and Lincolne both detained Prisoners affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops Churches should be spoyled of their possessions That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity that he ofâ— admonishedâ— the king to amend this same who even then refused not the calling of the Councell that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise neither for love of the king who was his brother nor for the losse of his possessions no nor yet for the perill of his head The King not distrusting his cause sent some Earles unto the Councell demaunding why he was summoned thither The Legate answered them in briefe that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene For it was the act of secular Gentiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions Therefore they should tell his Brother that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell he would by Gods direction give him â—uch as neither the Church of Rome nor the Court of the king of France nor Count Theobald brother to them both should contradict but ought favourably to embrace that the king for the present should doe advisedly if either he would give an account of his fact or undergoe the judgement of the Canons for he ought of duty to favour the Church by reception into whose bosome and not by a â—and of Souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome Whereupon the Earles departing returned not long afâ—er wâ—th Albin Deâ—er an experienced Lawyer Who pleaded that Roger the Bishop had many wayes inâ—ured king Stephen that he came very seldome to his Court thaâ— his men presuming on his power had raised seditions that as often in other places so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons a man of so great Nobility so haughty a brow that he would never upon king Henries request condescend to come into England That this injury redounded to king Stephen for whose loves sake hâ—e came that so great violence was offered to him that the Bishop of Lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fiâ— occasion that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things and by this especially that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers which he led in great â—eare of the Bristow men so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury that it was in every mans mouth that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive that he with his Nâ—phewes and Castles would revolt to her that Roger was thus taken not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant who both administred his affaires and received his wages that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence but that both the Bishops thankefully rendered them that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court that the King found some money in the Castles which were lawâ—ully his owne because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Exchequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King willingly parted from them as he did from his Castles of which â—he King wanted not witnesses that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme Roger on the other side alleaged that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous Prelate who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildlyâ— That they ought first to inquire as of other things so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell by way of accusation whether they be true or not rather then to pronounce sentence against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations disseised men shall not plead Many things being spoken on both sides after this manner the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Who sayd he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons that by law they ought to have them Which because they could not that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the Canons And grant saith he that they may enjoy them yet verily because it is a suspitious time all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men Thus all the controversie of the Bishops was weakned For either according to the Decrees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence they ought to yeeld up the keyes tâ— the necessity of the time To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed that the Bishops threatned among themselves and provided to send some of them to Rome against him And this saith he the King commendeth to you that none of you presume to doe it for if any one against his will and the dignity of the Kingdome of England shall goe any where from England peradventure his returne shal be difficult Moreover he because he seeth himselfe grieved of his own accord appeales you to Rome After the King partly by commending partly by way of threatning had commanded these things it was understood whither it tendedâ— Wherefore they so departed that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons nor be judged by them neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it and that for a double reason Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity Or else because they heard and some also
life This Prelate dying when he was brought to Lincolne to be interred Iohn King of England and William King of Scots were met there with an infinite company of Nobility of both Realmes The two Kings for the great reverence they bare to his holinesse who yet gave no â—everence at all to Kings as you have formerly heard would needs set their shoulders to the beare and helped to carry his course from the gates of the City untill it came to the Church doore where the Prelates themselves received and carried it into the Quire and buâ—yed him in the body of the East end of the Church ABOVE THE HIGH ALTAR which therefore stood not close to the East wall in those times but some good distance from it neere the Altar of Saint Iohn Hugh Walis or de Wils his next successour in this See but one Anno 1209. notwithstanding King Iohn refused to receive Stephen Langhton that arch-traytor for Archbishop of Canterbury and commanded this Bishop to repaire to the Archbishop of Rhoan for consecration from him and not to receive it from Langhton in contempt of this his Soveraignes command got him to Langhton and received consecration from him whereupon the King seised on all his temporalties and kept him fasting from them foure yeeres and then restored them After this he joyned both with the Barons and Lewis the French King who came to conquer the Realme against his naturall Soveraigne For which treasons he was onely excommunicated by the Pope and not absolved till he had paid the Pope one thousand marks and a hundred markes to his Legate Divers other of our Prelates were fined for the same cause and that so deepely as they were compelled to sell all they had to purchase the Kings favour Anno Dom. 1252. King Henry the third in a Parliament held at London getting a grant from the Pope of the tenths due to the Church to be received of him for three yeeres towards the charges of his journey into the holy Land to rescue it from the Saracens demanded these tenths of the spiritualtie But the Bishops and especially Robert Grosâ—head Bishop of Linâ—olne utterly refused to be contributary to this grant They alledged sundry reasons for their excuse as the poverty of the English Church being already made bare with continuall exactions and oppressions but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of whom the one was beyond the Sea and the other at home in the North parts All the other Bishops were there except Hereâ—ord and Chester who was sicke and therefore without the consent of those that were absent and namely their Primate of Canterbury they could not conclude any generall poynt touching the Kings demand And although the King fretted and stormed against them yet could he not bring them to his purpose so as the Parliament was for that time dissolved Yet before their departure from London the King communed with them apart to see if he could get some money towards his charges but they had tuned their strings all after one notâ— discording all from his Tenor so that not a penny could be got of them wherefore he tooke high displeasure against them reviling them in most reproachfull manneâ— and amongst other he reviled his halfe brother the elect of Winchester taxing him of great unthankfulnesse who also among the residue stood against him Anno 1257. they denyed the King a Subsidie againe there being saith Holinshed a great untoward disposition in the Subjects of that time for the helping of their King with a necessary ayd of money towards such great charges as he had bin by divers wayes occasioned to be at Befoâ—e this Anno 1250. this Bishop excommunicated a Priest for incontinency who continuing for some daies without seeking to be reconciled the Bishop sent to the Sheriffe of Rutland within whose Bayliwicke the Priest dwelt to apprehend him as a disodient and rebellious person who not executing the Bishops commandement the Bishop thereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe whereof the King being informed tooke displeasure and sending to the Pope procured an inhibition that no Archbishop or Bishop should compell any Officer of the King to follow any suit before them for those things that appertaine to the Kings jurisdiction or give sentence against them for the same This Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne Anno 1246. upon the suggestion of the Friers Predicants and Minorites raged more then was meet or expedient against those of his Dâ—ocesse making strict inquisition in his Bishopricke by his Archdeacons and Deanes concerning the chastity and manners as well of Noble as ignoble upon oath to the enormious hurt and scandall of the reputations of many Which had never beene accustomed to be done before The King hearing the grievous complaints of his people against these Innovations did thereupon by the advice of his Counsell and Courts of Justice send a Writ to the Sheriffe of Hertford in these words Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We command thee that as thou lovest thy selfe and all things that are thine that thou from henceforth suffer not any Laymen of â—hy Baylywicke to assemble together in any place at the will of the Bishop of Lincolne or of his Archdeacons Officials or rurall Deanes to make any acknowledgments or attestations upon their oath unlesse in cases of Matrimony and testament And the very next yeere following in pursurance thereof the King by Parliament enacted and commanded these things ensuing to be inviolably observed That if any Lay men were convented before an Ecclesiasticall Iudge for breach of faith and perjury that they shouâ—d be prohibited by the King And that the Ecclesiasticall Iudge should be prohibited to hold plea of all causes against Laymen unlesse they were of Matrimony and Testament All which Matthew Paris precisely relates Which prohibition and statute nullified the constitution of Oâ—ho and hindered this Bishops innovation whereupon that insolent traytorly Martiall Archbishop of Canterbury Boniface better skilled in affaires of a Campe then of the Church Anno 1256. but nine yeeres after this prohibition and forenamed statute published this peremptory audacious constitution in affront of them both Statuimus quod Laici ubi de subditorum pecâ—â—tis excessibus corrigendis per Praelatos Ecclesiasticos judices inquiritur ad praestandum de veritate dicenda juramentum per excommunicationis sententias si opus fuâ—rit compellantur impedientes verò ne hujusmodi juramentum praestetur for the Judges with many otheâ—s then generally oppugned and hindred the ushering in of this Innovation per interdicti excommunicationis sententiam arceantâ—â— To evacuate which exorbitant illegall constitution meant onely of witnesses not of Churchwardens Sidemen or Stangers oathes as the Glosse of Lindwood who records it resolves in expresse termes trenching both upon the peoples liberties and the Courts of Justice too the Judges frequently granted out sundry
others of them were so palliated and countenanced by their owne over-swaying greatnesse that none durst question nor record them thougâ— notoriousâ— and some of them were questionlesse concealed by our Histoâ—ians who being for the most part Monkes Priests or the Prelates owne creatures flatterers and dependants out of favour or affection did labour all they could to palliate not to record or lay open their ghostly Fathers nakednesse in this kindeâ— Neither have I collected every particular of this nature which our Historians relate buâ— onely selected such presidents as I cursorily observed in ow Annals and hastily collected for the most part long since to which I presume â—he diligent Reader may accumulate many more yet these I conceive are so many for number so prodigious for circumstance that they exceede both in multâ—tude and heinousnesse all disloyall practises of like sort acted against our English Monarches by all other their subjects of what quality soever the Nobles and others attainted formerly of Treason Rebellion and suffering for the same being for the most part but the Prelates instruments the chiefe Architects Arch-plotters and inciters of all the Conspiracies Treasons Rebellions warres and dissentions that ever hapned in our Kingdome and yet these Arch-traytors and Incendiaries commonly escaped the hand of Iustice by reason of their unholy holy Order and appeales to Rome when as their under-hand Instruments though lesse culpable received due execution If then we consider the paucity of our Arch-Prelates and Lord Bishops of England of which there is but one in each See at a time when full and sometimes none for divers yeares in times of vacancy in comparison of the numerosity of the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of England on the one side and then on the other hand compare the multitude of the Prelates notorious Treasons Rebellions Seditions and Contumacies against their Kings with thosâ— of the Nobility Gentry Commons which they farre exceede in number and notorius circumstances Or if we observe with what an high hand these Prelates have acted justified defended these their villanies not onely by protecting but canonizing the Authors of them for holy Saints and Martyrs as Dunstane Becket Anselme Hugh and others onely because they were Prelates when as in truth they ought so much the rather to have branded them for notorious Traytors and Rebels execrable both to God and man we must necessarily conclude their NO BISHOP NO KING to â—e a notorious Bull and NO KING VNLESSE NO BISHOP to be a more probable and most true Position and that ouâ— English Lord Bps especially those of Canterbury Primates of all England â—nely in evill for the most part have beene the most notorious Traytors Rebels Conspirators Incendiaries Vipers Pests Grievances to the Kings and State of England of all otâ—ers and so by consequence rather of Antichristian and Diabolicall thâ—n Divine or Apostolicall instiâ—ution fit to be utterly extirpated both by King and Kingdome neither of which shall long flourish in happinesse piety or tranquillity whiles Lordly Prelates beare the sway and manage the chiefe Tempâ—rall Offices or Affaires contrary to Christs owne expresse Inhibitions Mat. 20.25 26 27 Luk 22.25.26 Act. 6.4 2 Tim. 2.4 1 Pet. 5.1 â—33 Rom. 12.7 8. 1 Johâ— 3.9 10 If any surmise I write thus sharpely onely out of malice against our Prelates I shall desire but this favour from them to suspend their censures till they have impartially surveyed the ensuing Particulars which I have sincerely related as I finde them recorded without flattery on the one hand or malignity on the other and then I doubt not but they will change their mindes and readily subscribe to my Conclusions ratified by so many ancient Presidents of old and so many visible experiments fresh before our eyes Now because the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury erected by Gregory the first his Bull then Pope of Rome which have engaged them ever since to be Popes sworne Vassals for the most part and to imitate Popes in their most execrable Treasons and Conspiracies have beene the Archest Tâ—aytors Rebels and Opposites to the Kings â—f England in all Ages I shall for Order and Honour sake begin first with their Contumacies Treacheries and Rebellious practises and that in a Chronologicall manner according to their severall Antiquities and from them I shall descend to the Arch-bishops of Yorke the greatest Arch-traytors and Rebels next to those of Canterbury and then passe to otâ—er of our Prelates in their order with as much brevity and perspicuity as the subject matter will permit me concluding with such materiall observations against our Lordly Hierarchy as shall be infallibly warranted by the ensuing Histories and with such domesticke Authorities against Episcopacy the Lordlinesse Secularity wealth and temporall imployments of our Prelates and their mischievousnesse both in Church and state as I trust will abundantly satisfie the most Episcopall men whose arguments both for the pretended Divinity and perpetuity of Episcopacy in our Church I hope I shall satisfactorily answere But not to detaine you longer with a Prologue I shall addresse my selfe to the subject matter surveying the Bishops of Canterburies actions in the first place THE ANTIPATHIE OF THE ENGLISH LORDLY PRELACIE BOTH TO REGALL MONARCHY AND CIVILL UNITY CHAP. I. Containing the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions Contumacies Disloyalties of the Arch-bishops of Canterâ—ury against their Soveraignes Kings of England the severall Warres Tumults Dissentions occasioned and raysed by them in or against our Realme with their manifold practises and attempts to undermine our Lawes IN relating these Disloyalties of our holy Arâ—h-Prelates of Canterbury I cannot sing as the Poet once did Ab Iove principium Musae Iovis omnia plena sith there is little of God in any of their actions I am now to relate unlesse I take Iove here not for the true living God but for a meere impious treacherous murthering usurping Devill incarnate who thrust his Father Saturne out of his Royall Throne and injuriously possessed hâ—mselfe of his Kingdome against all right and equity And in this sense I may truely chaunt Ab Iove principium c. since I must not onely begin but proceede and end with Devils incarnate masked under a Pâ—â—laâ—es white Rocher rather than with holy Fathers of the Church One of the first men of this stampe that encounters me in the Sea of Canterbury is Odo surnamed the Severe possessing this Ponâ—â—â—call Chaire about the yeare of our Lord 940. This pragmaticall turbulent Arch-Prelate as hee was thrice in Armes in the Field after he was made a Bishop where he â—ought like a valiant Champion so hee caused King Edwin wiâ—h whom hee had very evill agreement to bee divorced from his Queene some say for consanguinity others for other reasons Whereupon the King betaking himselfe â—o his Concubines Odo thereâ—pon suspended the King from the Church excommunicated his Concubines causing one of them whom the King unreasonably doâ—ed upon to bee fetcht out of the Court
the worse for this President it being much insisted on to justifie the late Taxe of Ship-Money Such perfidious and pernicious Counsellers of State have these Prelates beene in teaching Princes in every Land to lay new Exactions on and Tyrannize more and more over their Subjects Woe saith Mr. Tyndall is to the Realmes where they are of the Councell as profitable are they to the Realmes with their Counsell as the Wolves unto the Sheepe or the Foxes unto the Geese As was this Arch-Prelate who is much blamed in our Histories for this his advice Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury layd the first foundation of the Normans Conquest in England perswading King Edward to make Duke William his Heire Whereunto when he had condiscended himselfe became the Messenger of this good tidings unto the Duke taking Harold with him that he might hamper him with an oath as hee did indeede and so barre him from all possibility of the Kingdome which Oath he breaking afterward lost both his liâ—e and Kingdome together The Arch-Bishop now assuring himselfe of the favour of the King not onely presentâ— but him that was to succeede could not endure that any should beaâ—e so great sway as himselfe in Court and therefore fell to devise how he might overthrow Emma the Kings Mother who onely served to over-top him Hee began therefore to beaâ—e into the Kings head how hard a hand his Mother had held upon him when he lived in Normandie how likely it was that his Brother came by his death by the practise of her and Earle Godwyn and that she used the company of Alwyn Bishop of Winchester somewhat more familiarly then was for her honour The King somewhat too rashly crediting these Tales without any further examination of this matter seized upon all his Mothers goods and committed her to Prison in the Nunnery of Warwell banished Earle Godwyn and his sonne and commanded Alwyn upon paine of death not to come forth of the Gates of Winchester The Queene made the best friends she could to be called to her answere but the Arch-bishop so possessed the King as other tryall of her innocencie might not bee allowed then this shee must walke over nine Plough-shares red hot in the midst of the Cathedrall Church of Winchester If shee performed not this Purgation or were found any thing at all hurt she and the Bishop both should bee esteemed guilty if otherwise the Arch-Bishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should have endured The Arch-Bishops Authority was then so prevalent over the most powerfull persons that the Queene her selfe neither by her owne power nor of the King her Sonne nor of the Nobles and Bishops nor by any other meanes than by her innocencie could keepe off this so notorious an injury and contumely the King and Bishops being forced to approve this most severe Edict of the Arch-Bishop against their wills Whereupon the Queene led by two Bishops in the open sight of the people did this hard Purgation and â—o acquitted her self and Alwyn of the Crimes objected The King then greatly bewayling the wrong done to his Mother by the Arch-Bishops malicious false suggestions asked her forgivenesse upon his knees restored her and the Bishop to their goods and places and to make satisfaction would needes be whipped by the hands of the Bishops there present and receiving three stripes of his Mother was by her clearely forgiven The Arch-bishop the author and plotter of all this stirre and mischiefe fearing the successe of this matter held himselfe at Dover under pretence of sickenesse and as soone as he heard how the world went knowing England to be too hot for him got him over to the Abbey of Gemmeticum where overcome with shame and sorrow he there shortly after ended his dayes the King having passed a publike Sentence against him and his confederates Quod Statum Regni conturbarant c. That they had disturbed the State of the Kingâ—dome stirring up the Kings mind against his Mother and faithfull subjects whereupon he was deprived Stigand placed in his Sea before his death after William the Conquerour had slaine Harold and vanquished his Armie in Battlefield Edwyn and Mercar endeavoured to Crowne Edgar Etheling the rightâ—ull Heire to whosâ— side most of the Nobles the Citizens of London with the Navall Forces adhered and so did Aldred Arch-Bishop of Yorke who presently with the other Prelates â—ell off to William the Conquerour being the stronger side to whom the Pope had sent a consecrated Banner an Agnus Dei and one of Saint Peters haires in way of good speed refusing to side with the Lords whereupon their designements were all suddenly quashed But Arch-bishop Sâ—igand and Eglesigne Abbot of Saint Augustines assembling all the Kentish men together encouraged them to stand for their Liberties though with the losse of their lives and marching before them as their Generalls enclosed him and his Armie by a Stratagem with Branches of trees their Banners displayed and Bows bent and so purchased a confirmation of their Freedomes and Customes from him by way of composition Then comming to London the Conquerour refused to be Crowned by Stigana Aldred Archâ—Bishop of Yorke performing this Ceremonie on â—he day of Christs Nativitie Anno. 1066. Stigand not long after and Alexander Bishop of Lincolne fled intâ— Scotland where they kept themselves close for a season and at last returning King William departeâ— into Normandie knowing Stigand to be of a crafty Pate and perfidious heart and of great power among his Kentish men carryed him over Sea with him lest he â—hould raise new stirres and cause a Revolt from him in England during his absence and then returning into England he caused him with other Bishops that had beene â—reacherous to him to be deposed from his Arch-Bishopricke in a Synod at Winchester for holding the Bishop of Winchester in Commendam with his Arch-Bishopricke for invading the Sea of Canterbury whiles Robert livedâ— for using his Paâ—l left at Canterbury for Simonie and to prevent him from raising any further Tumults The King after his degradation spoyling him of his goods committed him to perpetual Prison where at last he was starved with hunger refusing to reveale those infinite Treasures which hee had heaped up in store to worke some mischieâ—e which were discovered after his death Not long after which plures Episcopi Abbaâ—es many Bishops and Abbots joyned in a Conspiracie with Ralph de Ware and Roger Earle of Hereford against the Conquerour to thrust him out of his Kingdome such faithfull Subjects were they to their Soveraigne to whom they had sworne allegeance William the Conquerour dying by the perswasion of Lanfranke Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who had brought up William Rufus from his Child-hood he left the Crowne of England to his younger sonne William putting the eldest son Robert from the Crowne which was due unto him In which Action God blessed not the Arch-Bishop for the
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
forbad Stephen Langhton entrance into the Realme The Pope hearing this sends his Mandates unto William Bishop of London Eustace Bishop of Ely and Mauger Bishop of Worcester wherein hee willed them first to admonish and perswade the King to restore the Monkes their goods and place and to give the Arch-Bishop possession of his Temporalties by a day then if he refused so to doe to interdict the whole Realme They durst not but obey and finding the King resolute in his determination at the time appointed they published the Popes Interdiction interdicting the whole Realme And as well foreseeing the ensuing trouble to come as their present danger got them out of the Land together with Ioceline Bishop of Bath and Giles of Hereford The King immediately seized all their Goods and Temporalties into his hands and moreover banished all the friends and Kinsfolks of these Bishops that were likely to yeeld them any comfort or reliefe During the time of this Interdict all Divine Service ceased throughout the Realme Gods Service giving place to the Popes pride and malice except onely Baptisme of Children Auâ—icular Confession and the Administration of the Sacrament unto such as lay upon the point of death The Pope seeing this Curse prevailed not at the instigation of the Arch Bishop and other Prelates proceeded to a particular Excommunication of the King and not long after deprived him by a Judiciall sentence of his Crowne Kingdome and all Regall authority a thing till that time in no age ever heard of For the better executing which sentence he writes to Philip the French King to expell King Iohn out of his Kingdome promising him remission of all his sinnes and giving the Kingdome of England to him and his successors for this his good service and withall sends â—orth his Bulls to the Nobles Knights and Souldiers in divers Countries that they should signe themselves with the signe of the Crosse to cast the King of England out of his Throne and revenge the injury of the Universall Church by ayding King Philip in this Catholike Warre promising them all as large and ample indulgences in all things as those enjoyed who visited the Lords Sepulcher at Hierusalem whereupon the French King prepared a great Armie both by Sea and Land to expulse King Iohn who made himselfe so strong by Sea and Land in a short time that he had farre more Ships and Land-Souldiers than Philip which Pandolfe the Popes Legate perceiving and doubting of the successe willingly repaires into England tells King Iohn in what danger he and his whole kingdome were how much Christian blood he was like to cause to bee spiltâ— to prevent all which inconveniences hee counsels him to resigne his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope and then to receive it from him againe which he yeelded to at last See now to what extremities this poore King was brought by these rebellious and traytorly Prelates meanes who refused to appeare before him when he sent for them his whole Land was under Interdiction and so remained for 5. whole yeares like an Heathenish Nation without the celebration of Divine Service and Sacraments Iohn himselfe was by Name Excommunicated and had so remained for divers yeares All his Subjects were released freed a Regis fidelitate subjectione from owing either fidelity or subjection to him yea they were forbidden and that under paine of Excommuniâ—ation so much as to company or converse with him either at Table or aâ— Councell or in speech and conference Further yet Iohn was deposed from his Kingdome and that judicially being in the Romane Court deprived of all right to his Kingdome and judicially condemned and that sentence of his deposition and deprivation was solemnly denounced and promulgated before the French King Clergie and people of France Neither onely was Iohn thus deposed but his Kingdome also given away by the Pope and that even to his most mortall enemie for the Pope to bring his sentence to execution writ unto Philip the French King perswading yea enjoyning him to undertake that labouâ— of dethrâ—ning Iohn actually as judicially hee was before and expelling him from the Kingdome promising him not onely remission of all his sinnes but that hee and his Heires â—hould for ever have the Kingdome of England withall the Pope writ Letters to all Nobles Souldiers and Warriors in divers Countries to signe themselves with the â—rosse and to assist Philip for the dejection of Iohn Philip was not a little glad of such an offer bâ—â— hereupon gathered Forces and all things fit for such an expedition expending in that preparation no lesse than 60. thousand pounds all these things being notified to King Iohn did not a little daunt him and though he was too insensible of the impendent calamities yet to strike a greater terrour into his amazed heart and make a more dreadfull impression in his minde of the dangers which now were ready to faâ—l on his head Pandolph was sent from the Pope unto him to negociate about the resigning of his Kingdome to which if hee would consent he should finde favour protection and deliverance at the Popes hands Pandulf by a crafty kinde of Romish Oratory at his comming to the King expressed yea painted out in most lively colours all the difficulties and dangers to which the King was subject the losse of his Crowne the losse of his honour the losse of his life that there was no other way in the world to escape them but by protection under the Popes wings Iohn seeing dangers to hang over him on every side by the French abroad by the Barons at home and being dejected and utterly dismayed and confounded with the ponderation of them resolved for saving his life to lose his liberty and honour and to save his Kingdome from his open Adversary to â—ose it and give it quite away to his secret but worst enemie that hee had and to take an Oath of sealty to the Pope recorded in Holinshed p. 178. doing herein as if one for feare of being slaine in the open field should kill himselfe in his owne chamber It was not piety but extreame misery nor devotion but feare onely and despaire that caused and even â—orced Iohn against his will being then drowned in despaire to resigne his Crowne and to make two severall grants thereof to the Pope The first Charter was made to Pandulph the Popes Legaâ—e on the 15. day of May in the 14. yeare of King Iohns raigne the Copie whereof is set downe in Matthew Paris Matthew Westminster The second Charter was made to Nicholâ—s Bishop of Tusculum the Popes Legaâ—e for the Popes use in Saint Pauls Church in London the 3. of October in the 15. yeare of King Iohn An. Dom. 1213. agreeing verbatim with the former differing onely from it in this that the first was sealed with Wax the second with Gold which severall Grants were so detestable to the whole
