor will I entertain a Quarrel in this wrangling Age and now my Strength is past For all things of moment in this Letter I have pregnant places in the Council of Trent Thomas Bellarmin Stapleton Valentia c. But I did not mean to make a Volume of a Letter Endorsed thus with the Archbishop's own Hand March 27 1636. A Copy of my Answer to Sir Ken Digby's Letters in which he gives me an account of his Return to the Ro Communion The Testimony of the Reverend Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Opinion had of the Archbishop at Rome and with what Joy the News of his Death and Suffering was there received I Do remember that being Chaplain to the Honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach Baronet about the Year 1666. I heard him relate to some Person of Quality how that in his younger days he was at Rome and well acquainted with a certain Abbot which Abbot asked him Whether he had heard any News from England He answered No. The Abbot replied I will tell you then some Archbishop Laud is Beheaded Sir Lionel answered You are sorry for that I presume The Abbot replied again That they had more cause to rejoice that the Greatest Enemy of the Church of Rome in England was cut off and the Greatest CHAMPION of the Church of England silenced Or in Words to that purpose In witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand this 28th Day of September 1694. Jona Whiston Vicar of Bethersden in Kent The Testimony of the Learned and Worthy John Evelyn Esq Fellow of the Royal Society concerning the same Matter I Was at Rome in the Company of divers of the English Fathers when the News of the Arch-Bishop's Suffering and a Copy of his Sermon made upon the Scaffold came thither They read the Sermon and commented upon it with no small Satisfaction and Contempt and looked upon him as one that was a great Enemy to them and stood in their Way whilst one of the blackest Crimes imputed to him was his being Popishly affected John Evelyn FINIS BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL SCriptorum 〈◊〉 Historia Literaria a Christo nate usque ad seculum xiv facili 〈◊〉 Digesta Qua de Vita illorum ac Rebus Gestis de Secta Dogmatibus 〈◊〉 Style de Scriptis Genuinis Dubiis Suppositiis Ineditis Deper ditis Fragmentis Deque Variis Operum Editionibus perspicue Agitur Accedunt Scriptores Gentiles Christianae Religionis 〈◊〉 Cujusvis Seculi Breviarum Inseruntur suis Locis Veterum 〈◊〉 Opuscula Fragmenta tum Graeca tum Latina hactenus inedita Premissa denique 〈◊〉 quibus plurima ad Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae Studium spectantia Traduntur Opus indicibus necessariis Instructum Authore Gulielmo Cave SS Theol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Windesoriensi Accedit Hen. Whartoni Appendix ab ineunte Secula xiv ad Annum usque MDX VII 〈◊〉 Disquisitiones Criticae de Variis per Diversa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bibliorum Editionibus Quibus Accedunt Castigationes Theologi Cujusdam Parisiensis ad Opusculum Is Vossii de Sybillinis Oraculis Ejusdem responsionem ad Objectiones nuperae Critica Sacra 4to Censura Celebriorum Authorum sive tractatus in quo Varia Virorum 〈◊〉 de Claris. Cuiusque Seculi Scriptoribus Judicia traduntur Unde Facilimo 〈◊〉 Lector 〈◊〉 queat quid in singulis quibusque istorum Authorum Maxime Memorabile sit qucnam in pretio apud Eruditos 〈◊〉 Habiti Fuerunt Opera Thomae Pope-Blunt Baroneti Fol V Cl Gulielmi Camdeni Illustrium 〈◊〉 ad G. Camdenum Epistolae cum Appendice Varii Argumenti Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi 〈◊〉 Apparatus 〈◊〉 de Antiquitate Dignitate Officio Comitis Marescali Angliae Premittitur G. Camdeni Vita Scriptore Thoma Smitho S T D Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero 4to Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiepiscopi Historia Degmatica Controversiae inter Orthodoxos 〈◊〉 de Scripturis Sacris Vernaculis nunc primum Edita Accesserunt ejusdem Dissertationes duae de Pseudo-Dionysii seriptis de 〈◊〉 ad Laodiceos antehac 〈◊〉 Descripsit Digessit notis atque auctario Locupletavit Henricus Wharton A M Rev in Christo Pat ac 〈◊〉 Archiepisc Cantuariensi a sacris Domesticis 4to 1690. Anglia 〈◊〉 sive Gollectio Historiarum Antiquitus Scriptarum de Archiepiscopis 〈◊〉 Angliae a Prima Fidei Christianae susceptione ad Annum 1540. in duobus Voluminibus per Henricum Whartonum Fol. 1691 Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of 〈◊〉 By Peter Allix D D Treasurer of Sarum 4to his Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses 4to Dr Burnet's now Lord Bishop of Sarum Vindication of the Ordinations of the Church of England 4to History of the Rights of Princes in disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices and Church Lands 〈◊〉 8vo Life of William Bedel D D Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland together with the Copies of certain Letters which passed between Spain and England in matter of Religion concerning the general Motives to the Roman Obedience Between Mr James 〈◊〉 a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil and the said William Bedel 8vo Some Passages of the Life and Death of John late Earl of Rochester 8vo A Collection of Tracts and Discourses from 1678 to Christmas 1689 inclusive In 2 Volumes 4to Examination of the Letter writ by the late Assembly-General of the Clergy of France to the 〈◊〉 inviting them to return to their Communion together with the Methods proposed by them for their Conviction 8vo Pastorall Letter to the Clergv of his Diocess concerning the