further revenge whereas Simon Langthon his brother by his procurement had beene elected to the Sea of Yorke a strange example to have an whole Kingdome ruled by two Brethren of so turbulent humors the Pope not onely did cassate his Election but likewise made him uncapable of any Episcopall Dignity placing in that Sea Walter Gray a trustie â—riend to the King and a professed enemie to the Langhtons whose Pall cost him no lesse than a thousand pound King Iohn having thus procured all his Barons to be excommunicated and the City of London siding with them to be interdicted and the Arch-Bishops suspension to be confirmed the Barons and Arch-Bishop held these Censures in such high contempt that they decreed neither themselves nor the Citizens should observe them nor the Prelates denounce them alledging that they were procured upon false suggestions and that the Pope had no power in Secular matters from Christ but onely in Spirituall and that Prelates had nothing at all to doe with Warres and thereupon sent for Lewis the Dolphin of France to receive the Crowne of England Who not so voyd of Ambition as to lose a Crown for want of fetching was not long behind landing here in England in despight of the Popes inhibition and threats of Excommunication to hinder him with a great Army and Fleete of sixe hundred Boates. After which he repaires to Lâ—ndon electing Simon Langhton for his Chancelor the Arch-Bishops Brother the Arch-bishop being the chiefe man in this Rebellion and Treaâ—on against King Iohn by whose Counsell and Preaching the Citizens of London and Barons though all excommunicated by the Pope did celebrate Divine Service and drew on Lewis to doe the like King Iohn levying a great Armie and hasting to give Battaile to those Rebels and Enemies comming to Swinshed Abbey was poysoned in a Chalice by a Monke of that House who went to the Abbor and shrived himselfe telling him how he intended to give the King such a Drinke that all England should be glad and joyfull thereof at which the Abbot wept for joy and praysed God for the Monkes constancie who being absolved before-hand by the Abbot tooke the Cup of Poyson and therewith poysoned both the King and himselfe to doe the Arch-Bishops and Prelates a favour since this King could not abide the pride and pretended authority of the Clergie when they went about to wrest out of his hands the Prerogative of his Princely Government He dying Henry his young Son was received to the Kingdome Lewis forsaken the Barons absolved by the Pope and Clergie-men too after a composion payd by them After this Stephen Langhton enshrines his Predecessor Becket as great a Traytor as himselfe in a very sumptuous Shrine the King and greatest part of the Nobility of the Realme being present at the solemnity which done this Arch-Traytor after he had endeavoured to raise a new Warre betweene the King and the Nobles dyed himselfe Iuly 9. 1228. To obscure whose Treasons and Rebellions our Monkes who writ the Histories of those times have raised up many slanders and lyes of this poysoned King Iohn to his great defamation Richard Wethershed the very next Arch-Bishop withstood King Henry the 3. who in Parliament demanded Escuage of those who held any Baronies of him maintaining that the Clergie ought not to be subject unto the judgement of Laymen though all the Laitie and other of the Spiritualty consented to the King After this hee had a great controversie with Hubert de Burgo Earle of Kent concerning some Lands of the Earle of Gloucester the profits whereof the Arch-Bishop challenged as due unto him in the minority of the sayd Earle The Arch-Bishop complained of the pretended wrong to the King with whom Hubert was very gracious for the good service he had done him in defending Dover Castle against the French and finding no remedy answerable to his minde at the Kings hands who answered him truely That the Lands were held of him in capite and so the wardship of them belonged to himselfe not to the Arch-Bishop hee thereupon excommunicated all the Authors of this his supposed injury the King onely excepted and then gat him to Rome the common Sanctuary and receptacle for all Rebellious Traytorly Prelates this being the first Excommunication that was pronounced against any man for invading the Temporalties of the Church The King hereupon sends divers to Rome to stop the Arch-bishops proceedings and defend his Royall Prerogative The Pope notwithstanding delighted much with the eloquence gravity and excellent behaviour of the Arch-Bishop granted presently all his demands even in prejudice of the Kings Crowne and Right Little joy had he of his Victory for being but three dayes in his way homeward he fell sicke at Saint Gemma and dyed In this Bishops time the Italians had gotten many Benefices in England who being much spited at certaine mad fellowes tooke upon them to thresh out their Corne every where and give it unto the poore as also to rob and spoyle them of their money and other goods after which the Italians were not so eager upon English Benefices Saint Edmund Arch-Bishop of Canteâ—bury had many bickerings with King Henry the third hee was baptized in the same Font that Thomas Becket his Predecessour was and somewhat participated of his disposition Being consecrated Arch-Bishop he presently fell into the Kings displeasure by opposing himselfe against the marriage of Elianor the Kings Sister with Simon Mounâ—fort Earle of Leicester because upon the death of the Earle Marshall her first Husband she had vowed Chastitie to have which vow dispensed withall the King procured the Pope to send Otto his Legate into England betweene whom and the Arch-Bishop there were many quarrels This Arch-Prelate refused to appeare upon summons before the King went to Rome where he made many complaints not onely against Otto but against the King himselfe â—or certaine injuries received at his hands yet with ill successe and was foiled in two severall suites both with the Monkes of Rochester and the Earle of Arundel to whom he was condemned in a thousand Markes to his great disgrace and impoverishing Hee Excommunicated the Monkes of Canterbury for chusing a Prior without his consent The Popes Legate absolving them for money hâ— excommunicated them afresh and interdicted their Church till Otto decided the Controversie which Otto excommunicated Fredericke the Emperour first in the Monastery of Saint Albanes and then publickly in Pauls Church and collected infinite summes of money here in England to maintaine the Popes warres against him which the Emperour tooke very ill at the Kings hands This Arch-Bishop for a great summe of money obtained a Grant fâ—om the Pope in derogation of the Kings Supremacie that if any Bishopricke continued voyd by the space of sixe moneths it should bee lawfull for the Arch-Bishop to conferre it on whom he list which the King procured the Pope immediately to revoke Polichronicon writes that hee called
Proclamation was made that no man should dare to harbour or give him entertainement by meate drinke or lodging At last after much adoe the Arch-Bishop made his peace and brought him into favour with the King who dying King Edward the third advanced him to the See of Canterbury The King going into France with a great Armie and laying claime to that Crowne committed the Government of the Realme here at home to the Arch-Bishop He besides other promises of faithfull diligence in the trust committed to him assured the King hee should want no money to expend in this exploit whereunto all kindes of people shewed themselves so willing to yeeld what helpe they possibly might as hee tooke â—pon him to discerne the King might command of them what hee liâ—t No sooner was the King over Seas but infinite summes of Money were collected with the very good liking of all the people This Money which men thought would have maintained the Warres for two or three yeares was spent in lesse than one The King wanting Money puts the Arch-Bishop in minde of his promise calling continually on him for more Monies The Arch-Bishop blames his Officers beyond the Seas for ill managing of his Treasure advising him to make peace with the French upon reasonable conditions sending him no more Money The King grew exceeding angry with the Arch-Bishop for this Motion and usage and his Souldiers calling for Mony he told them that the Arch-Bishop had beâ—rayed him to the French King who no doubt had hired him to detaine their pay in his hands and to satisfie his Souldiers needes was enforced to take up what Monies he could at hard rates from Usurers And though some excuse the Arch-Bishop in this yet others thinke him guilty of practising against the Kings further good â—ortunes in France because Pope Benedict the Twelfth was displeased much therewith as pretending it was pernicious to Christendome and thereupon put Flanders under Interdict for leaving the French King and adhering to King Edward and therefore the Arch-Bishop to please the Pope whom hee obeyed more than the King who had written a Leâ—â—er to the King and him to desist from that Warre thus thwaâ—â—ed the Kings deâ—ignes by not sending him such supplies of Money as hee promised and in moving him to peace The King taking it very hainously to be thus dealt with and that his brave beginnings and proceedings in France should bee thus crossed hereupon steps suddenly over into England and caâ—â—s the Bishop of Chichester then Lord Chancellour and the Bishop of Liâ—hâ—â—eld then Lord Treasurer prisoners into the Tower whither he intended to send the Arch-Bishop But hee having some inkling of the Kings intention got him to Canterbury and there stood upon his guard being accused by Heâ—â—y Bishop of Lincolne and Gregory Scrope then Lord chieâ—e Justice of England of Trechery and Conspiracy with the French and of High-treason the whole blame by the generall voyce of all men lying on him Sir Nicholas Cantilupus hereupon â—ollowed him to Canterbury with Iohn Faâ—ingdon a publike Notary who required him to make present payment of a great summe of Money which the King had taken up of out-landish Merchants upon the Arch-Bishops credit or else to get him over Seas immediately and yeeld his body prisoner to them till â—he debt was discharged for that the King upon his promise had undertaken hee should so doe The Arch-bishop sayd he could give no present answere but would take time to advise thereof writing divers Letters to the King not to hearken to Flatterers and those who defamed other mens actionâ— and to make choyse of better Counsellourâ— and not to disturbe the peace at home whiles he made waâ—â—es abroad After which hee called the Clergie and people into the Cathedrall Church of Canterbury and made an Oration to them taking Ecclesiastiâ—us 48.10 for his Theame He feared not any Prince neither â—oâ—ld any bring him into subjectionâ— no word could overcome â—im c. In which Sermon hee highly commended and approved Thâ—mas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbâ—ry who with-drew himselfe wholly from all Secular Affaires and betooke himselfe onely to the Government of the Church and blamed himselfe much for that hee had left the care of the Church and wholly yea dayly iâ—ployed himselfe in the managing the Kings affaires for which he now received no other reward for his merits towards the King and Kingdome but envie and the danger of his head promising with teares that hereafter hee would be more diligent in the Government of the Church Which Sermon ended to keepe off all Royall violence from him he published certaine Articles of Excommunication after the horrid Popish manner with Tapers burning and Bells ringing In which Articles hee Excommunicated all those who disturbed the peace of the King and Kingdome all Lay-men who should lay violent hands on the Clergie or invade their Lands Houses Goods or violate the Liberties of the Church or Magna Charta or forge any crimes oâ— any one but especially every one that should draw himselfe or any Bishop of his Province into the Kings hatred or displeasure or should falsely say they were guilty of Treason or worthy of any notable or capitall punishment Having published these Articles in the Church of Canterbury hee commanded the Bishop of London and all the Suffragans of his Province to proclaime them in their Churches and Diocesse The King hearing of this strange insolencie writes to the Bishop of London acquaints him how trecheroâ—sly the Arch-Bishop had dealt with him and how by these Excommunications hee thought to shift off his calling to an account and therefore commanded him not to publish themâ— Afâ—er which the King sent Ralph Eaâ—le of Stafford with two Notaries to the Arch-bishop to summon him in the Kings Name without delay to appeareâ— before him to consult with his other Nobles and Prelates concerning the affaires of England and France The Bishop gave no other answere but this That he would deliberate upon itâ— Soone after there came certaine Messengers from the Duke of Brabant desiring to speake with the Arch-Bishop who refusing to speake with them they cited him by Writings which they hanged on the High Crosse at Canterbury to make payment of a great summe of Money which the King of England had borrowed of him The King after this sends some Letters to the Prior and Covent of Canterbury who shewing the Letters to the Arch-Bishop he on Ash-Wednesday goes up into the Pulpit in the Cathedrall Church and there calling the Clergie and people to him spake much to them concerning his fidelity and integrity in the Kings businesse after which hee commanded the Kings Letters to be read and then answered all the Crimes and Calumnies as he â—earmed them layd against him in those Letters and putting his Answere which he there uttered into Writing he published it throughout his whole Provincâ— The King hereupon makes a Reply to his Answere shewing therein how treacherously and
hereafter in a peculiar Treatise of our Prelates Schisms So he got a grant from the Pope to receive a Subsidie of all the Clergie of his Diocesse to wit foure pence out of every Mark to defray his Archie piscopall chargesâ— under pretext of which by misinterpreting the Popes Bulls hee exacted from them a whole Tenth He endeavoured to exempt Clerkes from Temporall Jurisdiction and Courts in cases of Felony which being obtained divers Clerkes abused their Priviledges committed many hainous crimes so as the Bishops at the Kings and Nobles earnest request were enforced to make a strict Decree for their future punishment and restraint Besides he accompanyed Thomas Lile Bishop of Ely to the Barre where he was arraigned and found guilty of Murther yet admitted his appeale to purge himselfe before him as his Metropolitane after the Jury had found him guilty in affront of Law and Justice After which Ely breaking prison fled to Rome caused the Kings Judges to be Excommunicated together with their servants and their Lands to be Interdicted and such of them as dyed Excommunicated he caused to be unburied and to be digged out of their Graves in Church-yards and cast into Mires which caused great stirres in England At last this Arch-Bishop riding to Magfield fell into a Mire himselfe with his horse in which fall the horse striving to recover himselfe he was plunged over head and eares and drenched in the Myre and comming all wet into Magfield fell into a sleepe before his clothes were put off and so into a Palsey and there dyed A just punishment for his cruelty to the dead Corps oâ— those Excommunicate persons In his time there was a great mortalitie especially among Clergie-men 7â— Bishops dying in one yeare Anno 1345. and 2. the next Simon Langham his next Successour was successively both Chancellour and Treasurer of England and in his time all publike Offices of the King and Kingdome were administred by Clergieâ—men for this Arch-Prelate was Chancellour Iohn Bishop of Bath Treasurerâ— David Wollor Priest Master of the Rolls William Wickham Arch-deacon of Lincolne Keeper of the Privie Seale Iohn Troy Priest Treasurer of Ireland Robert Caldwell Clerke Treasurer of the Kings House William Bugâ—rig Generall Receiver of the Dutchie of Lancaster William Asheby Chancellor of the Exchequer Iohn Newnham one of the Chamberlaines of the Exchequer and one of the Keepers of the Treasury and Kings Jewels and William de Mulso the other Iohn Ronceby Clerke of the Houshold and Surveyor and Comptroller of the Kings workes Roger Barnburgh and 7. more Clergy-men Clerkes of the Chanceryâ— Richard Chesterfield the Kings under Treasurer Thomas Brantingham the Kings Treasurer in the parts of Guines Marke and Calice All which Clerkes abounded likewise with Ecclesiasticall Benefices and Dignities some of them possessing at least 20. Benefices and Dignities by the Popes owne license and having further liberty to retaine as many Livings as they could get This was in the yeare 1367. But not long after Anno 1371. upon a complaint of the Nobles in Parliament all Clergie-men were thrust out of Temporall Offices and Lay-men put into their places Holinshed out of Caxton saith that the King this yeare in Parliament demanded a subsidie of 50000. pound of the Laity and as much of the Clergie The temporall men soone agreed to that payment but the Clergie excused themselves with faire words and shiâ—ting answeres insomuch that the King tooke displeasure with them and deposed certaine spirituall men from their office of dignity as the Chancelour the Privy seale the Treasurer and such other in whose roomes he placed temporall men where as Caâ—ton in truth saith that this subsidy was raised by the Clergie by good avisement out of their Lay Fee and that this their removall from Lay Offices was at the request and asking of the Lords in hatred of men of holy Church with which Walsingham accords This Arch-Prelate being very ambitious was without the Kings privity created by Pope Vrban Cardinall of S. Sixtusâ— with which newes the King being much offended seised on his Temporalties At which the Arch-Bishop nothing troubled did at last with much difficulty obtaine leave from the King to goe to Rome destitute of his Family and stript of all his Archiepiscopall Ensignes where he shortly after dyed William Witlesey who next enjoyed this See had some differences with the King about granting Subsidies At last he and the Clergie condescended to grant an Annuall Tenth upon condition that the King would free them from the intolerable yoak of the Popes opprâ—â—â—ions But Wil. Courtney theÌ„ Bp oâ— Hereford after Arch-Bp of Cant. standing up stoutly in the midst oâ— the Synod sayd with a loud voyce That neither he nor the Clergies of his Diocesse would give any thing to the King beâ—ore the King had remedied those calamities under which the Clergie had long time suffered Whereupon the King sent Messengers to the Pope to Rome to take away Provisions Reservations and other Exactions wherewith the Clergie and people of England were grieved and put the Statute against Provisions in execution Simon Sudbury who next succeeded him about whose Election there was much debate was not long after his Instalment made Lord Chancellour of England and sundry other Clergie-men formerly put from the Administration of Temporall Offices and affaires by his example and meanes were restored to them againe those Lay-men who managed them being disgracefully thrust out thereupon Wakefeld Bishop of Worcester being made Lord High Treasurer This Arch-Bishop in the insurrection of Iacke Straw and Wat Tyler stirred up by Iohn Ball a seditious Priest was by this Vulgar rout who purposed to destroy all Bishops and Abbots proclaimed an enemie both to the King and people who were so incensed against him as their greatest enemie that apprehending him in the Tower of London where the King then was even whiles he was saying Masse they drew him out thence and with an Axe cut off his head like a Traytor The manner of which Execution is thus described by Walâ—igham Godwin and others These Rebels in all haste came to the Tower where the Court then was requiring with great out-cries the Arch-Bishop The Arch-Bishop then Lord Chancellour having had some inkling thereof the day before had spent all that night in prayer and just when they called for him was saying of Masse in the Chappell of the Tower That ended and hearing of their comming Let us now goe saith he unto his men surely it is better to dye seeing to live it can be no pleasure With that in came these murthering Rebels crying Where is the Traytor Where is the Traytor He answered I am the Arch-Bishop whom I thinke you seeke but no Traytor With great violence then they drew him out of the Chappell and carried him to the Tower Hillâ— seeing there nothing but swords and weapons and hearing nothing but Kill kill away with the Traytor c. yet he was not so
devill and his disciples be against thee for God thy protector is stronger than hee or any other and shall by his grace give him and them a fall and so shew unto thee that God is on thy side Consider that it is written in Prov. 6. that amongst many crimes there rehearsed that God hateth chiefly hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren as all we Christians are brethren under our heavenly Father Also it is written in Iohn 8. that those that do stirre men to murther are children of the Devill which was from the beginning a murtherer and brought Adam to sinne and thereby to death as the Jewes his children stirred the peopâ—e to put Christ to death Saint Paul also in Rom. 16. warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them against the Doctrine that he had taught them and biddeth them eschew their company wherein the Holy Ghost wrought in Paul for these many yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of Christendome but the Bishop of Rome either hath beene a stirrer of it or a nourisher of it and seldome any compounder of it unlesse it was for his ambition and profit Whereâ—ore since as S. Paul saith in 1 Cor. 14. that God is not the God of dissention but of peace who commandeth by his Word peace alway to be kept we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene Realmes and to bring them to warre are the children of the devill what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall which cloaking under hypocrisie is double devillishnesse and of Christ most deâ—ested because under his blessed name they do play the Devills part And therefore seeing Christ is on ourside against them let us not feare them at all but putting our confidence in Almighty God cleaving fast to the Kings Majesty our supreme head on earth next under Christ of this Church of England as â—aithfull subjects by Godslaw ought to do though they goe about to stirre Gog Magog and all the ravenners of the world against us we trust in God verily and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by Ezekiel in C. 39. against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God whom the people of God shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of Israel that none of them shall escape but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by kiâ—es and crowes and birds of the aire and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice to make invasion into this Realme then let us wish that their great Captaine Gog I meane the Bishop of Rome may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us that the people of God might surely live in peace Thus Tonstall concerning the Pope and the Cardinall though a Papist It is an Italian proverbe of our English men That an Italianated English man is a devill incarnate such a one was this Cardinall qui Italis pontificiisque adulationibus conâ—iliis atque technis in Regis atque Patriae discrimine sic se 〈…〉 passus â—st â—â— non modo 〈…〉 PRODITOR writes his immediaâ—e successor of himâ— In the 31. yeare of King Henry the 8â— he put the King Kingdome to extraordinary trouble and expence â—or the King being then enformed by his â—rusty and faithfull friends that the cankered and cruell Serpent the Bishop of Rome by that Arch-trâ—ytor Reginald Poole enemy to Gods Words and his naturall country had moved and stirred divers great Princes and Potentates of Christendome to invade the Realme of England and utterly to destroy the whole Nation of the same Wherefore his Majesty in his owne person without any delay tooke very laborious and painâ—ull journeys â—owards the Sea coasts also hee sent divers of his Nobles and Counsellours to view and search all the Ports and dangers of the Coasts where any meeâ—e and convenient landing place might be supposed as well on the borders of England as also of VVales and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many Bulwarkes and â—ortifications to be made And further his Highnesse caused the Lord Admirall Earle of Southhampton to prepare in readinesse ships for the Sea to his great cost and charges And beside this to have all people in a readinesse hee directed his commissions throughout the Realme to have his people mustered and the harnesse and weapons seene and viewed to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this Realme and likewise caused a generall muster to be made of all the Citizens of London betweene the age of 60. and 16. This Arch-traytor after the Pope had imployed him to move the Emperour and King of Spaine to breake their league with King Henry and to proclaime warre against him kept a continuall guard about him lest the King should send some to murther him And retiring to Viterbium where he lived some space neere a Nunnery he begaâ— two bastards a sonne and a daughter on the Abbeâ—se who oft repaired to his lodging which was afterwards objected to him when he was elected Pope by the major part of Cardinals and yet lost that Antichristian See by his owne negligence and delayes King Edward the 6. deceasing and Queene Mary comming to the Crowne she presently sent for this Traytor home the Pope upon this occasion makes him his Legate to reduce England under his vassallage and tyranny The Cardinall hereupon sore longed homeward not doubting but if things stood as hee thought to get a dispensation to lay off the Hat and put on a Crowne But the Emperour mistrusting what the Prelate intended found devises to hold him beyond the seas untill the match was concluded betweene Queene Maâ—y and his sonne Anno 1554. he arrived in England and the same day he landed an Act passed in the Parliament house through the Queenes and VVinchesiers meanes for his restitution in blood and the utter repealing of the Act of atâ—ainder against him in King Henry the 8. his raigne The Cardinall soone after caused Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to be deprived and degraded seating himselfe in his See and making a long Oration in Parliament declaring the offence and schisme of the Kingdome in casting off the Pope and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the Church againe upon their submission he caused the Parliament to make an Act repealing all Statutes Articles and Provisions made against the See of Rome since the 20. yeare of Henry the 8. reviving the Popes supremacie and denying the Queens wherein the whole Realm submitted it selfe to the Pope some parts of which Act pertinent to my purpose I shall crave leave to recite Whereas since the 20. yeare of K. Henry the 8. of famous memory Father unto your Majesty our most naturall Soveraigne
the cunning devises of some who accused him as a favourer of the Puritans Conventicles and prophecying which he justified in a particular treatise which I have seene dedicated to the Queene and subscribed by all his suffragans hee utterly lost the same being thereupon suspended from his Bishopricke and so dyed suspended Martin records that the true cause of his suspension was for disallowing the matrimony of Julio an Italian Physitian with another mans wife therein thwarting the Earle of Leicesters pleasure In his dayes M. Iohn or rather Philip Stubs of Lincolnes Inne lost his hand for writing a booke against the Queenes intended match with the Duke of Anjou with this Title The gulfe wherein England will be swallowed up by the French marriage with which the Queene was sorely vexed and displeased Sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a Law made in the raigne of Philip and Mary then expired and personall to them whereupon the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers were at variance concerning the force of that Statute but might prevailed therein against right And about the same time Edward Campian Ralph Sherwin Luke Kerby Alexander Briant Priests were indited condemned and executed for high Treason for plotting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome as adhering to the Pope the Queenes enemie and comming into England to raise forces against her Iohn VVhitegift next to him in succession a stately Pontificall Bishop contested much for the authority and Lordly jurisdiction of Prelates in defence whereof hee then writ though hee durst not averre our Archbishops to be of divine institution Hee had some contestations with the Judges whom he much troubled about Prohibitions ex officio oathes and proceedings the power of the high Commission and other Exclesiasticall Courts 〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the Queenes prerogative and the Subjects liberties whereupon in the Parliament Anno 1585. divers Bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio the granting of faculties by Bishops Non-residencie and other abuses which this Prelate by his power to prevent a reformationâ— crossed and frustrated to the great disturbance of the Church and State and the increase oâ— schismes and divisions in both After this Anno 1588. hee procured these reverend Ministers and Gentlemen M. Vdall M. Penry M. Cartwright King Prudlar Paine M. Knightly M. Wigstone and others to be questioned and fined in Starchamber for writing against the English Hierarchy and caused M. Penry Vdall and others against all Law and Justice to be condemned and executed for this cause whereupon the Judge before whom they were arraigned much troubled in conscience fell into desperation and died miserably These his violent proceedings stirred up VVigginton Coppinger and franticke Hacket whom the Prelates oppression made starke mad to accuse the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of high Treason and to runne into extravagant actions and opinions which they afterward recanted And not these alone but others likewise opposing the government of the Church of England disallowed the calling of Bishops and got some eminent Lawyers as M. Maurice Atturney of the Court of Wards and others to write against the government of Bishops and the Oath ex ofâ—icio which troubled much the whole Church State Judges Parliament and Kingdome and fired them almost into an uproare this Archprelate straining his Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation Whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the calling Lordlinesse and extravagances of the Prelates and their Courts some in serious others in more light and jesting manner wherewith the Prelates were much nettled and their government rendred very odious among the people which certainly had then beene subverted had not the power of this Archprelate made a privy Counsellor and of Chancellour Hatâ—on a man popishly affected as was generally then reported kept it from ruine This Archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great to the number of above 60 menservants who were all trained up to martiaâ—â—â—â—â—ires and mustred almost every weeke his stable being stiâ—l well furnished with good store of great horses a commendable thing in a warlike Prelate though scarce allowable in a pious Apostolicall Bishop who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit than souldiers for the field Richard Bancroft his great creature and immediate successor had many conflicts with the Judges concerning prohibitions ex officio Oathes and the power of the High Commissioners before the King and Councell to the great disquiet of the Realme and oppression of the people hee defended the Bishops Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure Divino and not derived immediately by Letters Patents from the King like an ungratefull wretch contrary to the expresse Acts of 26. H. 8. c. 1.31 H. 8 c. 9 10.37 H. 8. c. 17. 1. Edw. 6. c.. 1. Eliz. c. 1.1 2. Phil. Mar. c. 8. 8. Eliz. c. 1. and the whole streame of the Fathers forraine Protestants and our English writers to the great affront of the Kings prerogative royall And if some men yet alive may be credited who accused him to the Councell of these crimes and offered to prove them hee had a hand in the compiling of Dolmans the Jesuites Booke concerning the succession of the Crowne of England the maine scope of which booke written as some say by Cardinall Allen and Fr. Ingelfield Dolmans enemies was to exclude all persons how neere soever allyed to the Crown unlesse they were Roman Catholikes contending further for the right of Isabel Infanta of Spaine and seeking to disprove King Iames his most rightfull title thereunto which Dolman with other old Priests and Jesuites hee harboured in his house where they affirme this booke was Printed and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the Gunpowder-treason most of the traytors lying at Lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke This Relation I had from others who averred it for truth and offered to prove it in his lifetime could they have beene heard And it seemes for the point of Dolmans booke and conniving at such other seditious traiterly popish pamphlets of that nature this Prelate was not altogether cleare for in the Conference at Hampton Court before King Iames when D. Reynolds moved the King that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed at least restrained which unsetled and corrupted the minds of many young Schollers in both Universities instancing in Ficlerus a Papist De jure Magistratus in subditos for one Bancroft then Bishop of London supposing himselfe principally aimed and why should hee have such a suspition unlesse conscious of some guilt upon such a generall motion and information answered first in the Generall that there was no such licentious divulging of those Bookes as hee imagined or complained off And secondly to the particular instance of Ficlerus that he detested both the Author and applyer alike But for the first my Lord Cecill
seized on three Mannors or Barronies belonging to his See and retained them during the Arch-Bishops life which was not long hee either out of griefe or Gods just Jâ—dgement being soone taken away It falling out for the most part as Bishop Godwin observes in his life that those Bishops which have presumed most in opposing themselves against their Princes have least time endured and ever quickly beene taken away Anno Dom. 1329. William de Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke successively Treasurer and Chancellour of England upon the Examination of Edmund Earle of Kenâ— whom this Prelate and the Bishop of London had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against King Edward the third was accused of High Treason for reporting that King Edward the second was still alive after his death and that upon the credit of a preaching Fryer of London who had raised up a Devill which certainly informed him thereof as a truth For writing a Letter of Fidelitie to this Earleâ— which hee sent by his owne Chaplaine Acyn for sending him 500. men in Armes and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise and sending Richard de Pomfret to him both to Reusington and Arundle to further the said Rebellion The Poore Earle was found guiltie of high Treason and beheaded The Bishop of London and Arch-Bishop the chiefe plotters of this Treason and Conspiracâ—e were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming and the Fryer who had raised the Spirit to know whether the Kings Father were living or not was onely committed to prison where he dyed An. 1319. this William Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely with the Citizens of Yorke not making them of the Countrey once privie to their designes having in their companie a great company of Priests and men of Religion gave battell unto the Scots neere Melton upon Swale But for as much as most of the English were unexpert in the feates of Warre the Bishops being their Captaines and came not in any orderly way of Battell they were easily put to flight by the Scots who slew about 4000. of them sparing neither Religious person nor other So ill is it for Prelates to turne Warriers and that rashly without taking good advice Alexander Nevell Arch-Bishop of Yorke in great favour with King Richard the second was amongst others conuicted by Parliament for abusing the Kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against the Nobilitie and Lords whom hee falsely accused of Treason to the King to the great prejudice of the King and Realme by whispering tales day and night against them and for anulling Acts of Parliament for which causes hee was condemned in Parliament of high Treason and then adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment in the Castle of Rochesâ—er Hee foreseeing the Tempâ—st that grew toward him fled out of the Realme Vrbane the Fifth for his securitie translated him being both a Traytor and whisperer writes Walsingham from Yorke to Saint Andrewes in Scotland which Kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge Vrbane for Pope yeelding obedience to the Antipope by meanâ—s whereof Vrbanes gift was insufficient to invest him in Saint Andrewes yet good to void him quite from Yorke whereby hee being stript of both Arch-Bishoprickes and enjoying the benefit of neither for very want was forced to become a Parish Priest at Lovaine and so lived three yeares till his death Thomas Arundel his Successour to prejudice the Londoners and benefit those of Yorke removed all the Kings Courts from Westminster to Yorke to the great prejudice and grievance of the Londâ—ners and Subjects in the West and South parts of England and the no little disturbance of the Realme His pretence was that hee did it onely to punish the pride and presumption of the Londoners who were then in great disgrace with the Kingâ— by reason of a fray made upon the Bishop of Salisburyes Manâ— who abused a Baker and brake his head with a Dagger without any just cause for which the Citizens assaulted the Bishops House to have Justice done upon his Man who had done the wrong but the Bishops bolstering him outâ— no Justice could be had and instead thereof their Liberties were seized on and the Terme removed to Yorke to vex them the more The Arch-Bishop not long after was attainted of Treason in Parliament immediately upon his Translatiâ—n from Yorke to Canterbury And good reason for he conspired with the Duke of Gloucester the Abbot of Saint Albanes and the Prior of Westminster both which Religious persons declared to the Duke that they had severall Visions That the Kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of Richard the second by which they animated the Duke to conspire with them and others against their Soveraigne who meeting together at drundel Castle about the 20. yeare of King Richards Raigne they sware each to otherâ— to bee assistant one to another in all such matters as they should determine and therewith received the Sacrament from this Arch-Bishop who celebrated Masse before them the morrow after which done they withdrew themselves into a chamber and concluded to take King Richard the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke and to commit them to Prison and to hang and draw all the other Lords of the Kings Councell all which they intended to accomplish in August following had not their plot been discovered and prevented by Earle Marshall This Prelate after his attainder for this Treason was the chiefe Actor in effecting King Richards involuntary Resignation in the instrument whereof he is first named I shall say no more of this Arundel but what William Harrison hath recorded of him in his Description of England l. 2. â— c. 1. p. 134. And even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our Princes with Thomas Arundel than King Stephen had with his Predecessours and Robert de Sâ—gillo Bishop of London who fled to Rome for feare of his head and caused the Pope to write an ambitious and contumelious Letter unto his Soveraigne about his restitution But when by the Kings Letters yet extant and beginning thus Thomas PRODITIONIS non expers nostrae Regiae Majestati insidias fabricavit the Pope understood the bottome of the matter hee was contented that Thomas should be deprived and another Arch-Bishop chosen in his stead But of this and him you may reade more before pag. 75 76 c. Richard Scroope Arch-Bishop of â—orke Brother to William Scroope Earle of Wilâ—shire Ann. 1403. and 1405. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Earle Marshall the Lord Bardolpâ— and others in a Conspiracie and Rebellion against King Henry the fourth gathering what forces hee could against him The Percies to make their part seeme good devised certaine Articles by the devise of this Arch-Bishop which they shewed to divers Noble-men and other States of the Realme and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
Emperours Hoste therefore with their sodaine coming upon them amazed the Frenchmen and drave them upon heapes together one on another so that they never could come in array againe and tooke the King and divers of his Lords and slew many and wanne the field And there came out all the Cardinals privy treason For in the French-Kings Tent say men were Letters found and beside that in the French-kings Treasure and in all the Hoast among the Souldiers were English Shippes found innumerable which had come sayling a thousand miles by Land But what wonder Shippes be made to sayle over the Sea and wings to flye into farre Countries and to mount to the toppe of High hills When the French King was taken wee sang Te Deum But for all that singing wee made peace with French-men And the Pope the Venetians France and England were knit together least the Emperours Army should doe any hurt in France whereby you may conjecture of what minde the Pope and the Cardinall were toward the Emperour and with what heart our spiritualty with their invisible secrets sang Te Deum And from that time hitherto the Emperour and our Cardinall have beene twaine After that when the King of France was delivered home againe and his Sonnes left in pledge many wayes were sought to bring home the sonnes also but in vaine except the French King would make good that which hee had promised the Emperour For the bringing home of these children no man more busied his wits then the Cardinall Hee would in any wise the Emperour should have sent them home and it had beene but for our Kings pleasure for the great kindnesse that he shewed him in times past Hee would have married the Kings Daughter our Princesse unto the Dolphine againe or as the voyce went among many unto the second Brother and hee should have beene Prince in England and King in time to come so that he sought alwayes to plucke us from the Emperour and joyne us unto France to make France strong enough to match the Emperour and to keepe him downe that the Pope might raigne a God alone and doe what pleaseth him without controlling of any over-seer And for the same purpose hee left nothing unprovided to bring the Mart from Anwerpe to Cales But at that time the Pope taking part with the French King had warre with the Emperour And at the last the Pope was taken which when the Cardinall heard hee wrote unto the Emperour that he should make him Pope And when hee had gotten an answer that pleased him not but according unto his deservings toward the Emperour then hee waxed furious mad and sough all meanes to displease the Emperour and imagined the divorcement betweene the King and the Queene and wrote sharply unto the Emperour with manacing Letters that if hee would not make him Pope hee would make such ruffling betweene Christian Princes as was not this hundred yeares to make the Emperour repent yea though it should cost the whole Realme of England The Lord Jesus be our shield what a fierce wrath of God is this upon us that a mishapen Monster should spring out of a Dunghill into such an height that the dread of God and man laid apart he should be so malepert not onely to defie utterly the Majestie of so mightie an Emperour whose Authoritie both Christ and all his Apostles obeyedâ— and taught all other to obey threatning damnation to them that would not But should also set so little by the whole Realme of England which hath bestowed so great cost and shed so much bloud to exalt and mainetaine such proud churlish and unthankfull Hypocrites that hee should not care to destroy it utterly for satisfying of his villanous lusts Godly Master Tyndall was so farre affected with the treacherous practises of this Cardinall that hee laid them open in two severall Discourses the one entituled The Ohedience of a Christian man the other The Practise of Popish Prelates In the last whereof after the recitall of these his perfidious actions he breakes out into this Patheticke Supplication I beseech the Kings most Noble Grace therefore to consider all the wayes by which the Cardinall and our holy Bishops have led him since hee was first King and to see whereunto all the pride pompe and vaine boast of the Cardinal is come and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles we who have nothing to doe at all have medled yet in all matters and have spent for our Prelats causes more then al Christendom even unto the utter beggering of our selves and have gotten nothing but rebuke and shame and hate among all Nations and a mocke and a scorne thereto of them whom wee have most holpen For the French men as the saying is of late dayes made a play or a disguising at Paris in which the Emperour danced with the Pope and the French king and wearied them the king of England sitting on a high bench and looking on And when it was asked why hee danced not it was answered that he â—ate there but to pay the Minstrels their wages only As who shoald say we payd for all mens dancing we monyed the Emperour only and gave the Frenchmen double and treble secretly and to the Pope also Yea and though Fardinanduâ— had money sent him openly to blind the world withall yet the saying is throughout all Duchland that we sent money to the King of Pole and to the Turke also and that by helpe of our money Fardinandus was driven out of Hungary which thing though it were not true yet it will breed us a scab at the last and get us with our medling more hate than we shall be able to beare if a chance come unlâ—sse that wee waxe wiser betime And I beseech his Grace also to have mercy of his owne soule and not to suffer Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up againe which for that cause no doubt is most chiefely drawne And I beseech his Grace to have compassion on his poore subjects which have ever bâ—ene unto his Grace both obedient loving and kinde that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked Counsell of our pestilent Prelats So Tyndall After this the Cardinall was attainted in a praemunire wherupon the King seised on all his goods tooke away the great Seale of England from him thrust him from the Court yet left him the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke and the Bishopricke of Winchester The Parliament exhibited sundry Articles of High-Treason against him As that hee had exercised a Legantine power here in England derived from the Pope without the Kings License contrary to the Lawes of the Realme that in all his Letters to the Pope and other â—orragne Princes he put himselfe before the King in these words I and my King that he carried the Great Seale of England over into the Low-countries with
tuum dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas ut monitâ—s hortatu consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem dilectionem suam suscipiat pro beati Petri nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum Et quia sicut veritate teste attendimus eum sine salutis sui ordinis periculo praefato filio nostro astringi non posse volumus paterno sibi tibi affectu consulumus ut vobis sufficiat veraci simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat Dat. ut supra Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion devised by a man should breake the expresse Law of God who commandeth all men to honour and obey their Kings and Princes in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open to us And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hosâ—ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke than they carefull to offend the King but raâ—her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure and yet not to sweare obedience unto him for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus Londinen sis Ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio ita in hiâ—s quae juste desiderantur effectum negare omnino non convenit Sane nuper accepimus quod Londinensis Ecclesia diu proprio destituta Pastore communi voto pari assensu cleri populi venerabilem â—ilium nostrum Robertum ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaconumâ—in Pastorem Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet elegerit Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa honestas conversationis morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus ut proposito vestro bono quod ut credimus ex Deo est ut ex literis Domini Papae cognoscetis non lente dehitum finem imponatis ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium quod absit temporalium detrimentum patiatur Ipsius namque industria credimus quod antiqua religio forma disciplinae gravitas habitus in Ecclesia vestra reparari si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones ex Pastoris absentia Dei gratia cooperante eodem praesente poterint reformari Dat. c. Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison Mariaâ— Bishop of London was one of those undutifull Bishops who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Commandement they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and conâ—umacy together with confiscation of their goods and the King being specially incensed against this man in token of his great displeasure Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford which William the Conqueror had given to his Church Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King and stirred up the French King and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke Anno. 1221. Roger Niger Bishop of London excommunicated the Kings Officers Ano 1233. for that they acâ—ording to their duty had laâ—d hands upon and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas he having no license to depart the Realme and riding flreight unto the Court he certified the King what hee had done and there renewed the same sentence againe the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause and prohibiting him to doe it the Bishops then at Court notwithstanding the inhibition excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent upon some pretence of Treason who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich The King hearing this was exceeding angry and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme if he escaped thus sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecombâ— with 300. armed men to apprehend and bring him to the Tower of London under paine of death who hasting to the Chapple found the Earle who had some notice of their comming kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar with a Crucifix in one hand and the Hostia in the other Godfrey and his associates entring into the Chapple commanded him in the Kings name and by his direction to come out of the Chapple and repaire to him to London which he refusing saying that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands bound him in chaines carried him to the Tower and acquainted the King therewithâ— who was glad of the newes Roger hearing this and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties goeth in post hast to the King and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence About a yeare or two after this Hubert being imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises within the Diocesse of Salisbury escaped and fled to the Church there his keepers missing him ranne out to seeke him with lanternes clubbes and weapons and finding him in the Church carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the Castle where they imprisoned him more strictly than before Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church saying they would rather the Earle should be hanged than they for suffering him to escape whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will procured
used there to preach before the King and Prelates fâ—eely told him That if hee did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis he could never be in quiet The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe and Roger Bacon a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit did second Roberts advise telling the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King therefore as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons a Parliament to be holden at VVestminster giving the World to know withall that his purpoâ—e was to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers men of warre with Horse and Armourâ— and not trusting the Poiâ—â—ovine faith came not but presumed to send this message to the King that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovines out of his Courtâ— they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome would drive him and his wicked Counsellours together out of it and consult about creating a new Soveraigne The King whom his Fathers example made more timerous could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends infused more spirit into him Whereon to all those whom hee suspected the King sets downe a day within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty Against that day the Lords in great numbers make repaire to London but the Earle Marshall admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall â—lyes backe to VVales and chiefely for want of his presence nothing was concluded The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come refused the King therefore burnes their Mannors and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines This Rebellion had not many great Names in it but tooke strength rather by weight then number the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall the Lord Gilbert Basset and many of the inferiour Nobles The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne who dishonourably sold their love for a thousand Markes and otherwise as it seemed secured the rest Neverthelesse they may well bee thought not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill as the event shall demonstrate The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewelin Prince of Wales whose powers thus knit together by advantages of the Mountaines were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces sends from thence by VVinchesters counsell the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which hee was tyed to the king and freed to make his defence the king notwithstanding after some small attempts and better considerations did promise and assume that by advise of counsell all that was amisse should at a day appointed bee rectified and amended About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bishop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine plotted his death escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner to a Neighbour Church but was haled from thence by the Castle-keepers The Bishop of Sarisbury in whose Diocesse it hapned caused him to be safe restored to the same place from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends hee was rescued and carryed into VVales The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords but nothing followed for the peace of the Realme it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly besought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom without any tryall by their Peeres hee called Traytors the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine may banish offenders out of the Realmeâ— and by judiciall processe condemne them The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours but VVinchester appealed Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed the peace of the Realme Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours as well Bishops as Earles Barons and other Nobles of his kingdome so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop whom hee adored as his God and his Darling Peter de Rivales Whence it came to passe that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all Englandâ— the King committed all things under the custodie of this Peter Then this Prelate drew into his confederacie Stephen de Segrave too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes and Robert de Passelewe who with all his might and with effusion of no small summe of money had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome This man kept the kings treasure under Peter de Rivalis and so it came to passe that the Reines of the whole kingdome were committed to Strangers and base persons others being rejected Yet Godwin for the honour of his Rochet magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wisdome so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life The Earle Marshall writes Speed encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and bootie on their possessions and after joyning with the power of Leoline Prince of Wales puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewesbury part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the Residue The king then
the King and his Barons to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Beâ—ard de Nympha the Popes agent after his death and of the many machinations of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme Iohn Gerâ—sey next Bishop of Wâ—nchester consecrated at Rome where â—e payd 6000. markes to the Pope and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecration was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third as appeares by the forecited passages of Matthew Westminister and was excommunicated by Octobon the Popes Legate for taking part against the King in the Barons warres and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution where he died Henry Woodlocke Bishop of Winchester made request to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whom the King had banished for high Treason in which request he called the Archbishop an arch-Traytor his good Lord which the King as he had cause tooke so hainously that he confiscated all his goods and renounced all protection of him Adam Tarleton or de Arleton Bishop of Winchester about the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second both with men and armour when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason the Archbishops of Canterbury Yorke and Dublin with their suffragans came with their Crossesâ— and rescued him by force carrying him with them from the barre in such manner as I have formerly related more at large in the Acts of Walâ—er Rainolds pag. 55.56 Notwithstanding the indictment and accusation being found true his temporalities wereseized into the Kings hands untill such time as the King much deale by his imagination and devise was deposed of his Kingdome If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before after deserved punishment for the same would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt it is no marvell No man so forward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene against her husband King Edward the second She wiâ—h her sonnes and army being at Oxford this good Bishop steps up into the pulpit and there taking for his Text these words My head grieved me he made a long Discourse to prove that an evill head not otherwise to be cured must be taken away applying it to the King that hee ought to be deposed A Bishoplike application Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power the Bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty crowne again they might receive condigne punishment councelled the Queene to make him away good ghostly advice of a Prelate wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old King signifiing in covert termes what they desired they either not perfectly understanding their meaning or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge pray them to declare in expresse words whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question this subtile Fox framed this answer Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonumâ—est without any point at all If you set the point betweene nolite and tâ—aere it forbiddeth if betweene nolite and bonum it â—xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact This ambiguous sentence unpointed they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent King by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthereâ—s as this Bishop that set them a worke who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion How clearely he excused himselfe I â—now not But sâ—re I am he like many Arch-trayterly Prelates before himâ— who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons was so farre from receiving punishment as within two moneths after he was preferred unto Hereford than to the Bishoppricke of Worceâ—er and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Popeâ— at the request of the French King whose secret friend he was which King Edward the third taking in very ill part because the French King and he were enemies detained his temporalties from him till that in Parliament at the suite of the whole Cleargie he was content to yeeld them unto him after which he became blinde in body as hee was before in minde and so died deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons and conspiracies long before he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second Anno. 10. Richard the third 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the government of the Realme under the King in diminution of his Prerogative among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford Lord Treasurer of England Thomas Arundle Bishop of Ely and Chancellour Nicholas Abbat of Waltham Lord Keeper of the privy Seale VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury Alexander Archbishop of Yorke and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe and the principall contrivers of this new project which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme the very procurers of this Act as some of the Jâ—dges afterwards resolved deserving death which resolution afterward cost some of them their livesâ— as the Stories of those times declare It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church for his successor Vâ—illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations and recovered of them 1672. pound tenne shillingsâ— besides 1566. head of neate 386. Weathers 417. Ewes 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVinchester at that time William Wicham his next successor was a great Pluralist the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotionsâ— according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes beside his Bishoppricke amounting to 876. poundâ— thirteene shillings and foure pence besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments he held many temporall offices at the Secretariship the Keepership of the Privy Seale the Mastership of Wards the Treasurership of the Kings revenues in France and divers others Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after first Treasurer then Chancellor of England It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings and spoile of divers large Countries abroad and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home much grudged at by the Commons was yet so bare as for the payment of his debts he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting or falsely imbezelling the Kings