Legat should be so familiar with the King and the King make much of him instead of banishing him is a Riddle * The Archbishop therefore and he had some familiarity and acquaintance at first * This offer appears under the Arch Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value than an Italian Cardinalship But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven Jesuits cannot indure neuters If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage and greatest advancement of Popes designs * He means the Scottish Prayer-book the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy under the Arch-Bishop's own hand when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him †Now practised in Oxford Wales and the Northern parts by open toleration * The more shame and pity and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it †The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings †The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned belike by some of their Instruments * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers if not their Confederates All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome * A meet Guerdon for such a Service Jesuits will not give over acting till they 〈◊〉 their Designs Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland lying in the midst between both The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards for being seducing Instiuments The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome from hence can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 There are more Popish Chapel in and about London than are 〈◊〉 known Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion should make us liberal to defend it Jesuits are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope made her frequently to visit his Legat The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 No wonder theEarls Debts be so great A School of Nunns Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber now keeper of the great Seal Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more Papists spare no cost The other Conspirators Names A sit Cover for such a Dish It seems their Purses were strong and their hopes great A good Caveat for England now †Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes it s a Miracle that they should favour them or harbour any of their Agents now neer them a I did all I could and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords his Majesty being present And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 or one employed from him b Yet by 〈◊〉 c Most false d This is added * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither f Most false g I could not prosecute him Nor the Author of this Tract had he been in my place h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume if any thing i These Words are not mine Besides take the whole Sentence and then c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. 4. ‖ See the English Pope k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 And if they were yet c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees There it is Hoc est corpus meum c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 p I hope I shall not answer for other Men if they prove not as they should * See the Articles against him in Parliament q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids s My Chaplains have answered their Faults or may when 〈◊〉 t Who told you so u Vtterly False x I helped on that Parliament And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it for ought I know y When 't is prepared it shall be welcome to me to have any end * 〈◊〉 Eccles. 〈◊〉 p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit ult p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 4 5. * See 1 2 Phil. Mary c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 11 12 13. †2 Joh. 10 11. * Gratian. caus 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out * Gen. 3. †1 King 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 peribit in co * Chamberlain Cardinal Richelieu his Agent * Now a Prisoner in the Tower and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland * Grimston in his Life Fox Speed †General History of France * 〈◊〉 Grimston †See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 * It should seem that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person then a Member of the Vniversity who perhaps being absent at that time might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford For from Dr Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully or that he was in the least inclined to Popery * His Name is Weale Ethic. l. 1.