of him and of his Realme he should have Proctors of his Nation as other Christian Kings had in the Court of Rome and not to abide in this Land nor to be in any part of his Counsells as beene all the spirituall and temporall at Parliament and other great Councells when you list to call them And therefore though it please you to doe him that worship to set him in your privy Councell after your pleasure yet in every Parliament where every Lord both spirituall and temporall hath his place he ought to occupie but his place as a Bishop 3. Item The said Bishop now being Cardinall was assoyled of his Bishoppricke of Winchester whereupon he sued unto our holy Father to have a Bull declarative notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of Cardinall that the See was not voyd where indeed it stood voyd for a certaine time yet the said Bull were granted and so he was exempt from his ordinary by the taking on him the state of Cardinall and the Church Bishopricke of Winchester so standing voyd hee tooke againe of the Pope you not learned thereof nor knowing whereby hee was fallen into the case of provision so that all his goods was lawfully and cleerely forfeited to you my right doubted Lord with more as the Statute declareth plainely for your advantage Iâ—em It is not unknowne to you doubted Lord how through your lands it is noysed that the said Cardinall and the Archbishop of Yorke had and have the governance of you and all youâ— land the which none of your true leige men ought to usurpe to take upon them and have also estranged me your sole uncle my cosin of Yorke my consin of Huntington and many other Lords of your Kin to have any knowledge of any great matâ—er that might touch your high estate or either of your Realmes and of Lords spirituall of right the Archbishop of Canterbury should be your cheefe Counsellour the which is also estranged and set aside and so be many other right sadd Lords and well advised as well spirituall as temporall to the great hurt of you my right doubted Lord and of your Realmes like as the experience and workes shewne cleerely and evidently more harme it is 5. Item In the tender age ofâ— you my right doubted Lord for the necessity of a Army the said Cardinall lent you 4000 pound upon certaine Jewels prised at two twenty 1000-markes with a letter of sale that if they were not quited at a certaine day you should leese them The said Cardinall seeing your money ready to have quitted your Jewells caused your Treasurer of England at that day being to pay the same money in part of another army in defrauding you my right doubted Lord of your said Jewells keeping them yet alway to his owne use to your right great losse and his singular profit and availe 6. Item the said Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester Chancellor of England deluâ—â—ed the King of Scots upon certaine appointments as may be shewed presumptuously and of his owne authority contrary to the Act of Parliament I have heard notable men of Law say that they never heard the like thing done among them which was too great a defamation to your highnesse and also toâ—wed his Neece to the said King whom that my Lord of notable memory your Father would never have so deluâ—â—ed and there as he should have paid for his cosâ—sâ— forty thousand pounds the said Cardinall Châ—â—cellor of England caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks whereof the greater somme hee paid you right a little what I report me to your highnesse 7. Itâ— where the said Cardinall lent you my redoubted Lord great and notable Sommes he hath had and his assignes the rule profit of the port of Hampton where the Customers bin his servants where by likelihood and as it is to be supposed he standing the chiefe Merchant of the wools of your landâ— that you be greatly defrauded and under that rule what woolls and other Merchantdizes have been shipped and may be from time to time hard is to esteeme to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted Lord and of all your people 8. Item Howbeit that the said Cardinall hath divers times lent you great sommes of money sith the time of your raigne yet this loane hath beene so deferred and delayed that for the most part the convenable season of the imploying of the good lent was passed so that little fruit or none came thereofâ— as by experience both your Realmes have sufficiently in knowledge 9. Item Where there was Jewells and Plate prised at eleven thousand pound in weight of the said Cardinall forfeited to you my right redoubted Lord hee gate him a restorement thereof for a loane of a little percell of the sameâ— and so defrauded you wholly of them to your great hurt and his avayle the which good might greatly have eased your highnesse in sparing as much of the poore Commons 10. Item The Cardinall being feoft of my said Lord your Father against his intent gave Elizabeth Beauchampe three hundred markes of livelihood where that his will was that and she were wedded within a yeare then to have â—â— or else not where indeede it was two or three yeares after to your great hurt and diminishing of your inheritance 11. Item Notwithstanding that the said Cardinall hath no manner of authority nor interest into the Crowne nor none may have by any possibility yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party your estate royall in calling before him into great abusion of all your land and derogation of your highnes which hath not been seen nor vsed in no dayes heretofore in greater estate then he is without your expresse ordenance and commandment 12. Item the said Cardinall nothing considering the necesity of you my right redoubted Lord hath sued a pardon of dismes that he should pay for the Church of Winchester for terme of his life giving thereby occasion to all other Lords spirituall to draw their good will for any necessity to grant any disme and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty and the poore people 13. Item by the governance and labour of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke there hath beene lost and dispended much notable and great good by divers embassadors sent out of this Realme Firstâ— to Arras for a feigned colourable peace whereas by likelinesse it was thought supposed that it should never turne to the effectuall availe of you my right doubted Lord nor to your said Realmes but under colour thereof was made the peace of your adversary and the Duke of Burgoyn for else your partie adverse and the said Duke might not well have found meanes nor wayes to have communed together nor to have concluded with other their confederations and conspirations made and wrought there then at that time against your highnesse whereby you might have right doubted Lord the greater partie of your obisance
saw that there were swords drawne round about them for words were no jests but there was a contention almost about life and blood Yet the Legate and Archbishop gave not over but prosecuted the tenor of their office for casting themselves humbly downe at the Kings feete in his Bedchamber they beseeched him to compassionate the Church to compassionate his owne sâ—ule and fame that he would not suffer a dissention to be made betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood He rising up courteously although he removed the envie of the things done â—rom himselfe yet he made no effectuall performance of his good promises And so this great suite wherein the Prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to Castles being temporall possessions ceased and the pretended execution of their owne Canons never pressed before that I read of vanished into nothing These bickerings betweene the Bishop his Nephewes and the king to whom he owed even the Crowne he wore caused all the Bishops to fall off from him againe and joyne with Maude This their treachery to King Stephen is most fully recorded by William Malmesbury who relates that the Bishop of Winchester brother to king Stephen and the Popes Legate taking some offence against the king came to a Parley with Maude in the fields neere Winchester where Maude the Empresse swore and vowed to him that all the greatest businesses in England and especially the Donations of Bishoprickes and Abbies should be at his disposall if he with the holy Church would receive her for their Soveraigne and be continually loyall to her some of the greatest Nobles of her party making the same oath Whereupon the Bishop made no scruple to receive the Empresse as Lady of England and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others that as long as she brake not this agreement that he would be faithfull to her which done the next day she was received by the Bishop in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester with an honourable Procession the Bishop of Winchester going on her right hand and Barnard Bishop of Saint Davids on her left there were other Bishops present beside these as Alexander Bishop of Lincolne Robert of Hereford Nigellus of Ely Robert of Bath with sundry Abbotsâ— a few dayes after Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury came to the Empresse at Winchester being invited by the Legate but deâ—erred to sweare fealty to the Empresse without the kings privity being as hee thought a dishonour to his fame and person but after some conference had with the king by the Cardinall and most of the Prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time they condescended to the Legates motion and fell off to the Empresse Whereupon about a fortnight after Easter Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury held a Councell of all the Bishops of England and of many Abbots in great state at Winchester wherein the Bishop of Winchester made this speech That by vertue of his Legatine power which he derived from the Pope he had summoned the Clergie of England to this Councell that they might consult in Common of the peace of the Country which was in great danger of Shipwrack that in the time of King Henry his Uncle England was a singular houshold of peace c. Which King some yeares before his death caused all the Bishops and Barons to sweare to the Empresse his Daughter and onely Childe that the whole kingdome of England with the Dutchy of Normandy should descend to her if he had no issue male by the Duke of Loraines daughter That dismall fortune envied his most excellent Uncle so as he dyed in Normandy without issue male Therefore because it seemed long to expect the Lady who resided in Normandy and delayd to come into England to provide for the peace of the Country my Brother was permitted to raigne And although I became a surety betweene God and him that hee should honour and exalt the holy Church maintaine good Lawes and abrogate evill yet it grieves me to remember it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare the Bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions Abbies sold the Churches rob'd of their treasures the Counsells of wicked men heard of good men either suspended or altogether contemned You know how often I have convented him both by my selfe and by the Bishops especially in the Councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose and that I got nothing but hatred thereby Neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it that I ought to love my mortall brother but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall Father Therefore because God hath exercised his judgement touching my brother that he might permit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the Mighty left the kingdome should â—ottet if it wanted a king I have invited you all by the right of my Legation to assemble together at this place Yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the Clergie of England to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and ordaine a king Therefore having first invocated as it is meete Gods assistance we have â—lected the Daughter of a peace-making king a glorioâ—s king a rich king a good king and in our time incomparable to be Queene of England and Normandy and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her When the Bishop of Winchester had thus spoken all the Bishops and Clergie present as William of Malmsbury then present at the Councell relates did either modestly give their acclamation to the sentence of Mauds election and Stephens rejection or keeping silence did not contradict it In this Councell many who tooke king Stephens part were excommunicated and by name William Martell who had intercepted some of the Legates goods aâ—ter this Councell the City of London formerly addicted to king Stephen and the greatest part of England willingly submitted to the dominion of Maude who was principally counselled by Robert her brother and by the Legate of Winchester who pretended that hee sought her welfare but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the Legate and Maude which occasioned a great alteration and was the cause of many new mischiefes in Englâ—nd Whereupon the Bishop Legate departed from the Court absolved all those whom he â—ormerly excommunicated in the Councell without the consent of the Bishops raised up a complaint against the Empresse that she intended to apprehend him and made no account of any thing she had sworne to Which report was spred over all England Whereupon he stirred up the Londoners and Barons against the Empresse whom he beseiged and restored Sâ—ephen not onely to his liberty but to the Crowne In the meane time â—his Roger Bishop of Salisbury dyes of a Quarâ—aine Fever which
too large for one mans government that Ely were a fit place for an Episcopall See c. These Reasons amplified with golden Rhetoricke so perswaded the King as he not onely consented himselfe that this Monastery should be converted into a Cathedrall Church and the Abbot made a Bishop but also procured the Pope to confirme and allow of the same but Richard dying before his enstalement Henry the first Anno 1109. appointed this Bishopricke unto one Hervaeus that had beene Bishop of Bangor and agreeing ill with the Welchmen was faine to leave his Bishoppricke therâ— and seeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere Nigellus the second Bishop of this See by reason of his imployment in matters of State and Councell could not attend his Pastorall charge and therefore committed the managing and government of his Bishoppricke unto one Ranulphus sometime a Monke of Glastonbury that had new cast away his Cowle a covetous and wicked man King Stephen and he had many bickerings and as Matthew Paris writes hee banished him the Realme he was Nephew to Roger Bishop of Salisbury from whom in ejus pernâ—â—iem traxerat incâ—ntiuum he had drawne an incentive to his distruction but of him and his contests with this King you may read more in Roger of Salisbury his Vncle. This See continuing void five yeares without a Bishop after Nigellus death Geoffery Rydell Anno. 1174. succeeded him a very lofty and high minded man called commonly The Proud Bishop of Ely King Richard the first and he accorded so ill that he dying intestate and leaving in his coffers great store of ready money namely 3060. markes of silver and 205. pound of gold the King confiscated and converted it to his owne use William Longchamp next Bishop of this See being made Lord Chancellour of England chiefe Justice of the South part of England Protector of the Realmeby Richard the first when he went his voyage to the Holy-land set the whole Kingdome in a combustion through his strang insolence oppression pride violence For having all temporall and spirituall Jurisdiction in his hands the Pope making him his Legate here in England at the Kings request which cost him a thousand pounds in money to the great offence of the King infatuated with too much prosperity and the brightnesse of his owne good fortune he began presently to play both King and Priest nay Pope in the Realme and to doe many things not onely untowardly and undiscreetly but very arrogantly and insolenâ—ly savoring aswell of inconscionable covetousnesse and cruelty as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a government requisite He calling a Convocation by vertue of his power Legantine at the intreaty of Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester displaced the Monkes of Coventree and put in secular Priests in their roomes Officers appointed by the King himselfe he discharged and removed putting others in their steeds He utterly rejected his fellow Justices whom the King joyned with him in Commission for government of the Realme refusing to heare their Counsell or to be advised by them Hee kept a guard of Flemmings and French about him At his Table all Noblemens children did serve and waite upon him Iohn the Kings brother and afterward King himselfe hee sought to keepe under and disgrace by all meanes possible opposing him all hee could that he might put him from the Crowne He tyrannized exceedingly over the Nobility and Commons whom he grieved with intollerable exactions oppressions extraordinary outward pomp and intollerable behaviour He was extreame burthensome one way or other to all the Cathedrall Churches of England His Offices were such prolling companions bearing themselves bold upon their Masters absolute authority as there was no sort of peaple whom they grieved not by some kinde of extortion all the wealth of the Kingdome came into their hands insomuch that scarce any ordinary person had left him a silver belt to gird him withall any woman any brooch or bracelet or any gentleman a ring to weare upon his finger Hee purchased every where apase bestowed all Temporall and Ecclesiasticall Offices and places that fell where he pleased Hee never rode with lesse than 1500. horse and commanded all the Nobility and Gentry when he went abroad to attend him lodging for the most part at some Monastery or other to their great expence having both Regall and Papall authority in his hands hee most arrogantly domineered both over the Cleargy and Layety and as it is written of a certaine man That he used both hands for a right hand so likewise hee for the more easie effecting of his designes as our Lordly Prelates doe now used both his powers one to assist the other for to compell and curbe potent Laymen if peradventure he could doe lesse than he desired by his secular power he supplied what was wanting with the censures of his Apostolicall power But if perchance any Clergy man resisted his will him without doubt alledging the Canons for himselfe in vaine he oppressed and curbed by his secular power There was no man who might hide himselfe from his heate when as he might justly feare both the rod of his Secular and the sword of his spirituall jurisdiction to be inflicted on him and no Ecclesiasticall Person could by any meanes or authority be able to defend himselfe against his royall preheminence Finally glorying of his immense power that the Metropolitane Churches which as yet did seeme to contemne his excellency might have experience of his authority he went in a terrible manner to both And first of all to Yorke to the Bishop elect whereof hee was most maliciously dispitefull And sending before him a mandate to the Clergy of the said Church that they should meete him in a solemne manner as the Legate of the Aposticke See when as they had thought to appeale against him he regarded not the appeale made to the higher power but gave the appellants their choyce that they should either fulfill his commands or be committed to prison as guilty of high Treasonâ— Being therefore thus affrighted they obeyed and not daring so much as to mutter any further against him as to one triumphing they with a counterfeit sorrow bestowed as much honor glory on him as he would himself The chiefe Chanter of that Church had gone out of the way a little before that he might not see that which he could not behold without torment of mind which the Bishop undestanding raging against this absent person as a rebell with an implacable motion by his own Sergeants spoiled him of all his goods Having preyed upon the Archbishoppricke and pursed all up into his Treasury this famous tryumpher departed And not long after he triumphed in like manner over those of Canterbury when as no man now durst to resist him Having therefore both Metropolitane Sees thus prostrate to him he used both as he pleased In a word the Lay-men in England at that time writes Neubrigensis found
him more than a King and the Clergy men more than a Pope but both of them an intollerable tyrant For by occasion of his double power hee put on a double tyrants person being onely innoxious to his complices and co-operators but equally grievous to all others not onely in his greedy desire of monies but likewise in his pleasure of domineering his pride being more than Kinglyâ— almost in all things Hee carrying himselfe above himselfe consumed much Treasure in walling about the Tower of London which he thought to have compassed with the Thames Et regem de magna parte pecuniae multipliciter damnificauit and many wayes damnified the King in mispending a great part of his money Therefore in the end he was precipitated from the top to the bottome of confusion He set over every Province rather to be destroyed than governed most wicked executioners of his covetousnes who would neither spare Clergy man nor Lay man nor Monke whereby they might the more advance the profit of the Chancellour for so was he called when as he was a Bishop the name verily of a Bishop being nothing at all or Lukewarme in him but the name of a Chancellor was famous and terrible throughout all England Hee appointed the Governours of every county under pretence of suppressing theeves to have great troopes of cruell and barbarous armed persons to ride with them every where to terrifie the people who going abroad in every place without punishment comitted both many enormities and cruelties Hoveden 〈◊〉 and Holinshed note that the King confirming this Bishop Chancellor and Lord chiefe Iustice of all England and the Bishop of Durham to be Lord chiefe Iustice from Trent Northwards when they were thus advanced to these dignities howsoever they came by them directly or indirectly that immediatly thereupon strife and discord did arise betwixt them for waxing proud and insolent they disdained each other contending which of them should beare most rule and authority insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the one the other misliked The like hereof is noted before betweene the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke For the nature of ambition is to delight in singularity to admit no Peere to give placâ— to no superiour to acknowledge no equall as appeares by this proud Prelate Who afterward depriving Hugh of Durham of all his honour and dignity and putting the Bishop of Winchester to great trouble and doubting least the Nobles of the Realme should put him out of his place who detested him for his pride and insolencie he thereupon matched divers of his Kinswomen to them to make them true unto him promising them great preferments the rest of the Nobility hee either crushed or otherwise appeased fearing none but Iohn the Kings brother who was like to succeede him to curbe him hee sent his two brothers to the King of Scots to joyne in a firme league with him to crowne Arthur King and not Iohn in Case the King died without issue These â—everall particulars insolencies and oppressions being related to the King Wintring in Sicily he thereupon sent Walâ—er Archbishop of Rhoan a prudent and modest man with a Commission to be joyned with this Bishop in the government of the Kingdome and that nothing should be done without his consent sending Hugh Bardulfe Bishop of Durham with him to governe the Province of Yorke where the Bishops brother played Rex in a barbarous manner granting him likewise the custody of the Castle of Windsor Hugh meeting with the Bishop at the towne of Ely shewed him the Kings Letters to this purpose to which he answered that the Kings commandement should be done and so brought him with him to Euwell where he tooke him and kept him fast till hee was forced to surrender to him the Castle of Windsor and what else the King had committed to his custody and moreover was constrained to leave Henry de Putâ—nco his ownâ— sonne and Gilbert Lege for hostages of his fidelity to be true to the King and the Realme The Bishop hereupon contemned this command of the King pretending that hee knew his minde very well and that this Commission was fraudulently procured and when the Archbishop of Rhoan according to the Kings direction went to Canterbury to order that See being void this proud Chancellor aspiring to the prerogative of this See prohibited him to doe it threatning that he should dearely pay for this his presumption if he attempted to goe thither or doe any thing in that businesse so that this Archbishop continued idle in England But the Chancellor impatient of any collegue in the Kingdomes government like a â—inguler wilde beast preyed upon the Kingdome Whereupon he sends for a power from beyond the sea puts Gerardus de Cammilla from the government of Lincolne Castle his wives inheritanceâ— and commands him to resigne it into his hands he refusing to doe it repaiâ—es to Iohn the Kings brother for aide and assistance whereupon the Bishop in a rage presently goes and besiegeth the Casâ—le and seekes to force it Iohn in the meane time takes Notingham and Tikehill and sends to the Bishop to give over his siege who losing one of his hornes or hands his spirituall Legantine power by the Popes death and a little affrighted therewith by the advice of his friends he comes to a parly with Iohn and made his peace with him for the present upon the best termes and conditions hee could But hearing shortly after that the forraigne forces he had sent for to ayd him were arrived he takes courage and falls off from his Covenants protesting that he would drive Iohn or Iohn should drive him out of the Kingdome intimateing that one Kingdome was to little to containe two such great and swelling persons At last they come to new Articles of agreement soone after which Geoffery Plantagenet Archbishop of Yorke the Kings and Iohns base brother procured his consecration from the Archbishop of Towres which the Chancellour hindred and delayed all he might The Chancellour his bitter enemy and prosecutor hearing of it presently â—ends his owne Officers to Yorke invades and spoiles all the possessions of the Bishopprickâ— and what ever belonged thereto and commands all the Ports to be stopped to hinder his landing and accesse to his Church writing this Letter to the Sheriffe of Kent We command you that if the Elect of Yorke shall arrive in any Port or Haven within your Baylywicke or any Messenger of his that you cause him to be arrested and kept till you have commandement from us therein And we command you likewise to stay attach and keepe all Letters that come from the Pope or any other great man He notwithstanding arrives at Dover but found a greater storme on shore than at sea for the Captaine of Dover Castle who had married a Kinswoman of the Chancellors hindred his progresse and certified the Chancellour of his landing withall speede who no wayes dissembling the rage of his fierce minde commanded him to be stript of
King Iohn and at last was glad to flie the Realme with other Prelates the King seising on his and their goods and banishing him the Kingdome Peter de Egueblancke the 42. Bishop of that See Cujus Memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum writes Matthew Paris An. 1255. put King Henry the 3. upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction such and so great as even beggered all the Clergie of that time he got certaine authenticke seales of the Bishops of England wherwith he sealed Indentures Instruments and Writings wherin was expressed that he had received divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their Churches of this or that Marchant of Florence or Spaine whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same Instruments and Writings so made by him their agent in their name This shift was devised by the said Bishop with license of the King and Pope into whose eares he distilled this poysonous councell the maner whereof Matthew Paris relates at large These debts being afterwards demanded the Prelates denied them to be true and said there was a greater occasion for them to suffer Martyrdome in this cause than of that of Thomas Becket of Canterbury whereupon the Bishops of London and Worceter protested they would rather lose their lives and Bishopprickes than consent to such an injury servitude and oppression Haec alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte Romanae Ecclesiae proh pudor imo proh dolor tunc temporis emanarunt Writes Matthew Paris of this and such like cheating projects to get mony An. 1263. the Barons arrested this Bishop who plotted much mischiefe against them in his owne Cathedrall Church seised upon his goods devided his Treasure unto their souldiers before his face imprisoned him a long time in the Castle of Ordley as a meere pest and Traytor both to Church and State He was accursed of so many for his strange Oppressions Treacheriesâ— and Extravagances that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him Long before his captivity his face was horribly deformed with a kind of Leprosie Morphea or Polypus which could by no meanes be cured till his dying day this disease made him hide his head so that none within his Diocesse knew where he lurked Some reported that he went to Mount Pessula to be cured of this his infirmity Tot in caput suum congessit imprecationes multipliciter à Doraino meruit flagellari ad sui ut sperandum est correctionem Writes Matthew Paris who further addes Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo videliceâ— Morphea Domino percutiente merito deâ—ormatur qui totum Regnum Angliae PRODITIOSE damnificauit About the yeare of our Lord 1256. the Archbishop of Burdeaux being old and decrepit began to be deadly sicke and being thought to be dead who was but halfe alive this Bishop of Hereford who most earnestly gaped after this Archbishoppricke thinking to obtaine itâ— procured the Kings Letters who was very favourable to him because hee was his Tax-gatherer and went with them beyond the Seas but when the truth appeared that the Archbiâ—hop was still aliveâ— hee lost both his journey labour travell and expenses and received many scoffes as one Mr. Lambin did in the like case of whom these two Verses were composed Aere dato multo nondum pastore sepultâ— Lambiâ— ad optatum Lambinus Pontificatura He to reimburse his expences not regarding the publike good but his owne privaâ—e benefit by license from the King and Pope collected a tith for himselfe in the borders of Irelandâ— and the places adjoyning which amounted to no small quantitie of money this he reputed the price of his paines and the reward of his treason and he caused it to be so strictly exactedâ— that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion And because fraud is not accustomed to want feare meticulosus armatus armatus vallatus incessit being fearefull he went armed and being armed hee went with a guard about him Adara de Orleton the 46. Bishop of Hereford was a notable wicked Traytor and Rebell against his Soveraigne King Edward the second who advanced him and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther Of whom you may read more at large in Winchester p. 265.266 Iohn Bruton or Briton was the 43. Bishop of Hereford on him the King bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour as his Regester saith A wonderfull preferment that Bishops should be preferred from the Pulpit to the custody of Wardrobesâ— but such was the time neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely remembred then any good Sermon that ever he made which function peradventure hee committed to his Suffragane sith Bishops in those dayes had so much businesse at Court that they could not attend to Doctrine and Exhortation This Bishop was Doctor of both Lawes and very well seene in the common Lawes of the Land and writ a great volume De juribus Anglicanis yet extant but that he ever Preached or writ any thing of or had any skill at all in the Law of God I finde nothing at all in story Iohn Trevenant the 51. Bishop of Hereford sided with King Henry the 4th against Richard the second who advanced him and was sent to Rome to informe the Pope what good Title King Henry the 4th had unto the Crowne of England which he usurped So the Bishop of Duresme was then sent unto France the Bishop of Saint Asaph to Spaine the Bishop of Bangor to Germany armed with all â—orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced King his Title too and usurpation of the Crowne So ready have Prelates beene not onely to act but to justifie defendâ— and boulster out Treasons and Rebellions of the highest nature with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull Princesâ— Anno. 1499. this Bishop of Hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing King Richard the second and was the second commissioner sent from the States in Parliament named in the Instrument wherein they declare his voluntary resignation and he with the Archbishop of Yorke made report to the Parliamentâ— of the Kings voluntary resignation of his Crowne and Kingdome the instrument whereof subscribed in their presence was delivered unto Thomas Arundels hands then Archbishop of Canterbury an Arch-traytor as I have formerly manifested The most of the succeeding Bishops of this See were translated to other bishopprickes where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious onely I observe that in the generall pardon of 22. H. 8. c. 15. the Bishop of Hereford then Charles Booth is specially excepted out of the pardon of the Premunire It seemes his crime was very great And for the present Bishop of Hereford George Cooke he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament for the late Canons Oath and benevolence in the pretended Synod
might not very easily have borne Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered and so departed their wayes The Bishop being still detained in Prison procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard usage recorded by Hoveden whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe to importune his release But the Pope being truely informed of the matter and wisely considering that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but fighting and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy then as a peaceable Prelate would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance but rather reproved the Bishop In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall and had taken upon him the use of a Speare insteed of a Crosier an Helmet insteed of a Miter an Herbergean instead of a white Rocket a Targeâ— for a Stoale and an iron Sword in lieu of the spirituall Sword and therefore he reâ—used to use any Commandment to King Ricâ—ard for the setting oâ— him at Liberty But yet he promised to doe what he could by way of intreating that he might be released It is reported by some Writers that the Pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance should send to King Richard commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church to deliver his Sonnes the Bishop and Archdeacon out of their captivity To whom the King sent their Armour with this message written in Latine Vide an tunica filii tui siâ— an non that is See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not alluding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coaâ—e to Iacob Which when the Pope saw he said Nay by Saint Peter it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes nor yet of my Brethren but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings became now through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre Such a Schoolemaster is imprisonment and plucker downe of lofty courages But not prevailing he plots how to make an escape When Queene Elionorâ—ing â—ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane she sent for this Bishops keepâ—rs to permi the Bishop to câ—me to her lodging to spâ—ake with her which although it were dangerous yet they unwillâ—ng to resist the Queenes suiâ—e peâ—mitâ—ed him to goe out of the Towe gaâ—es feâ—â—eâ—ed with themselves accompanying him As they passed bâ— a Church the Bishop ran to the doore thâ—ugh 〈◊〉 as well as he couâ—d and laying hold on the Ring of the Churâ—hâ— cryed out with a loud voâ—ce saying I demand the peace of God and the Church At which speech his Keepers much troubled laid hands on him pulâ—ed him from the Church doore and brought him backe agaâ—ne to the Tower where they kept him more stricktly then before Which â—he King hearing of sent him to Chine to be kept close Prisoner After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlargement which he refused But Kâ—ng Iohn comming to the Crown at the Popes request relâ—ased hâ—m â—or 2000. He taking a solemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes that he would never all his life after beare armes against Christians as he had causeâ— now noâ— to doe About the same time Walter Arch bishop of Roven at the instigation of the French King puâ— all the Country of Normandy under senâ—ence of inâ—erdiction because King Richard had begun to sort â—he a Caâ—â—le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop câ—aimâ—d to appertaine unto hiâ— See The Archbishop would â—y no meaneâ— release the interdict So as the bodies â—f dead men lay unbuâ—yed through all the Villages and streetes of tâ—e Câ—ties of Normandy Hereupon the King much troubled at the Aâ—chbâ—shops dealing whom he had advanced and much imployed sâ—nds â—o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause betweene them The matter being brought before the Pope he perceiving the intent of King Richard was not otherwise grounded upon anâ— covetous purpose to defraud the Church oâ— her right but oneâ—y to buâ—ld a fortresse in such place as was moâ—t expedient for defence of the Country about to preserve it from invasion of the enemies counselled the Archbishop noâ— to sâ—and against the King in it but to exchange with him for some other Lands which was done and the interdiction by the Pope released This Archbishop was a great warriour bore great sway in England during King Richards absence and captivity and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem who affronted our King Henry the second to his face in a shamefull manner The story is this Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thirtyeth yeare of King Henry the second and made busy request to him against the Saracens proffering him the keyes of Ierusalem and of our Lords grave with Letters of Pope Lucius the third charging him that he should take upon him the Kingdome of Ierusalem with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made The King deferred his answer and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached and exhorted men to take the Crosse by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey The King at last by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament gave this answer that he might not leave his Land without keeping nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage With this answer Heraâ—lius was discontented and said we seeke a man and not money well neere every Christian Region sendeth to us money but no Land sendeth to us a Prince But the King laid for him such excuses that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse Whereof the King being advertised entending somewhat to recomfort hâ—m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech the more the Patriarch was discontented in so much that at last he said unto him Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest thinke on him what he hath given to thee and what thou hast yeelded to him againe How first thou wert false to
the Gospell whom they burnt and put to death the story of whose persecutions he that list may reade in Master Fox his Actâ— and Monuments Edit ult vol. 2. p. 605. to 626. to which I shall referre the Reader And thus much briefely touching the disloyall seditioâ—s and Schismaticall acts of the Scottish Prelates I now proceed to those of Ireland in whom I shall be briefe The Irish Bishops IN the yeare of Grace 1197. Hamo de Waâ—is with the other Gardians of Ireland and Earle Iohns men offered some injury to Iohn Cumin Arch-bishop of Dublin whereupon the Archbishop willing rather to be banished then to suffer such great injuries to himselfe and his Church to goe unpunished excommunicated the foresayd presumers and passed a sentence of interdict against his Arch-bishopricke and departed commanding the Crosses and images of the Cathedâ—all Church to bee taken downe and hedged about with thornes that so those malefactors might be terrified and recalled from their will of preying upon the goods of the Church But they still persisting in their maligne purpose there happened a miracle not heaâ—d of in our times There was a Crucifix in the Cathedrall Church of Dublin wherein the image of Christ was more exactly carved than in all others in Ireland or elsewhere which they had in most veneration This Image being layd prostrate on the ground and hedged about with thornes on the sixt weeke fell into a trance and his face I doubt if true by the Arch-bishops or Priests Legerdemaine appeared overspread with a vehement rednesse as if it had beene in a fiery furnace and a great sweate issued out of its face and little drops fell down from its eyes as if it wept and on the sixth houre of that day blood and water issued out of its left side and on the right side of its brest which the ministers of that Church diligently gathering up sent an Ambassie after their Arch-bishop Iohn Câ—min commanding him to certifie the Pope the event hereof under the Testimony and Seales of venerable men Yet the other Bishops of Ireland albeit they had often read En tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardeâ— notwithstanding passed by the dammages and injuries which the servants of Iohn Earle of Morton had done to their fellow Bishop with closed eyes and become like rammes not having hornes they retired from the face of the pursuer But Iohn Bishop of Dublin being in Exile came to Richard the first King of England and Iohn Earle of Morton his brother but could have no justice nor restitution of the things taken from him It seemes his cause therefore was not good After which hee continued long in England leaving both his Churâ—h and Diocesse still under interdiction and the others under the sentence of Excommunication O what impiety and malice is there in Prelates who for a meere supposed injury from one or two will interdict an whole Kingdome or Diocesâ—e and wil rob God of his publicke service as they account it and meâ—s soules of all spirituall food and exercises of Religion to wrecke their malice upon an enemie or two But this hath beene their common Atheisticall practise God and men mâ—st suffer in the highest degree rather than they lose their wills or the smallest punctilio of their usurped Antichristian honour Anno. 1212. this Arch-bishop dying Henry Condies succeeded him who was called Scorch Villeyn by occasion of a certaine treacherous act of his for one day calling his Tenants before him to answere by what tenure they held of him those Tenants shewing him their Deedes and Charters he commanded their Deedes and Charters to be burned of purpose to disinherit them of their rights for which most unjust act the Freeholders ever called him Henry Scorch-Villein he was Justice of Ireland and built Dublin Castle buâ— of his preaching to build men up in grace I finde not one syllable Anno 1313. Fryer Roland Ioce Primate of Armach arrived at the Isle of Houth the morrow after the Annunciation of the bleâ—sed Virgin Mary and rising in the night by stealth tooke up his Crosier and advanced it as â—arre as the Priory of Gâ—ace Dieu whom there encountred certaine of the Arch bishop of Dublins servants Iohn Leekes was then Arch-bishop of this See debasing and putting downe that Crosier and the Primate himselfe oâ— Armach they chased with disgrace and confusion out of Lemâ—ter Anno. 1324. Alexander de Bickner Arch-bishop of Dublin being in England joyned with thâ— Arch-bishops and Bishops of England in rescuing Adam de Arlton Bishop of Hereford even when he was openly arraigned for high Treason against King Edward the second at the Parliament barre the highest affront that ever I read offered to publicke Justice the story whereof is formerly recited at large p. 54.55 Annoâ— 1326. he sided with the Queene and other Prelates against King Edward the second his Soveraigne to his deposall and destruction in which he was very active Anno. 1331. on the vigill of Saint Marke the Evangelist the O-Tothely came to Tavelagh and robbed this Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin tooke away three hundred sheepe and slew Bichard White and other men of his company the retinue of the Lord Archbishop of Dublin were by a traine or ambush slaine by David O-Tothill in Culiagh Anno. 1337. whiles Iohn Charlton was Lord Justice and held a Parliament at Dublin Doctor David O-Hirraghey Arch-bishop of Armach being called to the Parliament made his provision for house-keeping in the Monastery of Saint Mary neere unto Dublin but because he would have had his Crosier carried before him he was impeached by Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin and his Clerkes and permit him they would not Anno. 1379. The Arch-bishop of Casselâ— in Ireland came from Rome sent thither for certaine urgent causes bringing backe with him a great power of binding and loosing from the Pope when he came to London preaching to the People he denounced the King of Francâ— and as many as adhered to the Anti-Pope to be involved in the sentence of Excommunication affirming that even now it would be an acceptable time to England as well in the cause of the King of England as of the Pope to invade the Kingdome of France especially since it was probable that a King Excommunicated would not have any confidence of resisting Thus this Messenger of Peace proves a publicke Herald to proclaime warre The King of France on the other side makes Proclamation through all his Kingdome that none should obey Pope Vrban and if any did â—ee should be beheaded and all his goods should be confiscated to the Kings use after which the confederates of Pope Clement and Vrban meeting in the field above 5000. were slaine on Clements part in one battle with Bernard Decksale their Generall and many more afterwards Anno. 1420. there was a Parliament held at Dublin at which time Richard O-Hedian Bishop of
Cassell was accused by Iohn Gese Bishop of Lismore and Waterford upon 30. Articles layd to his charge After all that he charged him that he made very much of the Irish and loved none of the English that he bestowed no benefice upon any English man and gave order likewise unto other Bishops that they should not conferre the least living thaâ— was â—pon them That he counterfeited the King of Englands seale and the Kings Letters Patents that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster also that he tooke a Ring away from the Image of Saint Patricke which the Earle of Desmund had offered and bestowed it upon an Harlot of his beside many other enormities which he exhibited in writing And the Lords and Commons were much troubled betweene these twaine Now in the same Parliament there was debate betweene Adam Pay Bishop of Clon and another Prelate â—or that he sayd Adam went about to unite the others Church unto his but the other would not and so they were â—ent and referred unto the Court of Rome and this Parliament lasted 18. dayes Annoâ— 1532. Iohn Allen Arch-bishop of Dublin Chaplaine to Cardinal Wolsie and his Creature put the Earle of Kildare to great trouble wrongfully to take away his life and that out of affection to his Lord and Master the Cardinall This Arch-bishop Anno. 22. H. 8â— was specially and by name excepted out of the Kings generall pardon of the Premunire and other offences granted to all the Clergie that yeare as appeares by the Act it selâ—e 22. H. 8. c. 15. No doubt it was because the King tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-demeanors by him committed which he meant to question him for After this meaning to sayle into England Anno. 1534. and that secretly lurkingâ— as Tartajus Thomas Fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his Bed brought him naked in his â—hirt bare footed and bare headed to their Captaine whom when the Archbishop espied incontinently hee kneeled and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of God not to remember former injuries but to weigh his present calamity and what malice so ever he bare his person yet to respect his calling and vocation in that his enemy was a Christian and he among Christians an Arch-bishop As he spake thus bequeathing his soule to God his body to his enemies mercâ— Thomas Stibon without compassion and withall inflamed wiâ—h desire of revenge turned his horse aside saying in Irish Away with the Churle meaning the Arch-bishop should be detained as Prisonerâ— But the Caitifes present misâ—onstring his words murthered the Arch-bishop without further delay brained and hackt him in gobbets his blood withall crying to God for revenge the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side ungrowne and unfrequented for the deâ—estation of the fact rough and â—igorous Justice deadly hatred of the Giraldins for his Masters Wolsies sake and his owne as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments promoted their accusations and forged a Letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely was the cause of his ruine Anno. 1567. Marice a runne gate Priest going to Rome was consecrated Arch-bishop of Cashell by the Pope arriving in Ireland he made challenge to the same See which being denyed to him by the Arch-bishop placed there by the Queene the sayd supposed Bishop sudainely with an Irish scaine wounded the Bishop and put him in danger of his life Annoâ— 1579. The Lord chiefe Justice of Ireland upon suspition of Treason committed the Chauncellor of Liviricke to Prison for which he was indicted and found guilty and the Bishop likewise upon the same suâ—pition was committed Prisoner to his owne houâ—e Anno. 1600. The Rebells of Mounster by their Agents a certaine Spaniard elect Arch-bishop of Dublin the Bishop of Clonfort the Bishop of Killaloe and Archer a Jesuite had obtained at lengâ—h with praying intreating and earnest beseeching at the King of Spaines hands that succour should be sent into Mounster to the Rebels under the conduct of Don Iohn D' Aquila upon assured hope conceived that all Mounster would shortly revolt and the titular Earle of Desmond and Florenâ— Mac-Carti joyne great aydes unto them but Sir George Carew the Lord President of Mounster had providently before intercepted them and sent them over into England Whereupon D' Aquila arrived at Kinsale in Mounster with two thousand Spaniards old Souldiers and certaine Irish Fugitives the last day of October and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this Title Master Generall and Captaine of the Catholike King in the warre of God for holding and keeping the faith in Ireland endeavoureth to make the world beleeve that Queene Elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the Pope was deprived of her Kingdomes and her Subjects absolved and freed from their Oath of Allegiance and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the Devills clawes and the English tyranny And verily with thâ— goodly pretence he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these Prelates meanes I have now given a short account of some of â—he Irish Prelates disloyall and seditious Actions in â—ormer ages which I shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare On the fourth of March last the whole house of Commons in Ireland sent up these Articles of High Treason against Iohn Bramham Bishop of Derry and others to the Upper House of Parliament there which I finde Printed with Captaine Audâ—ey Mermin his speech who presented them at the time of their transmission Articles of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliament Assembled against Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellour of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight in maintenance of the accusation whereby they and every of them stand charged with High Treason FIrst that they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. intending the destruction of the Common-wealth of this Realme have trayterously confederated and conspired together to subvert the fundamentall Laws and government of this Kingdome and in pursuance thereof they and every of them have trayterously contrived introduced and exercised an arbitrary and tyrannicall government against Law throughout this Kingdome by the countenance and assistance of Tâ—omas Earle of Strafford then chiefe Governour of this Kingdome That they and every of them the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. have trayterously assumed to themselves and every of them regall power over the goods persons Lands and liberties of his Majesties subjects of this Realme and likewise have maliciously perfidiously and trayterously given declared pronounced and published many false unjust and erronious opinions Judgements Senâ—ences and Decrees in extra
defieth all his enemies For he saith in his heart Tush I shall neâ—er be cast downe there shall no harme happen unto me He sitteth lurking like a Lyon in his den that he may privily murther the innocent and sucke his blood When such O Lord God as will not obey their Popish and devillish proceedings are brought before that grievous Wolfe they are miserably taunted mocked scorned blasphemed as thy deerely beloved sonne was in Bishop Caiphas house and afterward cruelly committed to prison to the Tower to the Fleete to the Marshalseys to the Kings Bench to the Counters to Lollardes Tower to Newgate c. where they are kept as sheepe in a pinfold appointed to be slaine And as this cruell and bloody Wolfe dealeth with the poore Lambes even so doe the residue of that lecherous litter He with all other of that Wolvish kind hunger and thirst nothing so greatly as the devouring of the bodies and the sucking of the blood of thy poore and innocent Lambes Ah Lord God under that most wicked Queene Iezabel were not the Prophets more cruelly handled than thy faithfull Ministers be now for as in the days of the wicked Queen Iezabel the Priests of Baal were had in great honour were chiefest and of highest authority about the Queen none bearing so much rule in the Court as they none having so much reverence done unto them as they had even so now is it with the idolatrous Priests of England they alone be chiefest and of much estimation with the Queene They alone â—uffle and raigne they alone beare the swing in the Court they alone have all things going forward as they desire they alone be capped kneeled and crowched to they alone have the keyes of the English Kingdome hanging at their girdles whatsoever they binde or loose whispering and trayterously conspiring among themselves that same is both bound and loosed in the starre Chamber in Westminster-Hall in the Parliament house yea in the Queenes privie Chamber and throughout the Realme of England The very Nobility of England are in a manner brought to such slavery that they dare not displease the least of these spitefull spirituall limmes of Antichrist It is writ that certaine men gave their judgements what thing was most mighty and strongest upon earth The first sayd wine is a strong thing The second sayd the King is strongest The third sayd women yet have more strength but above all things the truth beareth away the victory But we may now say unto such an height is the tyranny of the Spirituall Sorcerers growne that Priests in England are mightier than either Wine King Queene Lords Women and all that is there besides But how agreeth this with the example of Christ which fled away when the people would have made him a King or a temporall governour Christ refused to meddle with any worldly matters as the History of dividing the inheritance betweene the two brethren doth declare Christ willed his Disciples to refuse all worldly dominion and temporall rule When they strove among them who of them should be taken for the greatest Christ sayd unto them The Kings of the Gentiles reigne over them and they that beare rule over them are called gracious Lords but ye shall not be so for he that is greatest among you shall be as the least and he that is chiefe shall be as the minister Christ sent not his Disciples to be Lords of the Councell Lords of the Parliament Lord President Lord Chauncellour Lord Bishop Lord Suffragan Lord Deane Master Queenes Amner Mr. Comptroller Mr. Steward Mr. Receiver Sr. Iohn Massemonger c. but to be Ministers and disposers of the Mysteries of God to be Preachers of the Gospell to bee labourers in the Lords harvest to be Pastors and feeders of the Lords flock to be the salt of the earth and the light of the world to be an example to the faithfull in word and conversation in love in spirit in faith and in purenesse to feede Christs flocke so much as lyeth in their power taking the oversight of them not as though they were compelled but willingly not for the desire of filthy lucre but of a good minde not as though they were Lordâ— over the Parishes but that they be an ensample to the flocke that when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare they may receive an uncorruptible crowne of glory But these things O Lord have they all forgotten These ambitious Antichrists are so drowned in vaine glory and in the desire of filthy lucre and worldly promotions that they neither regard God nor the higher powers that they neither esteeme their office nor any one point of godlinesse honesty that they neither think upon the dreadfull day of judgement nor yet remember themselves to be mortall Their whole study in the time of this their Luciferâ— like pride is nothing else but to suppresse thy holy truth and to advance and set up their Antichristan Kingdome that they as Gods may sit alone in the Consciences of men But O Lord God though thou sufferest these Priests of Baal for our unthankefulnesse a while to prosper to raigne to ruleâ— to ruffle to flourish to triumph and to tread downe thy holy Word under their â—eete yet are we certaine that thou wilt at the last arise defend thine owne cause against these Antichrists bring thine enemies unto confusion and set thy people after they have unfainedly repented in a quiet and blessed State So he and blessed be God that he after and we now live to see this verified in part Miles Coverdale once Bishop of Exeter in King Edward the sixth his reigne being deprived of it in Queene Maries would not returne thereto againe in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne but led a private life in London where he writ a booke intituled an Apologie in defence of the Church of England Printed at London 1564. wherein he writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular affaires and of their Treasons against our Kings by the Popes instigation The Old Canons of the Apostles command that Bishop to be removed from his Office which will both supply the place of a civill Magistrate and also of an Ecclesiasticall person These men for all that both doe and will needes serve both places Nay rather the one office which they ought chiefely to execute they once touch not and yet no body commandeth them to be displaced c. And as â—oâ—uâ— we of all others most justly have left him For our Kings yea even they which with greatest reverence did follow and obey the authority and faith of the Bishops of Rome have long since found and felt well enough the yoake and tyranny of the Popes Kingdome For the Bishops of Rome took the Crowne off from the head of our King Henry the second and compelled him to put aside all Majesty and like a meere private man to come unto their Legate with great submission and humility so as all his Subjects
and others to that Arch-traytor Beckets Shrine at Canterbury where they offered many rich gifts Afterwards Anno. 1469. the Earle of Warwicke conspiring with others to free King Henry the Sixth from the Tower of London King Edward hearing of it went in Pilgrimage to Beckets Tombe to Canterbury and there held a Councell of five Bishops and many Peeres of the Realme from which the Arch-Bishop being suspected as trecherous and unfaithfull was wholly excluded King Edward deceasing this Arch-Prelate though hee made a Will sequestred all his goods as ordinary and seized the Great Seale the Privie Seale and the Royall Signer which hee detained in his custodie and whereas Richard Duke of Gloucester had traytorously plotted to murther his Nephewes Edward the Fifth and his Brother this Arch-bishop was imployed by him to goe to the Queene to get the young Duke of Clarence from her out of the Sanctuary at Westminster who using many reasons and flattering words to her in vaine at last made this deepe protestation That if she were content to deliver the Duke to him and to the other Lords present he durst lay his owne body and soule both in pledge not onely for his surety but also for his estate c. Whereupon with much adoe shee delivered the Duke into his treacherous hands who forthwith brought him into the Starre-Chamber to his Uncle the Lord Protectorâ— Hee having both Brothers now in his power pretends them to bee illegitimate proclaimes himselfe right Heire to the Crowne procures first Pinker and then Doctor Shaw no doubt by the Arch Bishops helpe and privity in a Sermon at Pauls Crosse by which Sermon hee lost his honesty and soone after his life for very shame of the World into which hee never durst after to come abroad to publish to the people Tâ—at Edward the fifth and his Brother were unlawfully begotten in Adultery not by the Duke of Yorke but others That Richard of Glocester was right Heire to the Crowne extolling him to the skies and slandering King Edward the Fourth with his Queene as never lawfully marryed to her Then proceeding treacherously to murther his poore young Nephewes and usurping their Royall Throne this Arch-bishop readily crownes him though a bloody and unnaturall Usurper as lawfull King of England and his Lady likewise Queene the other Bishops and Abbots assisting him in this action and accompanying him in their Pontificalibus This Usurper being afterward slaine the Arch-Bishop ever turning with the â—yde of things crownes Henry the 7. likewise King of England and shortly after departed this world Anno 1486. I finde not writes Godwin in his life that ever any English man connued so long a Bishop or that any Arch-bishop either before or after him in 800. yeares enjoyed that place so long for he continued Arch-Bishop 32 yeares and lived after the time of his first Consecration and promotion to the Bishopricke of Worcester 51. yeares and I marvell much that in all that while he never endeavoured to leave behinde him any good Deed for the perservation of his Memory Sure I am that his Treachery to the young Duke of Clarence and King Henry who advanced him and his Treasons in crowning two Usurpers with his base temporising remaine as so many surviâ—ing Monuments of his inâ—amie and disloyalty Iohn Morton his Successour whiles Bishop of Ely was accused by Richard the Third of many great Treasons and committed by him to the Tower from whence being removed and committed to the custody of Henry Duke of Buckingham he by degrees stirred up the Duke to plot the deposing of King Richard the Usurper and seâ—ting up of the Earle of Richmond for which the Duke not long after lost his head The Bishop in the meane time disguising himselfe escaped out of the Dukes custody fled first to Ely next to Flanders after which hee went to Rome never more intending to meddle with the world But King Henry the seventh having got the Crowne married King Edward the fourth his daughter and so united the Houses of Lancaster and Yorke which marriage was first devised by this Prelate called him home againe made him Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England whereunto the Pope annexed the honour of a Cardinall translating him from Ely to Canterbury by no lesse than sixe â—everall Bulls all against Law to augment the Fees In his time Richard Simon a Priest an ambitious wretch on hope to make himselfe the principall Bishop in England plotted the advancement of Lambert Synmell being his Pupill in the University of Oxford to the Crowne of England under the name of Edward Earle of Warwicke and conveying this Imposter to Dublin in Ireland hee there caused him to be proclaimed King of England after this to land with an Armie in England where in a Battell at Stocke-field in which many were slaine this Priest and his Coâ—â—â—erfeit were both taken Prisoners and attainted of High Treason yet this Simon or rather Sinon out of the extraordinary reverence to his function was not executed but onely committed to the Arch-Bishop who imprisoning him some space in his owne Prison delivering him over to the Major of London condemned him to a Dungeon and perpetuall shackles After which this Arch-Bishop imposed two great Subsidies on the Clergie of his Province to their great oppression forcing â—hem by the Popes authoritie to contribute so largely toward the charges of his tranâ—lation as of his owne Diocesse onely which is one of the least oâ— England hee received 354. pound sent Pope Innoâ—ents Bulls to all the Suffragaâ—es of his Province to publiâ—h and execute in open affront of the Lawes of â—he Realme the Kingâ— Prerogative Royall and the Subjects Libeâ—ties for which good Service the Pope by his Bulls appointed him to be Visiâ—â—r of all the Monasteries and other places exempt from Archiepiscopall and Ordinary Jurisdiction throughout England and made him Cardinall of Saint Anastasia he perswaded the King to sue to the Pope not onely for the Popes canonization of King Henry the Sixth but likewise for the translation of his dead Corps from Windsor to Westminster Abbey and that in an unworâ—hy manner when as the King might have done it by his own meere Royall Authoritie onely He procured his Rebellioâ—s predecessour Anselme with a great summe of money to be canonized at Rome for a Saâ—nt and had many conflicts and contestations with the Bishops of London and other his Suffraganes abouâ— Probate of Wills and Jurisdiction of their Ecclâ—â—iaâ—â—icall Courâ—s which caused Appeales to Rome whereupon â—he â—nferiour Priests with many others of his Province caâ—â— forâ—h sundry publike calumnies to his disgrace against whom Pope Alexander sent forth a Bull cruelly fulminating Excommunications against them And by this meanes the priviledges of the See of Canterbury oft times called into douâ—t and controversie in former time were at laâ—t eâ—â—ablishâ—â— It seemes the Bishops in his dayes were very much hated by the inferiour Clergie whereupon