he calls Rome Monstrum Abominandum Howsoever I conceive all this is nothing to me 5. The Fifth Instance was a Book which they said was Licensed by Dr. Weeks And if so then not by my Chaplain But upon perusal I find no License Printed to it nor to any of the other but only to Sales which is answered 6. The Sixth Instance was in Bishop Mountague's Books the Gagg and the Appeal Here they said that Dr. White told Dr. Featly that five or six Bishops did allow these Books But he did not name me to be one of them Then Mr. Pryn urged upon his Oath that these Books were found in my Study And I cannot but bless my self at this Argument For I have Bellarmine in my Study Therefore I am a Papist Or I have the Alcaron in my Study Therefore I am a Turk is as good an Argument as this I have Bishop Mountague's Books in my Study Therefore I am an Arminian May Mr. Pryn have Books in all kinds in his Study and may not the Archbishop of Canterbury have them in his Yea but he says there is a Letter of the Bishops to me submitting his Books to my Censure This Letter hath no date and so belike Mr. Pryn thought he might be bold both with it and his Oath and apply it to what Books he pleas'd But as God would have it there are Circumstances in it as good as a Date For 't is therein expressed that he was now ready to remove from Chichester to Norwich Therefore he must needs speak of submitting those his Books to me which were then ready to be set out which were his Origines Ecclesiasticae not the Gagg nor the Appeal which are the Books Charged and which were Printed divers Years before he was made a Bishop and my Receit indorsed upon it is Mar. 29. 1638. And I hope Mr. Nicolas will not call this the Colour of an Answer as he hath called many of the rest given by me 7. The Seventh Instance was in a Book Licensed by Dr. Martin then my Chaplain in London-House This Book Mr. Pryn says was purposely set out to Countenance Arminianism as if it had been some Work of Moment whereas it was answered twice in the Queens Time If Dr Martin did this 't is more than I remember nor can I so long after give any Account of it But Dr Martin is Living and in Town and I humbly desired he might be called to answer He was called the next Day and gave this Account The Account is wanting a Space left for it but not filled up Mr. Pryn says farther that after this he Preached Arminianism at S. Paul's Cross. Why did not Mr. Pryn come then to me and acquaint me with it Which neither he nor any Man else did And I was in Attendance at Court whither I could not hear him And the Charge which came against him upon the next Days Hearing was this and no more That one then Preached at the Cross Vniversal Redemption but he that gave Testimony knew him not only he says one told him 't was Dr Martin 8. The last Instance was of a Bible commonly Sold with a Popish Table at the end of it This is more than I know or ever heard till now nor was any Complaint ever brought to me of it And I cannot know all things that are done abroad for Gain for that will teach them to conceal as well as move them to act Yet one of the Popish Heads mentioned in that Table was Confirmation which is commanded in our Church Liturgy and ratified by Law Here this day ended and I was ordered to appear again July 4. That Day I received a Note under Mr. Nicolas his Hand that they meant to proceed upon the 8 9 10 11 12 and 14th Original Articles and the Sixth and Seventh Additionals The last Warrant for other Articles came under Serjeant Wild's Hand and Mr. Nicolas signing this it seems mistook For the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles are in part proceeded on before Now they go forward with these and then on to the rest which I will write down severally as they come to them The same Day being Thursday all my Books at Lambeth were by Order of the House of Commons taken away by Mr. ....... Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick and carried I know not whither but are as 't is commonly said for the use of Mr Peters Before this time some good Number of my Books were delivered to the use of the Synod the Ministers which had them giving no Catalogue under their Hands which or how many they had And all this was done contrary to an Order of the Lords bearing Date Novemb. 9. 1642. for the safe keeping of my Books there And before I was Convicted off any Crime This Day also I received an Order which put off my Hearing to the next Day CAP. XXXIX The Seventeenth Day of my Hearing THis Day I appeared again And the First Charge against me was that I had preferred none to Bishopricks Deaneries prebends and Benefices but Men Popishly affected or otherwise unworthy And some they named 1. As First Dr Manwaring Disabled by the Parliament 2. Secondly Mr Mountague Excepted against by Parliament But for these no Proof was now brought They referred themselves to what was said before and so do I. And where they go to prove only by Dockets I desire it may still be remembred that the Docket is a full Proof who gave Order for drawing the Bill at the Signet Office But no Proof at all who procured the Preferment 3. Thirdly Bishop Corbet But the Earl of Dorset got my Lord Duke of Buckingham to prefer him to make way for Dr. Duppa his deserving Chaplain into Christ-Church Nor was any thing Charged against Dr Corbet but that he was preferred by me 4. Fourthly Bishop Pierce Against whom there was no Proof offered neither And he is living to answer it if any be 5. Nor was there now any Proof offered against Bishop Wren who was named also at the least not till he was made a Bishop So if I did prefer him it seems I did it when nothing was laid against him And if after he had his Preferment he did any thing unworthily that could not I foresee and he is living to answer it 6. The Sixth was Bishop Lindsy a Man known to be of great and universal Learning but preferred by the then Lord Treasurer Portland not by me Him they Charged with Arminianism The Witnesses two The First Mr. Smart he is positive He was his Fellow Prebendary at Durham There was Animosity between them And Smart not able to Judge of Arminianism Secondly Mr. Walker who could say nothing but that he heard so much from some Ministers and Dr. Bastwick So here is as Learned a Man as Christendom had any of his time Debased in this great and Honourable Court by Ignorance and a Hearsay And that when the Man is gone