to the French King and the Germans to stirre them up to make warre against King Henry the 8. and to invade England though with ill successe The King thereupon requested thâ—m to send him over into England that he might proceed against him as a Traytor He was intimate with the Pope studied to advance his power and suppresse his Soveraignes stirred up his friends in England against the King by his letters whereupon the King banished both him and his mother the Countesse of Salisbury by Act of Parliament proclaymed him a Traytor whence Father Latimer in his 5. Sermon before King Edward calls him Cardinall Poole the Kings Traytor c. and after that be headed his mother and elder brother Vicount Mountacute for high treason What manner of person and Traytor this Cardinall was to his Soveraigne will appeare by a Letter written to him being at Rome by Cutbert Tonsiall Bishop of Duresme and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London which begins thus For the good will that we have borne unto you in times past as long as you continued the Kings true subject wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the Kings highnesse heretofore shewed unto you in your bringing up nor the honour of the house that you be come of nor the wealth of the Country that you are borne in should so decline from your duty to your Prince that you should be seduced by faire words and vaine promises of the Bishop of Rome to wind with him going about by all meanes possible to pull downe and put under foot your naturall Prince and Master to the destruction of the Country that hath brought you up and for the vain-glory of a Red Haâ— to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could all such Christian princes as would give eares unto him to depose the Kings highnesse from his Kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice and to stirre if he could his subjects against him in stirring and nourishing rebellions in his Realme where the office and duty of all good Christians and namely of us that be Priests should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity and trouble to quietnesse all discord to concord and in doing the contrary wee shew our selves to be but the Ministers of Sathan and noâ— of Christ who ordained all us that be Priests to use in all places the legation of peace and not of discord But since that cannot be undone that is done the second is to make amends and to â—ollow the doing of the Prodigall Sonne spoken of in the Gospell who returned home to his father and was well accepted as no doubâ— you might be if you will say as he said in acknowledging your folly and do as hee did in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you so that their purpose by you be served This Cardinals Treason ingratitude and perfidiousnesse is yet further exemplified by the same Cutbert Tonstall in his Sermon which he preached before King Henry the 8. upon Palme Sunday in the yeare of of our Lord 1538. Printed anciently by iâ— selfe in part recited by Holinshed p. 1164 1165. and more largely by Thomas Becon where he thus blazons both the Pope and him in their native colours The Bishop of Rome because he can not longer in this Realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe and sucke out of this Realme by avarice insatiable innumerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice goeth about to stirre all Christian Nations that will give eare to his Devillish enchantments to move warre against this Realme of England giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it And the Bishop of Rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realme Reginald Pole comming of a noble blood and thereby the more arrant Traytor to goe about from Prince to Prince and from Country to Country to stirre them to warre against this Realme and to destroy the same being his native country whose pestilent purpose the Princes that hee breaketh it unto have in much abomination both for that the Bishop of Rome who being a Bishop should procure peace is a stirrer of warre and because this most arrant and unkind Traytor is his minister to so devillish a purpose to destroy the Country that he was borne in which any heathen man would abhorre to doe But for all that without shame hee still goeth on exhorting thereunto all Princes that will heare him who do abhorre to see such unnaâ—uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this Realme have been by the worke of Almighty God so marvellously detected and by his owne brother without looking â—herefore so diclosed and condigne punisâ—ment ensued that hereafter God willing they shall not take any more such roote to â—he noysance of this Realme And where all Nations of Gentiles by reasons and by law of nature do preferre their Country before their Parents so that for their Country they will dye against their Parents being traytors this pestilent man worse than a Pagan is not ashamed to destroy if he could his native Country And whereas Curtius an Heathen man was content for saving of the City of Rome where he was borne to leape into a gaping of the earth which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut but that it must first have one this pernicious man is contented to ruâ—ne headlong into hell so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any Pagan And besides his pestilent treason his unkindnesse against the Kings Majestie who brought him up of a very child and promoted both him and likewise restored his blood being tainted to be of the Peeres of this Realme and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honourably at study makes his Treason much more detestable to all the world and him to be repured more wild and cruell than Tyger But for all this thou English man take courage unto thee and be nothing afraid thou hast God on thy side who hath given this Realme to the generation of Englishmen to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same thou hast a Noble Victorious and Vertuous King hardy as a Lyon who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts Onely take an English heart unto thee and mistrust not God but trust firmly in him and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it and â—eare not though the
justified the complaint true taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these Popish and seditious Pamplets both in Pauls Church-yard and the Universities instancing in one then lately set forth and published namely Speculum Tragicum which both his Majesty and the Lord Henry Howard Earle of North-Hampton termed a dangerous booke both for matter and intention Yea Lewis Hughes an ancient Minister writes thus of this Arch-Prelate In the later end of Queene Elizabeths raigne when shee began to be sickly and not like to live long D. Bancroft then Bishop of London knowing that King Iames was to succeed her and fearing that his Majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of God and in the government of the Church did license a booke written by a Jesuite that hee kept in his house wherein was written That it was in the Popes power as a gift appropriate to Saint Peters Chaire to depose the Kings of England and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another Fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed and dispersed and being questioned for it his answer was that hee did set the Jesuites to write one against another that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them It was thought by many hee had no good meaning in licensing and suffering so many dangerous Bookes to be dispersed So hee Which sufficiently discovers this Arch-Prelates traiterly heart to his Soveraigne his affection to the Popes supremacy and disaffection to our Religion he being a great Persecutor and Silencer of hundreds of our most conscionable preaching Ministers and if I may credit other mens reports his life was ill and his death fearfull George Abbot his successor in this See though a man of a better temper and worthy praise for his frequent preaching was yet taxed by some for being over-stately to his fellow brethren and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere which he exercised so long till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow hee kild his keeper instead of the Bucke hee let loose at He incurred his Majesties displeasure so farre by whose means I know nor unlesse by his successors that hee was debarred accâ—sse to the Kings Court yea suspended from his oâ—fice of Arch-Bishop for a season which was executed in the interim by Commissioners He was a means of some good mens troubles in the High Commission where he caused M. Huntly a Kentish Minister to be most unjustly fined and imprisoned for denying to preach a Visitation Sermon when hee was sicke and unable to doe it and therefore sent the Arch-deacon 20s s to procure another which was refused and which is â—arre more injuâ—ious when this poore Minister after many motions was released by the Judges of the Kings Bench by an Habeas Corpus â—rom his unjust imprisonment hee and the other Prelates caused him for this very Act of seeking his just relief in a legall way to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the Judges had bayled him even in the face of the Court and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the High Commission and committed him a fresh and gave his living to his Chaplaine to the great affronâ— of justice for which act he might have smarâ—ed in a high degree had hee beene but questioned I should now descend to the present Archbishop William Laud the last of this See but that I must first ascend to Auâ—tin the first Archbishop of Canterbury whom I have purposely reserved to this place the better to parallell them together The Archbishopricke of Canterbury had its originall creation from Pope Gregory the first a very traytor to his Soveraigne Mauritius and flatterer of the usurper Phocas about the yeare of our Lord. 600. This its unhappy derivation from â—uch a trecherous and rebellious parentage hath tainted the whole line of our Canterburian Arch-Prelates and infused such an occult pernicious quality into this See as hath made it a very chaire of Pestilence which hath infected all or most of those who have sate therein and made them as great Traytors and rebels to their Soveraignes of England as their Holy Fathers of Rome have proved to their liege Lordâ— the Roman Emperours and to plague our â—and with civill dissentions warres and bloodshed almost as much as the Popes have molested Italy and Germany in this kind Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sent from Rome by Gregory the first rather to pervert that convert our Nation to the Christian faith about 600. yeares after Christ was consecrated Bishop of the English Nation for no lesse Diocesse or title would content him by Etherius Archbishop of Arelat electing Canterbury for his Archiepiscopall See After which by the assistance of King Ethelbert in the yeare 602. hee caused the Brittish Bishops and learned men to meete together in a Synode at a place called Augustines Okâ— to dispute with them concerning the observation of Easter day and the Ceremonies of Baptisme wherein they differed from the Church of Rome to whom hee would have them conforme not onely in doctrine but even in rites and ceremonies using both perswasions prayers and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline But the Britains refusing to conform to his demands at this Synode Augustine not long after caused another Synode to be sommoned Whereunto 7. British Bishops and a great number of Monkes especially of the famous Monastery of Bangor repaired who inquired of an holy Anchorite living among them whether they should submit to Austins preaching and ceremonies or no who answered If hee be a man of God then obey him They replying How shall wee know him to be such a one hee subjoyned If hee be meeke and humble it is credible that he beares the yoke of Christ and will offer it to you to beare but if he bee haughty and proud hee is not of God and therefore not to be lisâ—ned to by you But how said â—hey shall wee know this Observe quoth hee how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the Synode and if hee shall rise up to yâ—u know that hee is Christs servant and obey him in all things bnt if hee shall do contrary and whereas you are many shall proudly despise you do ye neglect and contemne him againe Augustine enâ—ers first into the Synode with pride and pompe with the banner of his Apostleship a silver Crosse a Letany Procession Pageants painted Images Reliques Anthems and such like rituall trifles The British Bishops approaching neare him sitting ambitiously in his chaire he did not onely not rise up to salute them but also noâ— so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love or benevolence with his countenance or gesture The Britons observing this arrogancy of the man contradicted what ever he propounded to them and whereas hee commanded them to observe the manners and customes of the Church of Rome in all things they not
trayterous purpose and deâ—igne he did abuse the great power and trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the placeâ— of divers great officers and upon the rigâ—t of other his Majesties Subjects whereby hee did procure to himselfe the nomination of sundry persons to Ecclesiasticall Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the commendadation of Chaplaines to the King by which meanes hee hath preferred to his Majesties service and to other great promotions in the Churchâ— suâ—h as have beene Popishly affected or otherwise unâ—ound and corrupt both in doctrine and mannerâ— 9. Hee hath for the same trayterous and wicked intent chosen and imployed such men to be his owne Domesticall Chaplaines whom hee knew to be notoriously disaffected to the reformed religion grosly addicted to popish superstition and erroneous and unsound both in Judgement and practise and to them or some of them hath hee committed the Licensing of Bookes to be Printed by which meaneâ— divers false and superstitious bookes have beene published to the great scandall of Religion and to the seducing of many his Majesties Subjects 10. He hath trayterously wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church Rome and for the effecting thereof hath consorted confederated with divers popish Priests and Jesuites and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome by himselfe his Agents Instruments treated with such as have from thence receivedâ— Authority and instruction he hath permitted and countenanced a popish Hierarchie or Ecclesiasticall government to beâ— established in this Kingdome by all which trayterous and malicious practises this Church and Kingdome hath beene exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See 11. Hee in his owne person and his suffragans Visitors Sutrogates Chancellors and other Officers by his command have caused divers learned pious and Orthodox Ministers of Gods word to be silenced suspended deprived degraded excommunicated otherwise grieved without any just and lawfull cause and by divers other meanes hee hath hindred the preaching of Gods word caused divers of his Majesties loyall Subjects to forsake the Kingdome and increased and cherished Ignorance and profanenesse amongst the people that so hee might thâ— better facilitate the way to the effecting of his owne wicked and trayterous designe of altering and corrupting the true religion here established 12. Hee hath traiterously endeavoured to cause division and discord betwixt the Church of England and other Reâ—ormed Churches and to that end hath supprest and abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have beene by his Majesty and his royall Ancestors graunted to the Dutch and French Churches in this Kingdome and divers other wayes hath expressed his malice and disaffection to these Churches that so by such disunion the Papists might have more advantage â—or the overthrow and extirpation of both 13. Hee hath maliciously and traiterously plotted and endeavoured to stirre up warre and enmity betwixt his Majesties two Kingdomes of England and Scotland and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdome of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government all or the most part of them tending to popery superstition to the great grievance and discontent of his Majesties Subjects of that Nation aâ—d for their refusing to submit to such Innovations hee did trayterously advise his Majesty to subdue them by force of Armes and by his owne Authority and Power contrary â—o Law did procure sundry of his Majesties subjects and inforced the Clergie of this Kingdome to contribute towards the maintenance of that warre and when his Majesty with much wisedome and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdomes the said Aâ—chbishop did presumptuously censure that pacification as dishonourable to his Majestie and by his counsels and endeavours so incensed his Majestie against his said subjects of Scotland that hee did thereupon by advice of the said Archbishop â—nter into an offensive warre against them to the greaâ— hazzard of his Majesties person and his subjects of both Kingdomes 14. That to preserve himselfe from being questioned for these and other his trayterous courses hee laboured to subverâ—s the rights of Parliament and the ancient course of Parliamentary proceeding and by false and malitious slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments By which words counselâ— and actions he hath traiterously and contrary to his allegiance laboured to alienate the hearts of the Kings liege people from his Majesty and to set a division betweene them and to ruine and destroy his Majesties Kingdomes for which they do impeach him of High Treason agaiâ—st our Soveraigne Lord the King his Crowne and Dignity The said Commons do further averre that the said VVilliam Archbishop of Caterbury during the times that the crimes aforementioned were done and committed hath beene a Bishop or Archbishop of this Realm of England one of the Kings Commissioners for Ecclesiasticall mattersâ— and one of his Majesties most honourable Privie Councell and hath taken an Oath for his faithfull discharge of the said Office of Councellor and hath likewise taken an oath of supremacy and Allegeanâ—e And the said Commons by protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the said Archbishop and also of replying to the Answers tâ—at the said Archbishop shall make unto the said Articles or to any of them and of offering further proofe also of the Premises or any of them or of any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the cause shall according to the coursâ— of Parliament require do pray that the said Archbishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises and that such proceedings examination tryall and Judgement may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice The Articles being read M. PYMME proceeded in his Speech as followeth My Lords There is an expression in the Scripture which I will not presume either to understand or to interpret yet to a vulgar eye it seemes to have an aspect something surable to the Person and Cause before you It is a description of the evill Spirits wherein they are said to be spirituall wickednesse in high places Crimes acted by the spirituall faculties of the Soule the Will and the Understanding exercised about spirituall matters concerning Gods Wordship and the Salvation of Man seconded with power authority learning and many other advantages do make the party who commits them very sutable to that description Spirituall wickednesses in high places These crimes My Lords are various in their Nature haynous in their quality and universall in their extent If you examine them Theologically as they stand in opposition to the truth of God they will be found to be against the rule of Faith against the power of godlinesse against the meanes of Salvation If you examine
then men of warre yea I am sure that many of their Mothers would have beene ashamed of so nice and wanton array Howbeit they went not to make warres but peace for ever and a day longer But to speake of the pompous apparells of my Lord himselfe and of his Chaplaines it passeth the Twelve Apostles I dare sweare that if Peter and Paul had seene them suddenly and at a blush they would have been harder in beliefe that they or any such should bee their successours then Thomas Didimus was to beleeve that Christ was risen againe from death When all was concluded betweene the king of France and ours that Thomas Wolsie had devised and when the Prelates of both parties had cast their penny-worths against all chances and devised remedies for all mischiefes then the right Reverend Father in God Thomas Cardinall and Legate would goe see the young Emperour newly chosen to the roome and have a certaine secret communication with some of his Prelates also And gat him to Bridges in Flanders where hee was received with great solemnitie as might belong to so great a pillar of Christs Church and was saluted at the entring into the Towne of a merry Fellow which said Salve Rex Regis tuì atque Regni sui Hayle both King of thy King and of his Realme And though there were never so great strife betweene the Emperour and the French king yet my Lord Cardinall jugled him favour of them both and finally brought the Emperour to Cales to the kings Grace where was great triumph and great love and amitie shewed on both parties insomuch that a certaine man marvelling at it asked the old Bishop of Durham How it might be that we were so great with the Emperor so shortly upon so strong and everlasting a peace made betweene us and the French men the Emperour and the king of France being so mortall enemies My Lord answered That it might be well enough if hee wist all but there was a certaine secret said hee whereof all men knew not yea verily they have had secrets this 800. yeares which though all the Lay-men have felt them yet few have spied them save a few Judases which for lucre have beene confederate with them to betray their owne kings and all other Then were wee indifferent and stood still and the Emperour and the French king wrastled together and Ferdinandus the Emperours Brother wan Millaine of the Frenchmen and the Emperour Turnay our great Conquest which yet after so great cost in builâ—â—â—â— a Castle we delivered up againe unto the Frenchmen in earnest and hope o a marriage betweene the Dolphine and our Princesse After that â—â—e Emperour would into Spaine and came through England where hee was received with great honour and with all that pertaineth to love and amitie The Kings Grace lent him Monie and promised him more and the Emperour should tarry a certaine time and marry our Princesse not that the Cardâ—nall intended that thou maist be sure for it was not profitable for their Kingdome but his minde was to dally with the Emperour and to keepe him without a wife insomuch as hee was young and lustie hee might have beene nozeled and entangled with Whores which is their nurturing of Kings and made so effeminate and beastly that hee should never have beene able to lift up his heart to any goodnesse or vertue that Cardinalls and Bishops might have administred his Dominions in the meane time unto our Holy Fathers profit The King of France hearing the favour that was shewed unto the Emperour sent immediately a Defiance unto our King not without our Cardinals and Bishops counsell thou mayst well witt For Frenchmen are not so foolish to have done it so unadvisedly and so rashly seeing they had too many in their tops already Then our King spake many great words that he would drive the French King out of his Realm or else the French King should drive him out of his But had he added as the Legate Pandulph taught King Ioâ—n with the Popes License his words had sounded much better For there can no vow stand in effect except the Holy Father confirmed it Wee sent out our Souldiers two Summers against the French men unto whose chiefe Captaines the Cardinall had appointed how farre they should goe and what they should doe and therefore the French king was nothing aâ—raid but brought all his power against the Emperour in other places and so hee was ever betrayed And thus the Cardinall was the Emperoâ—rs Friend openly and the French Kings secretly For at the meeting with the French King beside Caâ—es hee utterly betrayed the Emperour yet for no love that hâ—e had to France but to help the Pope and to have beene Pope happily and to save their Kingdome which treason though all the World smelled it yâ—â—â— brake not out openly to the eye till the â—â—â—ge of 〈◊〉 And the Cardinall lent the Emperour much money openly and gave the French King more secretly Hee plaid with both hands to serve their secret that all men know not as the Bish. of Durham said But whatsoever the Frenchmen did they had ever the worse notwithstanding the secret working of our holy Prelates on their side Finally unto the siege of Pavia came the French king personally with 60. thousand men of warre of which 12. thousand were horse-men and with monie enough And the Emperours host was under 20. thousand of which were but 3. thousand Horse-men with no money at all For hee trusted unto the Pope for aide of men and unto our Cardinall for Money But the Pope kept backe his men till the French-men had given them a field and our Cardinall kept backe his money for the same purpose And thus was the silly Emperour betrayed as all his predecessours have beene this 8. hundred yeares Howbeit there bee that say that the Emperours Souldiers so threatned Stace the kings Graces Embassadour that he was faine to make chevisance with Merchants for money in the kings name to pay the Souldiers withall Wherefore the Cardinall tooke from him all his promotions and played the Tormentor with him when he came home because hee presumed to doe one jot more then was in his Commission But howsoever it was the Emperours men in tarrying for helpe had spent all their Victualls Whereupon Burbon the chiefe Captaine of the Emperour said unto his under Captaines Yee see helpe commeth not and that our victuals are spent wherefore there is no remedy but to fight though wee bee unequally matched If wee winne wee shall finde meate enough if wee lose wee shall lose no more then wee must lose with hunger though we fight not And so they concluded to set upon the French-men by night The King of France and his Lords supposing that the Moon would sooner have fallen out of the skie then that the Emperours host durst have fought with them were somewhat negligent and went the same night a mumming that Burbon set upon them The
Treasure for that otherwise it was impossible the King should be fallen so farre behind hand whereupon hee was charged with the receit of 1109600. pound which amounted to more than a million of pounds besides a hundred thousand frankes paid unto him by Galeace Duke of Millaine for all which a sodaine account is demanded of him divers other accusations and misdemeanours were likewise charged against him and by meanes hereof Iohn a Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster questioning him in the Kings Courts for these misdemeanours William Skipwith Lord chiefe Justice condemned him as guilty of these accusations procured his temporalties to be taken from him and to be bestowed upon the young Priâ—ce of Wales and lastly commanded him in the Kings name not to come within twenty miles of the Court This happened in the yeare 1376. The next yeare the Parliament being assembled and Subsidies demanded of the Cleargy the Bishops utterly rufused to debate of any matter whatsoever till the Bishop of Winchester a principall member of that assembly might be present with him By this meanes Licence was obtained for his repaire thither and thither hee came glad he might be neere to the meanes of his reâ—titution But whether it were that he wanted money to beare the charge or to the intent to move commiseration or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely he that was wont to ride with the greatest traine of any Prelate in England came then very slenderly attended travelling through by-wayes as standing in doubt of snares his enemies might lay for him After two yeares trouble and the losse of ten thousand markes sustainâ—d by reason of the same with much adoe he obtainâ—â— restitution of his temporalties by the mediation of Aliâ—â— Piers a gentlewoman that in the last times of King Edâ—â—rd altogether possessed him Returning then unto Winchester he was received into the city with solemne procâ—â—sion and many signes of great joy Soone after his returne King Edward diedâ— and the Duke hoping bâ— reason of â—hâ—â—oung Kings nonage to workâ— some mâ—sâ—hiâ—fe unto this Bishop whom of all mortall men he most hated perhaps not without just reason began to rub up some of the old accusationsâ— with addiâ—ions of new complaints But the King thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages and then was easily entreated under the broad Seale of England to pardon all those supposed offences wherewith the Bishop had heretofore beene charged This Bishop earnestly desiring to be made Bishop of VVinchester the King himselfe expâ—obrated to him the exilitie and smalenesse of his learning hee being no Scholler at allâ— but a surveyer of his buildings at first though laden with multitudes of pluralities to whom VVickham answered That albeit he were unlearned yet he was abâ—ut to bring forth a fâ—uitfull issue which should procreate very great store of learned men which was understood of those most ample Colledges he afterwards buâ—lt both at Oxford and VVinchesteâ— for which good works alone his name hath since beene famous and himselfe extolled above his deserts in other things which were but ill at best This Prelate having obtained divers goodly promotions which he acknowledged to have received rather as reward of service then in regard of any extraordinary desert otherwiseâ— he caused to be engraven in VVinchester Tower at VVinsor these words VVickhamâ— whereof when some complained to the King as a thing derogating from his honour that another should â—eeme to beare the charge of his buildings and the King in great displeasure reprehended him for it He answered that his meaning was not to ascribe the honour of that building to himselfe but his owne honour of preferments unto that buâ—lding not importing that VVicham made the Tower but that the Tower was the meanes of making VVickham and raising him from base estate unto those great places of honour he then enjoyed The Pope was now growne to that height of tyranny that he not onely placed but displaced Bishops at his pleasure And his meanes to do it was by translating them to some other Bishoppricke peradventure nothing worth at all Hee translated Henry Beauford from Lincolne to Winchester Iune 23. 1426. and made him Cardinall of S. Eusebius This Bishop was valiant and very wise Pope Martin the fiftâ— determining to make warre upon the Boâ—emians that had renounced all obedience unto the see of Rome made this Cardinall his Legate into that Country and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement Toward the charges of this voyage the Cleargie of England gave a tenth of all their promotions and furnished out foure thousand men and more with this power he passed by France doing there some service for his Prince and Country into Bohemia the yeare 1429. There he remained certaine moneths behaving himselfe very valiantly till by the Pope he was discharged In his youth he was wantonly given and begate a base daughter named Iane upon Alice the daughter of Richard Earle of Arundell About the yeare of our Lord 1425. there fell out a great devision in the Realme of England which of a sparkle was like to have growne to a great flame by meanes of this Henry Beauford Bishop of Winchester Son to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his third wife for whether this Bishop envied the authority of Humphry Duke of Glosterâ— Protector of the Realme or whether the Duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the said Bishop sure it is that the whole Realme was troubled with them and their partakers so that the citizens of London were faine to keepe dayly and nightly watches and to shut up their shops for feare of that which was doubted to have insued of their assembling of people about them The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Quimbre called the Prince of Portingale rode eight times in one day betweene the two parties and so the matter was staid for a time but the Bishop of Winchester to cleare himselfe of blame so farre as hee might and to charge his Nephew the Lord Protector with all the fault wrote a Letter to the Regent of France The 25. day of March a Parliament began at the Towne of Leicester where the Duke of Bedford openly rebuked the Lords in generall because that they in the time of warre through their privy malice and inward grudges had almost moved the people to warre and commotion in which time all men ought or should be of one minde heart and consent requiring them to defend serve and to dread their soveraigne Lord King Henry in performing his conquest in France which was in manner brought to conclusion In this Parliament the Duke of Glocester laid certaine Articles to the Bishop of Winchesters charge First Whereas hee being Protector and Defendor of this Land desired the Tower to be opened to him therein Richard VVoodvile Esquire having at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower refused his desire and kept the same Tower against himâ—
all his goods and to be thrust prisoner into the Monastery of Dover The Officers hereupon sent from this most cruell tyrant seize upon all his carriage and goods and strip him and his of all they had and finding him in the Church of S. Martyn in Dover neither respecting the greatnesse of his person nor the holinesse of the place dragging him by force from the very sacred Altar and violently halling him out of the Church in a most contumelious manner thrust him prisoner into the Castle The same of this enormity flying as it were upon the wings of the winde presently filled all England The Nobility storme at it the inferiour sort curse him for it and all with common votes detest the tyrant Iohn most of all grieved at the captivity and abuse of his brother earnestly seekes not onely to free him from prison but to revenge his wrong Wherefore he speedily gathers together a great army many Bishops and Nobles that formerly sided with the Chancellor joyning their forces with him being justly offended with his tyrannicall proceedings and immoderate pride as well as others and raged against him more than others both with their tongues and mindes The Chancellor hereupon releaseth the Archbishop who comming to London allayed and recompensed the griefe of the injury sustained with the more aboundant affections and offices of many But Iohn with the other Nobles and Prelates not satisfied with his release though stirred up with his imprisonment proceeded on to breake the hornes of this Vnicorne who with his friends and forraigne souldiers encamped about Winchester but finding himselfe too weake and most of his friends and his souldiers to fall off from him flees first to Windsor and from thence to London where finding the Citizens who formerly feared him for his pride and cruelty to incline to Iohn flies with all his company into the Tower which being oppressed with the multitude was more likely to betray than defend them whereupon he seeing his danger â—oes forth and submits himselfe to Iohn craves leave for thâ—se included in the Tower to departâ— resignes up the Tower and all the other royall forts to him and flieth privatly in an inglorious manner to Dover to his Sisters husband thinking to steale secretly beyond the seas to the King and knowing that his enemies if they should have any inkling of his intent would assuredly hinder the same or worke him some mischiefe by the way he disguised himselfe in womans apparell and so went unto the Sea side at Dover mufled with a met-yard in his hand and a webbe of cloth under his arme There he sate upon a rocke ready to take shippe where a certaine leude marriner thinking him to be some strumper began to dally wantonly with him whereby it came to passe that being a stranger borne and not able to speake good English nor give the marriner an answer either in words or deeds he suspected him to be a man and called a company of women who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler found his crowne and beard shaven and quickly knew him to be that hatâ—full Chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared whereupon in great dispite they threw him to the ground spit upon him beat him sore and drew him by the heeles aloâ—â— tâ—e â—ands the people flocking out of the Towne deriding and abusing him both in words and deeds The Burgâ—sses of the Towne heaâ—iâ—g of this tumult came and tooke him from the people his servants being not able to rescue him and 〈◊〉 him into a seller there to keepe him prisoner till notice had beene given of his departure It is a world to see he that was a few monethes before honoredâ— and reverenced of all men like a petty god attended by Noblemens sonnes and Gentlemen of quality whom he matched with his Neeces and Kindswomen every man accounting himselfe happy whom he favoured yea to be acquainted well with his Porters and Officers being thus once downe and standing in neede of his friends helpe had no man that moved a finger to rid him out of the present calamity trouble Whereupon he lay prisoner in this pickle a good space The Earle Iohn was desirous to have done him some further notable disgrace and contumely neither was there any one almost that for his owne sake withstood it But the Bishops though most of them his enemies regarding notwithstanding his calling and place would not suffer it but caused him to be released So not long after being deposed of his Office of Chancellor by direction of the King deprived of authority and banished the Land by the Lords Barons and Prelates of the Realme hee gat him over Sea into Normandy where hee was borne and complained of these proceedings against him to the Pope whose Legate he was who thereupon writ Letters in his favour to all the Archbishops and Bishops of England commanding them to excommunicate Iohn Earle of Morton and interdict the Realme till the Bishop was restored unto his former estate which the Bishops neglecting to doe notwithstanding this Bishops owne Letter to the Bishop of Lincolne touching this matter he there rested himselfe after this turmoile till the returne of King Richard from the holy Land the Archbishop of Roan governing the Kingdome the meane while whom he caused the Pope to excommnnicate Anno. 1194. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Lincolne London Rochester Winchester Worceter Hereford the Elect of Exeter and many Abbots and Clergy men of the Province of Canterbury after they had excommunicated Earle Iohn with all his Fauters and Councellours in an Assembly at Westminster in the Chappell of the infirme Monkes on â—he 4th of February appealed to the presence of the Pope against this Bishop of Ely that he should not from thenceforth enjoy the office of a Legate in England which appeale they ratified with their seales and sent it first to the King and afterwards to the Pope to be confirmed Vpon the Kings returne this Bishop excused himselfe the best he might reconciled himselfe to Geoffery Archbishop of Yorke purging himselfe with an hundred Clerkes his compurgators from the guilt of his wrongfull imprisonment and misusage at Dover and being after sent Embassadour to the Pope with the Bishop of Durham and others fell sicke by the way at Poyters and so died From this and other forcited presidents we may see how dangerous and pernicious a thing it is for any one man to have the exercise of spirituall and temporall Jurisdiction vested in him since it makes him a double tyrant and oppressour Eustachius this turbulent Prelates successor was one of those Bishops that pronounced the Popes excommunication against King Iohn and interdicted the whole Realme for which he was glad to flee the Realme continuing in exile for many yeares his temporalties goods being seised on by the King in the interim yea the King for this Act warned all the Prelates and Clergie of England that
they should presently depart the Realme that all their Lands and goods should be confiscated which was done and they all put out of the Kings protection The Bishops and Abbots hereupon stood on their guard sending the King word that they would not depart out of their Bishopprickes and Monasteries unlesse they were thrust out perforce whereupon all their possessions barnes corne and goods were seized on by the Kinâ—s Officers and the Parents of those Bishops who interdicted the Realme apprehended spoiled of all their goods and thrust into prison In the yeare 1266. whiles King Henry the third besieged Kenelworth Castle some rebells whom the King had disinherited entred the Isle of Ely and wasted the Country thereabouts Whereupon Hugh Balsam about whose election there was great contention comming to the King to complaine being then Bishop of this See was unworthily received ei casus iste apluribus imputatur This accident being imputed unto him by many hee being suspected to favour and side with these Rebells In William Kilkenny his next predecessors time there was a great suit betweene this Bishop and the Abbot of Ramsey about the Fennes and the bounding of them which Fennes having beene formerly unhabitable and unpassable by men beasts or cartsâ— overgrowne with Reeds and inhabited onely by birds that I say not devills about that time were miraculously converted into delectable meadowes and arable ground Et quae ibidem pars â—egetes vel faena non producit gladiolum cespites alia ignis pabula cohabitantibus utilia germinando abundanter subministrat Vnde lis gravis contentio de terminâ—s locorum talium terrarum inter eos qui ab initio Mariscum inhabitabant exorta lites praelta suscitabat writes Matthew Paris and among others betweene the Bishop of Ely and this Abbot of Ramâ—ey King Edward the third was so highly offended with the Monks election of this Bishop Balseam contrary to his direction that he caused the woods of the Bishoprick to be cut downe and sold the Parkes to be spoiled the Ponds to be fished and wasted and havocke to be made of all things whereupon the Bishop got him over sea to Rome to seeke reliefe against whom Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury to gratifie the King writ divers Letters to his friends of Rome and set up one Adam de Marisco to be a counterfeiter to the Pope against him In this Bishops time the King standing in neede of money the Prelates granted him 42. thousand markes to the great hurt and irreparable damnage of the Church and Kingdome upon condition that the King should speedily redresse the oppressures of the Church and reduce it to the State of due libertie whereupon the Bishops framed about fiftie Articles and put them in writing that being read before the King Nobles and Prelates they might be confirmed in due time which Articles writes my author were like to those which Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury the Martyr contended for and became a glorious conquerour and therefore directly against the Kings Prerogative and the Lawes of the Realme Thomas Lilde Bishop of Ely a furious and undiscreet Prelate in King Edward the third his dayes had many quarrels with the Lady Blanch Lake a neere Kinswoman of the Kings about certaine bounds of Lands and trespasses in burning of a house by the Bishops command or privityâ— belonging to this Lady who recovered 900. pound dammages against him which he was inforced to pay downe presently After this he had divers contestations with the King himselfe one about Robert Stretton Bishop of Lichfield he reprehending the King for making him a Bishop which the King tooke so tenderly that he commanded him in great displeasure to avoid his presence Another about his suits with the forenamed Lady and some harsh speeches used by him of the King concerning themâ— for which words and other matters the King accused him to the Parliament then assembled and there testifying these obiected wrongs upon his Honour the Bishop thereupon was condemned and this punishment laid upon him that hereafter he should never presume to come in the Kings presence Which History William Harrison thus relates and others quoted in the Margin There was sometime a grievous contention betweene Thomas Lilde Bishop of Ely and the King of England about the yeare of grace 1355. which I will here deliver out of an old Record because the matter is so partially penned by some of the brethren of that house in favour of the Bishop and for that I was also abused with the same in the entrance thereof at the first into my Chronologie The blacke Prince favouring one Robert Stratton his Chaplaine a man unlearnedâ— and not worthy the name of a Clearke the matter went on so farre that what for love and somewhat else of a Canon of Lichfield he was chosen Bishop of that See Hereupon the Pope understanding what he was by his Nuncio here in England stayed his consecration by his letters for a time and in the meane season committed his examination to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Rochester who felt and delt so favourably with him in golden reasoning that his worthinesse was commended to the Popes Holinesse and to Rome he goes Being come to Rome the Pope himselfe opposed him and after secret conference utterly disableth his Election till he had proved by substantiall Argument and of great weight before him also that he was not so lightly to be reiected Which kinde of reasoning so well pleased his Holinesse that ex mera plenitudine potestatis he was made capable of the Benefice and so turneth into England when he came home this Bishop being in the Kings presence told him how he had done he wist not what in preferring so unmeete a man unto so high a calling with which speech the King was offendedâ— that he commanded him out of hand to avoid out of his presence In like sort the Lady Wake then Dutchesse of Lancaster standing by and hearing the King her cozen to gather upon the Bishop so roundly and thereto bearing an old grudge against him for some other matter doth presently picke a quarrell against him about certaine Lands then in his possession which he defended and in the end obtained against her by Plea and course of Law yet long also afore hapned in a part of her house for which she accused the Bishop and in the end by verdict of twelve men found that he was privy unto the fact of his men in the said fact wherefore he was condemned in 900 pound damages which he paid every penny Neverthelesse being sore grieved that she had as he said wrested out such a verdict against him and therein packed up a Quest at his owne choyce he taketh his horse goeth to the Court and there complaineth to the King of his great iniury received at her hands but in the delivery of his tale his speech was soblockiâ—h termes so evill favoredly
though maliciously placed that the King tooke yet more offence with him than before insomuch that he led him with him into the Parliament house for then was that Court holden and there before the Lords accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person by his rude and threatning speeches but the Bishop eagerly denieth the Kings Obiections which he still avoucheth upon his Honour and in the end confirmes his Allegations by Witnesses whereupon he was banished from the Kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that House In the meane time the Dutchesse hearing what was done beginneth anew to be dealing with him and in a brabling fray betweene their servants one of her men were slaine for which the Bishop was called before the Magistrate as chiefe accessary unto the fact but he fearing the sequell of his third cause by his successe had in the two first hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moveables and committed his money unto his trusty friends and being found guilty by the Inquest the King seizeth upon his possessions and calleth up the Bishop to answer unto the trespasse To be short upon safe conduct the Bishop commeth to the Kings presence where he denieâ—h that he was accessary to the fact either before at orafter the deede committed and thereupon craveth to be tried by his Peeres But this Petition is in vaine for sentence passeth against him also by the Kings owne mouth whereupon hee craveth helpe of the Archbishop of Canterbury and priviledges of the Church hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued But they fearing the Kings displeasure who bare small favour to the Cleargie of his time gave over to use any such meanes but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the Kings mercy which he refused standing upon his innocencie from the first unto the last Finally growing into chollor that the malice of a woman should so prevaile against him hee writeth to Rome requiring that his Case might be heard there as a place wherein greater Justice saith he is to be looked for than is to be found in England upon the perusall of these his Letters also his accusers were called thither but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times they were excommunicated Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the Church-yards and buried in the Fields and Dunghills Vnde timor turba saith my Note in Anglia For the King inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all Processes Bulls and whatsoever instruments should come from Rome Such also as adventured contrary to this Prohibition to bring them in were either dismembred of some joynt or hanged by the neckes which rage so incensed the Pope that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the King of England threatning farre greater curses except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the Lady reconcile himselfe unto the Bishop and finally make him amends for all his losses sustained in these bâ—oyles Long it was yeâ— that the King would be brought to peace neverthelesse in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had betweene them but yeâ— all things were concluded God himselfe did end the quarrell by taking away the Bishop Anno 1388. the Nobles being assembled at Westminster said to King Richard the second that for his honour and the weale of the Kingdome it behoved that Traytors Whisperers Flatterers Malefactorsâ— Backbitersâ— and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his Palace and company and others substituted in their places who knew were willing to serve him more honourably faithfully which when the King had granted Licet merens they determined that Alexander Nevell Archbishop of Yorkeâ— Iohn Fordham then Bishop of Durham and afterwards of this See of Ely Thomas Rushoke the Kings Confessor Bishop of Chichester who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in Yorkeshire Richard Clifford Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell all Clergy men whose words did many things in the Court should be removed all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly gardedâ— till they should come to their answers the next Parliament Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in Henry the eigâ—h his dayes who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages fell into the Kings displeasure for some matters concerning his first marriage who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died Thomas Thirlby was advanced by Queene Mary not onely to the Bishoppricke of Ely but also made of her privy Councell After her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth hee was committed to the Tower and displaced from his Bishoppricke by Parliamentâ— Having endured a time of imprisonment neither very sharpe nor very long his friends easily obtained license for him and the late Secretary Roxall to live in the Archbishops house where they had also the company of Bishop Tunstall till such time he died To these I might adde Bishop Buckeridge Bishop White and Bishop Wren late Prelates of this Sea who occasioned much mischiefe and distraction in our Church and State but I shall referre them to another placeâ— and passe on to the Prelates of Exeter Exeter About the yeare 1257. Walter Bronscome 12. B of Exeter had a Fryer to his Chaplaine and Confessor which died in his house of Bishops Clift and should have beene buried at the Parish Church of Farringdon because the said house was and is in that Parish but because the Parish Church was somewhat farre off the wayes fouleâ— the weather rainy or for some other causes the Bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the Parish Church of Sowton then called Clift Fomeson which is very neere and bordereth upon the Bishops Lordship the two Parishes there being devided by a little Lake called Clift At this time one Fomeson a Gentleman was Lord and Patron of Clift Fomeson and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his Parish and a leach way to be made over his Land without his leave or consent requited therein calleth his Tenants together goeth to the bridge over the Lake betweene the Bishops Land and his there meeteth the Bishops men bringing the said corpsâ— and forbiddeth them to come over the water The Bishops men nothing regarding this Prohibition doe presse forwards to come over the water and the others doe withstand so long that in the end my Lords Fryer is fallen into the water The Bishop taketh this matter in such griefe that a holy Fryer a religious man his own Chaplaine and Confessor should so unreverently be cast into the water that he falleth out with the Gentleman and upon what occasion I know not he sueth him in the Law and so vexeth and tormenteth him that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the Bishops devotion and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the Bishops good will
namely Richard Hurrell Iohn Punchard and others some more some lesse for writing one Presentment to the grievous oppression of his Majesties poore subjects in his Diocesse XXIV Whereas by the Lawes of this Realme no tythes ought to be paid out of the rents of houses nor is there any custome or usage in the City of Norwich for such payment yet the said Bishop indeavoured to draw the Citizens and other inhabitants within the said City against their wills and consents to pay two shillings in the pound in liew of the tithes of houses within the severall Parishes of the said City unto the Ministers there of the said respective parishes And the better to effect this his unjust resolution he did by false and undue suggestions in the fourteenth yeare of his Majesties reigne that now is procure his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England his royall pleasure That if any person within the said City shall refuse to pay according to the said ratâ— of two shillings the pound unto the Minister of any Parish with in the said city That the same be heard in the Court of Chancery or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich And that in such case no prohibition against the said Bishop of Norwich their Chancellors or Commissaries in the sâ—â—d Courts of Consistory be gâ—anting the same upon â—ight of his Highnesse said Order shall forthwith grant a consultation to the Minister desiring the same with his reasonable costs and charges for the same which said Order and Decree under the great Seale of England tended to the violation of the Oathes of the Judgesâ— and was devised contrived and made by the said Bishop And afterwards by his evill counsels and false surmises he did obtaine his Majesties royall consent thereunto and by colour of the order aforesaid and other the doings of the said Bishop the Citizens and inhabitants of Norwich aforesaid viz. Iohn Collar Judith Perkeford and others have beene inforced to pay the said two shillings in the pound in liew of tythes or else by suits and other undue meanes beene much molested and put to great charges and expences contrary to the Law and Justice XXV That he assumed to himselfe an arbitrary power to compell the respective parishioners in the said Diocesse to pay great and excessive wages to Parish Clarksâ— viz. the Parishioners of Yarmouth Congham Tostocke and others commanding his officers that if any parishioner did refuse to pay such wages they should certifie him their names and hee would set them into the High Commission Court for example of them And that one or two out of Ipswich might be taken for that purpose And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the libertieâ— of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the said Matthew Wren late Bishop of Norwich and now Bishop of Ely and also of replying to the answer to the said Articles or any of them or of offering proofe of the premisses or any other impeachments or accusations that shall be exhibited by them as the case shall according to the course of Parliaâ—ents require doe pray that the said Matthew â—ren may be called to answer the said severall crimes and misdeâ—eanours and receive such condigne punishment as the same shall deserve and that such further proceedings may be upon every of them had and used against him as is agreeable to Law and Justice Sir THOMAS WIDDRINGTONS SPEECH At a Conference betweene both Houses on Tuesday the 20â— of Iuly 1641. At the transmission of the impeachment against Matthew Wren Doctor of Divinity late Bishop of Norwich and now Bishop of Ely My Lords I am commanded by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament to deliver to your Lordships these Articles against the Bishop of Ely May it please your Lordships first to heare them read MY Lords These Articles are dipped in those Colours in which this Bishop rendred himselfe to the Diocesse of Norwich they neede no Glosse nor Varnish In them you may behold the spirit and disposition of this Bishop heare the groanes and cries of the people see a shepheard scattering I had almost said devouring his owne flocke He that was desired to paint Hercules thought he had done enough when he had made a resemblance of the Lyons skin which he was wont to carry about him as a Trophee of his honour I will not say that in these you will finde a resemblance of the Lyons skin I am sure you will finde the resemblance of the skins that is to say the tottered and ruin'd fortunes of poore innocent Lambs who have extreamely suffered by the violence of this Bishop In the yeare 1635. this man was created Bishop of Norwich he is no sooner there but he marcheth furiously In the creation of the world light was one of thâ— first productions the first visible action of this Bishop after his creation into this See was to put out many burning and shining lights to suspend diverse able learned and conscientious Ministersâ— he that should have beene the Golden â—nuffer of these lights became the extinguisher and when these are taken away where shall poore men light their Candles My Lords this was not all He put out lights and sets up firebrands in their places suspends painfull Ministers and sets up idle factious and superstitious Priests to use their owne language in their places yet it is the fortune of these men at this time like Rivers in the Ocean to be buried the in extreme activity of their Diocesan He made a scourge not of small cords but of new Injunctions and numerous Articles tyed about with a strong twist of a most dangerous oath and with this he whips not out buyers and sellers but the faithfull dispensers of the word out of their Churches out of their estates out of their deere Country This Noah if I may so call him without offence assoone as he entred into the Arke of this Diocesse he sends nay forces Doves to fly out of this Arke and when they returne unto him with Olive branches in their mouthes of peaceable and humble submissions he will not receive them into this Arke againe unlesse like Ravens they would feed upon the Carrion of his new Inventions they must not have any footing thereâ— he stands as a flaming sword to keepe such out of his Diocesse My Lords unlesse he had done this he could never have hoped to have brought that great worke he undoubtedly aymed at to any perfection Whilst the Palladium of Troy stood that Citie was impregnable The Greekes had no sooner stollen that away but they instantly won the Citieâ— So then he first put out the Candles then was the opportunity to shuffle in his workes of darknesse hâ— first beaâ—s off the Watchmen and seers then was likely to follow that which the impiety of some was pleased to stile the piety of the times This being done he then begins to dresse