to that which should be his Quiet the Grave 7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile a Man well known to be as true to and as stout for the Church of England established by Law as any Man that came to Preferment in it Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester And I cannot but profess it grieves me much to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves 8. The next was Dr Cosin to be Dean of Peterborough I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him as he had Commanded me And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens in regard all the Means he then had lay in and about Duresm and was then in the Scots Hands so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself his Wife and Children 9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter a known Arminian to the Deanery of Worcester What Proof of this Nothing but the Docket And what of the Crime Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony who says no more but this That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism that 's Absolute But afterwards he defended it as he hath heard there 's a Hearsay 10. The Tenth was Dr Baker 11. The Eleventh Dr Weeks Both very Honest and Able Men but Preferred by their own Lord the Lord Bishop of London 12. The Twelfth was Dr Bray He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House I found him a very Able and an Honest Man and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well and I did so Here is nothing objected against him but his Expungings and not Expungings of some Books which if he were Living I well hope he would be able to give good Account for 13. The Thirteenth Dr Heylin He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man but for his Preferment both to be his Majesty's Chaplain and for that which he got in that Service he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby who took care of him in the University 14. After these they named some whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary He says the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years And I say 't is so still for ought I know He says that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form These are to will and require you c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form First this is more than I know or ever heard of till now Secondly be it so yet 't is hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains if his Majesty desire it since it argues a great care in the King especially in such a Factious time as began to overlay this Church Thirdly he confesses that he knows not who put the King upon this way but believes that I did it He is single and his belief only is no Evidence And whosoever gave the King that Advice deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England That none might be put about him in that Service but such as himself should approve of But that which troubled this Witness was another thing He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain nor Money to get them a Month to wait in nor Money to change their Month if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions nor Money for sparing their Attendance when they pleased In which and other things I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour as I have been in all things For 't is well known in Court I observed his Lordship as much as any Man The Men which are instanced in are Dr Heylin But he was preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby Then Dr. Potter But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile whose Chaplain he had been many Years and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it Dr Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain and preferred by himself and in all likelyhood by Mr. Oldsworth's means For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford as Mr. Oldsworth himself was and he once to my Knowledge had a great Opinion of him Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain but I preferred him not to his Majesty till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation nor then but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking As for Dr. Pocklington I know not who recommended him nor is there any Proof offered that I did it 15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains They name Four of them First Dr. Weeks But he was never in my House never medled with the Licensing of any Books till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London So he is charged with no Fault so long as he was mine The Second Dr Haywood But he is charged with nothing but Sales which was a most desperate Plot against him as is before shewed The Third was Dr. Martin Against him came Mr. Pryn for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that 's answered before And Mr. Walker who said he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers Belike such as were to be examined by him But he adds as these Ministers told him So 't is but a Hear-say And say he did propose such Questions may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them The Fourth was Dr. Bray Against him Dr. Featly was again produced for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise I humbly desired of the Lords that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question Upon leave granted I asked him Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken He answered roundly that divers passages against the Anabaptists and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged I asked by whom He said by Mr. Rouse and the Committee or by Mr. Rouse or the Committee Be it which it will I observed to the Lords that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists nay for the Liturgy established by Law but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists though perhaps mistaken From thence they fell upon Men whom they said I had preferred to Benefices They named but Two Dr Heylin was one again whom I preferred not The other was Dr Jackson the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford Dr Featly being produced said Dr Jackson was a known Arminian If so to him 't is well The Man