Oath first and then administred it to others saying that he was glad in his heart that this Oath was imposed upon all the Clergie of England for now the true Children of the Church would bee knowne from the spurious and bastards And further hee hath deâ—yed to conferre Orders upon such who refused to take the said Oath as namely upon one Mr. Gibbonâ— And hath enforced the sayd Oath upon divers he hath ordained Ministers since the making thereof That the sayd Bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incourager of the late divisions and wars betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland conventing and urging the Clergie of his Diocesse in the yeares of our Lord 1638. 1639. to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribution that it was Bellum Episcopale and saying that what ever cause the King had expressed in hiâ— Declaration yet in truth this war was for Vs meaning Vs the Bishops And whereas some of the Clergie denyed the payment of so large a Benevolenceâ—s â—s the sayd Bishop demanded in regard of their poverty and because they were still in their first fruites when they were free from Subsidies the sayd Bishop threatned by his power to put more Armes and horses upon them saying that if they would not serve the King with their purses they should serve him with their Armes And thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them against all Law as namely Mr. Roswell Mr. Ioanes Mr. Abbot and others And not contented herewith the sayd Bishop pretending that there were divers poore Vicars and Ministers in his Diocesse that were noâ— able to pay the Benevolence â—o as hee could not raise the summe he expected thereupon directed his Letters to divers of his wealthier Cleâ—gie causing some of them to pay a second contribution 13. That the sayd Bishop not content with this first Benevolence hath since that in the yeare of our Lord 1642. compelled divers of his Clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall subsidies or Benevolences imposed by the late pretended Synod without confirmation of Parliament threatning to excommunicaâ—e and deprive them ipsoâ— facto who fayled paymenâ— of it at the dayes prefixed by the Synod and sent out a processe to Master Newton Minister of Tauâ—ton even whiles the sayd Townâ— was much visited by the Pestilence long before the sayd Subsidy or Benevolence was due to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this Synod and used these speeches that if they did not pay the sayd Subsidie or Benevolence they should be ground to powder And the sayd Commons by proâ—estaâ—ion sâ—â—ing to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the sayd Bishop And also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd Bishop shall make unto the sayd Articles or to any of them and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them or any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the cause shall according to the course of Parliaments require doe pray that the sayd Bishop may be put to answere to all and every tâ—e premisses And that such proceedings examinations tryalls and judgements may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice By these Articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane impious turbulent Prelate this Bishop is even such a one whom no age I thinke in many particulars is able to parallell whose prodigiously prophane speeches and actions proclaime to all the world that our present Prelates impieties have made them fit for judgement yea to be castout and trampled under feere of men as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things I have now runne through all our ancient Bishoprickes with that of Chester lately revived and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those Lordly Prelates who possessed them I shall now in the close of this Chapter give you but a touch of some of the late Bishops of Oxford Bristoll Peterborough and Glocester which Bishopricks were erected out of dissolved Monasteries by King Henry the eight towards the end of his Reigne and so conclude Oxford TO passe by the first Bishops of this See none of the best there have beene three successions of Bishops in Oxford since I left the University Houson Corbet and Bancroft all of them Patriots of Innovations Erronious Popish Arminian Doctrines superstitious Ceremonies prophane Sports Revels and Bacchanals on the Lords day scandalous in their lives notoriously given to the flesh enemies to frequent preaching and the true Practise of Piety Of the two first of them I have given a touch in Durham and Norwich page 519. to which I shall referre you and for the last of them a Non-preaching Prelate who for ought I can learne never preached above one or two Sermons if so many all his life time he had a finger in the late Canons Oath lone in pressing whereof he was not negligent and had not death arrested him with the other two I doubt not but the Parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all which now being buryed together with them I will not revive Bristoll THE Bishopricke of Bristoll was first possessed by Paul Bush who was deprived in Queen Maries dayes for being married Iohn Holy-man a Papist succeeded him after whose death the See continued voyd some foure yeares Anno 1562. Richard Cheyny Bishop of Glocester and Iohn Bullingham his successor held Bristoll in Commendam so as it stood void oâ— a Bishop otherwise than as it was held by Commendamâ— one and thirty yeares Richard Fletcher next enjoyed it till he was translated to Worcester Anno. 1593. After which it stood vacant ten yeares to 1603. and then Iohn Thorneborough Bishop of Limbrick in Ireland and Commendatory Deane of York was translated to it This Bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the Major Aldermen and Citizens of Bâ—istoll whom he would force to come every Lords day morning and solemne Holiday to the Cathedrall Sermon to dance attendance and doe their homage to their Lordships which they for some yeares refused till at last after sundry complaints to the King and Councel the Bishops and they according the Major and Citizens yeelded to come to the Colledge now and then on solemne days if the weather were faire and sometimes in the Sommer season Robert Wright one of the late Bishops of this See had a great contestation with the Deane and Chapter of Bristoll and Master George Salterne Steward of the City for opposing him in setting up Images in the Cathedrall and other Churches which gave great offence to the people he was a great Innovator and maintainer of Superstitious Ceremonies at Bristoll to humor
Vortigerne but to King Powes named Beuly whose successors in tâ—at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race Our learned Martyr Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing of the Calfe a lye and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church it must be written in holy Saints lives and he â—ust be a Saint that did it and why because hee deposed a King and set in a Neaâ—esherd Odo Bishop of Bayeux was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour and bare great rule under him till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him he conspired against him who understanding thereof committed him to Prison where he remained till the said Prince then lying on his death bed released and restored him to his former liberty When the King was dead William Rufus took him backe into England supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his affaires But ere long after his comming thither he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude whereof he became culpable in the Conquerours dayes For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King that he could beare no rule and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might and conspired with the rest against his Nephew and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert counselling him to come over with an army in all hâ—ste to take the rule upon him which by his practise should easily be compassed Duke Robert thus animated pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold and therewith returned answer to the said Bishop that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England at a certaâ—ne â—ime appointed Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester and began to make sore warres against â—he Kings friends in Kent and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme And first on the West part of England Geoffrey Bishop of Constans with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland setting forth from Bristow tooke and sacked Bath and Beâ—kley with a great part of Wiltshire and brought the spoile to Bristow where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Counâ—ries abouâ— Leicester And Robert Mountgomery Earle of Shrewâ—bury with William Bishop of Durham and others wasted the Country with fire and sword killing and taking great numbers of people where they came Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City and burnt the Suburbs But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne encouraged the Citizens to resist who by his exhortation sallying out of the City when the enemies waxed negligent they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day Archbishop Lanfranke in the meanâ— time whilst the Realme was thus troubled by Odoes meanes on each side writeth to and admonisheth all the Kings friends to make themselves ready to defend their Prince And when they were assembled with their forces he counselled the King to march into the â—ield speedily with them to represse his enemies The King following his counsell commanding first all unjust Imposts Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should dâ—sire to ingratiate himseâ—fe with hâ—s Subjects marcheth with a mighty army into Kent where the sedition beganâ— takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle and afterward bâ—seigeth Bishop Odo in the Pemseyâ— which the Bâ—shop had strongly fortified Robert landing with a great Army in England during this siege Odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe and promised to cause the Castle of Rochesteâ— to be delivered but at his comming thiâ—her they within the City suffred him to enter and straightwayes laid him fast in Pâ—â—son Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent But the King besieging the City they within were glad â—o deliver iâ— up into his handâ— Thus lost Bâ—shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England and so returned into Norâ—andy where under Duke Robert he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him Anno Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn King Richard the first his Brother with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois made havocke in robbing and spoyling all aâ—ore him Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois a man more given to the Campe then to the Church had knowledge hereof thinking them to be a meeâ—e prize for him with Sir William de Merlow and his Sonne and a great number of other valiant men of warre came forth into the fields and encounâ—ring with the enemies fought very stoutly But yet in the end the Bishop the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken the residue slaine and chased After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Richard earely in the morning lying yet in his bed as those that were knowne to be his great enemies saying to him in French Rise Richard rise we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois and a good Quire man as we take it to answer him in the same note and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion The King seeing them smiled and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop for that he had ever found him his great adversary And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him sith he not regarding his calling practised to molest him with temporall weapons Whereupon he committed him to close Prison all armed as he was It chanced soone after that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained beseeching the King of License to attend upon their Master now in captivity unto whom as it is of some reported the King made this answer I am câ—ntent to make you Iudgeâ— in the cause betwixt me and your Master as for the evills which he hath either done or else gone about to doe unto me let the same be forgotten This is true that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land and delivered into the Emperours hands was in respect of my Kingly state used according thereunto very friendly and honorably till your Master comming thither for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth had long conference with the Emperour After which I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse
the King of France and after slew Thomas Becket and last of all thou forsakest the Protection of Christs Faith The King was mooved with these wordâ— and sayd unto the Patriarch Though all the men of the Land were one body and spake with one mouth they durst not speake â—o me such words No wonder said the Patriarch for they love thine and not thee That is to meane they love thy goods temporall and feare the losse of promotion but they love not thy soule And when he had so said he offered his head to the King saying Doe by me right as thou didst by Thomas Becket for I had rather be slaine of thee then of the Sarasens for thou art worse then any Sarasen and they follow a prey and not a man But the King kept his patience and said I may not wend out of my Land for my owne Sonnes will arise against me when I am absent No wonder said the Patriarch for of the devill they came and to the devill they shall and so departed from the King in great ire So rudely have Prelates dealt with the greatest Princes as thus both in words and deeds to revile and contemne them as if they were their slaves to be at their command though with the hazard of their lives Crownes and Kingdomes upon every humour I now passe on to the Scottish Prelates The Bishops of Scotlands acts in this kinde TO passe from Normandy to Scotland before I enter into a Relation of any of the Scotish Prelates actions I shall inform you what Holinshed writes of King Davids erection of Bishoprickes in Scotland and his endowing of them with large temporall possessions This Church in the originall plantation of the Gospell having beene governed onely by Presbyters and wanting Bishops for some hundred of yeares following herein the custome of the Primitive Church as Iohn Fordon Iohn Major Bishop Vsher and Spelman testifie David King of Scots erected foure Bishoprickes within this Realme Rosse Brochin Dunkeld and Dublaine indowing them with rich Rents faire Lands and sundry right commodious possessions Moreover he translated the Bishops See of Murthlake unto Aberden for sundry advised considerations augmenting it with certaine revenues as he thought expedient He was admonished as the report goeth in his sleepe that he should build an Abbey for a religious Order to live in together Whereupon he sent for workemen into France and Flanders and set them in hand to build this Abbey of Canons regular as he was admonished dedicating it in the honour of a Crosse whereunto he bare speciall devotion for that very strangely it slipped into his hands on a time as he was pursuing and following of a Hart in the Chase But enough of these Monkish devises Many prudent men blame greatly the unmeasurable liberality of King David which he used towards the Church in diminishing so hugely the revenues of the Crowne being the cause that many Noble Princes his Successors have come to their finall ends for that they have beene constrained through want of treasure to maintaine their royall estates to procure the fall of sundry great Houses to possesse their Lands and livings also to raise payments and exactions of the Common people to the utter impoverishment of the Realme And sometime they have beene constrained to invade England by warres as desperate men not caring what came of their lives Other whiles they have beene enforced to stampe naughty money to the great prejudice of the Common wealth All which mischiefes have followed since the time that the Church hath beene thus enriched and the Crowne impoverished Therefore King Iames the first when he came to King Davids Sepulcher at Dunfirmling he said that he was a sore Saint for the Crowne Meaning that he left the Church over-rich and the Crowne too poore For he tooke from the Crowne as Iohn Major writeth in his Chronicles 60000. pound Scotish of yearely revenues Wherewith he endowed those Abbyes But if King David had considered how to nourish true Religion he had neither endowed Churches with such riches nor built them with such royalty for the superfluous possessions of the Church as they are now used are not onely occasion to evill Prelates to live in most insolent pompe and corrupt life but an assured Net to draw gold and silver out of Realmes Thus Holinshed of the Bishops and Bishoprickes of Scotland in generall In a Convocation at Fairefax under King Gregory Anno 875. It was decreed by the Bishops of Scotland that Ordinaries and Bishops should have authority to order all men both publike and private yea Kings themselves as well for the keeping of Faith given as to constraine them to confirme the same and to punish such as should be found in the contrary This was a high straine of insolency and treachery against the Prerogative of the King and Nobles priviledges whom these Prelates endeavoured to enthrall to their Lordly pleasures and perchance it was in affront of King Davids Law who ordained Anno 860. but 15. yeares before that Priests should attend their Cures and not intermeddle with secular businesses or keepe Horses Haukes or Hounds A very good Law had it beene as well executed Anno 1294. the Scots conspiring together against their Soveraigne Lord and King Iohn Bailiol rose up in armes against him and inclosing him in a Castle they elected to themselves twelve Peeres after the manner of France whereof the foure first were Bishops by whose will and direction all the affaires of the Kingdome should be managed And this was done in despite to disgrace the King of England who set the said Iohn over them against their wils Whereupon the King of England brought an Army towards Scotland in Lent following to represse the rash arrogancy and presumption of the Scotsâ— against their owne Father and King and miserably wasted the Country over-running it quite and making both them and their King whom he tooke Prisoner to doe homage and sweare fealâ—y and give pledges to him as Walsingham reciâ—es more at large Among these Bishops it seemes that the Bishop of â—lascow was one of the chiefe opposites against the King of Scotland and England for Anno 1298. I finde this Bishop one of the chiefe Captaines of the Rebellious Scots and leading an Army in the field which being disbanded for feare of the English forces upon promise of pardon this Bishop Ne proditionis notam incurreret lest he should incurre the brand of treason rendred himselfe to Earle Warren sent into Scotland with an Army who committed him prisoner to the Castle of Rokâ—burrow for a Rebell where he was detained William of Neubery records Thaâ— David King of Scots was divinely chastised by one Wimundus an English man of obscure parents made Bishop of the Scottish Islands who waxing proud of his Bishopricke began to attempt great matters Not content with the dignity of his Episcopall Office he did now in
for sundry great offences by them committed Whereupon Gawin Dowglasse Bishop of Dunkeld hearing of this Proclamation though not named in it conscious to himselfe of great offences fled into England and remained aâ— London in the Savoy where he dyed Anno 1569. There was a great rebellion in the North by the Earles of Westmorland and Northumberland and others Murray then Regent of Scotland informed Queene Elizabeth that the Bishop of Rosse then in England was the Authour of that Rebellion whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of London to remaine his Prisoner As the Archbishops of Canterbury Primates of all England have beene the greatest Traytors and Incendiaries of all other our Prelates so have the Bishops and Archbishops of Saint Andrewes Primates of all Scotland beene the like in that Realme of which I shall give you a taste In the yeare of our Lord 1180. Richard Bishop of Saint Andrews deceasing there arose a great Schisme about the election of a new Bishop for the canons of the Church of S. Andrews elected Iohn Scot for their Bishop and William King of Scots made choyce of Hugh his Chaplaine and caused him to be consecrated by the Bishops of his Kingdome notwithstanding the said Iohns appeale to the Pope Whereupon Pope Alexander sent Alexis a sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome into Scotland to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two competitors Who after a long debate finding that the said Iohn was Canonically elected and that Hugh after the appeale to the Pope was violently intruded by the King into the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes immediately deposed him from his Bishopricke and by his authority imposed perpetuall silence on him confirmed the election of Iohn and caused him to be consecrated Bishop of Saint Andrewes by the Bishops of Scotland the King neither prohibiting nor contradicting it yea permitting it by the Counsell of the Bishops of his Realme But immediately after his consecration the King prohibited him to stay within his kingdome and Hugh carryed himselfe as Bishop no lesse than he did before his deprivation and taking with him the Episcopall Chaplet Staffe and Ring with other things he unlawfully detaining them and beginning his journey towards Rome departed And because he would not restore the things he carryed away Allexis excommunicated him interdicted his Bishopricke and the Pope confirmed that sentence Hereupon the Pope writes three Letters one to the Bishops Abbots and Prelates of all Scotland the Prior of Saint Andrewes and the Clergy and people of that Diocesse honourably to receive Iohn as their Bishop within 8 dayes after the receipt of this Letter and to submit unto him as their Bishop and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of Ecclesiasticall Justice and to endeavour to appease the Kings displeasure But if the King were averse or inclining to the Counsell of wicked men then they ought to obey God and the holy Church of Rome more than men otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which Hugh Bishop of Durham had pronounced against the contumacious and rebellious Another Letter to all the Bishops and Prelates of Scotland to denounce Hugh excommunicated and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate Person till he restored to Iohn the goods of the Church he had taken away and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroyed Moreover the Pope granted to Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke a power Legatine in Scotland and commanded him that he together wiâ—h Hugh Bishop of Durham should denounce a â—entence of excommunication against the King of Scotland and interdict his Kingdome unlesse he would permit the said Iohn to hold his Bishopricke in peace and give security to him to keepe the peace And the same Pope strictly commanded Iohn by vertue of his canonicall obedience that neither act of love nor feare oâ— any man nor through any mans suggestion or will he should rashly presume to relinquish the Church of Saint Andrewes to which he was consecrated and in which he was confirmed by Apostolicall authority nor presume to receive another Bishopricke adding that if he should attempt it he would take away both Bishopricks from him without exception After which Pope Alexander writ a Letter to King William himselfe enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof to give peace and security to the Bishop and to receive him unto his favour so that he ought not to doubt the Kings indignation Alioquin noveritis c. Else he should know that he had commanded Roger Archbishop of Yorke Legate of the Apostolicke See in Scotland to put his Kingdome under interdict and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale And that he should know for certaine that if he persisted in his violence as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty so he would thenceforth doe his endeavour Vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur that it should revert unto its Priestine subjection He meant I take it not to himselfe but to England But the King obeying in nothing his Apostolicall mandates expelled Iohn Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Matthew Bishop of Aberden his Uncle oâ—t of his kingdome Whereupon Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke Hugh Bishop of Durham and Alexis prosecuting the Popes command Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Kings person and a sentence of Interdict against his Kingdome And Iohn on the other side fulminated a sentence of excommunication against Richard de Mâ—rtue Constable of Scotland and other of the Kings familiars who disturbed the peace betweene the King and him And Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham likewise enjoyned the Prior of Saint Andrewes and all Ecclesiasticall persons within the Diocesse to come to Iohn their Bishop and yeeld due subjection to him else they would pronounce a sentence of suspention against them as contumacious and rebellious And when as certaine Ecclesiastickes of the Diocesse for feare of the said suspension came to the said Iohn the King cast them all out of his kingdome with their children and kindred and with their very sucking children yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their Mothers brests Whose miserable proscription and exile the foresaid Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham beholding Reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction Commanding all Bishops Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall persons firmely and unmoveably to observe the same and very warily to shunne the King himselfe as an excommunicate Person Not long after Roger of Yorke fell sicke and dyed which the King of Scotâ— hearing rejoyced exceedingly thereat And taking advise with the Bishops Earles and other wise men of his kingdome he sent Ioceline Bishop of Glascow Arnulfe Abbot of Melros and others to Pope Lucius to absolve him from the foresaid Excommunication and interdict and if they might by any meanes to procure Iohn to be deprived By whose solicitation the Pope released the Excommunication and interdict as appeares by his Letter
got him to Edenburgh and assisted with many Lords kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the Nobility of the Realme But as I gather peace being made betweene them he was againe made Chancellor After this in the yeare of Christ 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane who submitteth himselfe to the Governour Shortly following the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow the Abbey of Arbroth assigning to the Earle of Murrey a large pension out of the same which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour was in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May when the Governour went into France appointed amongst others to have the Rule of the Realme untill his returne Two yeares after which the Nobility being divided about the quarrell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor with other Noblemen of the Realme kept the Towne of Glascow but after that this Chancellour who would not come to Edenburgh the King of England and of France their Embassadors came to Sterling where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility But what can long continue in one stay or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes sith in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1â—20 the Noblemen â—ell againe to factions For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the North locke about the thirteenth day of Aprill But as the events of quarrels be doubtfull now up now downe so this Archbishop not long aâ—ter this disgrace recovered breath and in November following did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh where was a Parliament holden to summon the Earle of Angus to appeare but he refusing it was agreed that the Earle should passe into England there to remaine The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies Andrew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow was advanced to that See and â—urther made Abbot of Dumfermling Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parliament but he not possessing this honour any long time the Earle of Angus who had gotten the King into his usurped government and denyed the delivery of the King being sent for by this Bishop and the other Nobility sent to the Chancellor for the greaâ— Seale which was delivered to the Messengers upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same hastened the sentence of divorce sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus Whereof the Earle to revenge the same did with the King in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses so that they could not be heard of He spoyled the Abbey of Dumfermling and the Castle of Saint Andrewes taking away all that the Archbishop had Notwithstanding which the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene and the young King did in the yeare of Christ 1529 and in the sixteenth yeare oâ— James the fifth Christen James the Kingâ— Sonne boâ—ne at Saint Andrewes and not long after surrendred his Soule to God Anno 1542. Immediately after the death of James the fifâ—h of Scotland David Beton Cardinall and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance thâ—reof â—orged a Will of the late King departed in which amongst other things he established himselfe chiefe Regent The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharpâ— scourge espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him who by the helpe of his owne and â—heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and Authority and therewith was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility not to consent to the Governours desires and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene Which match of Prince Edward with Queene Mary of Scotland though concluded on by a Parliament in Scotland this Archâ—ishop Beton hindred fâ—aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders and reforme Religion as England had begun to doe Whereupon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland and a bloody Warâ—e King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side After this this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes with Warders about him to see him safely kept Anno 1â—44 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scotland he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Prelate and the Bishops of Scotland into the City of Glascow during whose abode there great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate and the Archbishop of Glascow who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour Which in the end came to this issue that both families fell together by the â—ares which of them should goe before with his Crosse borne upright For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Primate of the Kingdome did affirme that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present Which the servants of the Archbishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse and threw it to the ground Whereupon the Governour understanding the whole matter and that it was now come from words to swords made haste to appease the factious commotion and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh accompanyed with the Clergy and so appeased the controversie That done the Patriarch the Popes Legate comming to Rome procured the â—egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall which he long enjoyed not For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobility which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine who corrupting his Keepers whiles he was imprisoned in Saint Andrewes Castle he found meanes to escape thence and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of â—he King of England and wholly to become French At the Coronation the
punctuall and peremptory in all these Although the words of the tenth Canon Cap. 3. be faire yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Rosse may be seene in the poynt of justification of a sinner before God by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates and as it wes returned from Canterbury and Printed our Prelates say thus It is manifest that the superstition of former ages hath turned into a great prophanenesse and that people are growne cold for the most part in doing any good thinking there is no place to good workes because they are excluded from justification Therefore shall all Ministers as their Text giveth occasion urge the necessity of good workes as they would be saved and remember that they are Via Regni the way to the kingdome of Heaven though not causa regnandi howbeit they be not the cause of Salvation Here Rosse giveth his judgement That he would have this Canon simply commanding good workes to be â—reached and no mention made what place they have or have not in justification Upon this motion so agreeable to Canterburies mind the Canon is set downe as it standeth without the distinction of via regni or causa regnandi or any word sounding that way urging onely the necessiâ—y of good workes 7. By comparing Can. 9. Cap. 18. As it was sent in writing from our Prelates and as it is Printed at Canterburies command may be also manifest that he went about to establish auricular confession and Popish absolution 8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for afflicting of arbitrary penalties But in Canterburies Booke wheresoever there is no penalty expresly set downe it is provided that it shall be arbitrary as the Ordinary shall thinke fâ—ttest By these and many other the like it is apparent what tyrannicall power he went about to establish in the hands of our Prelates over the worship and the soules and goods of men overturning from the foundation the whole order of our Kirke what seeds of Poperie he did sow in our Kirke and how large an entry he did make for the grossest novations afterward which hath beene a maine cause of all their combustion The third and great novation wes the Booke of Common Prayer Administration of the Sacraments and other parts of Divine Service brought in without warrant from our Kirke to be universally received as the onely forme of divine Service under all highest paines both civill and Ecclesiasticall which is found by our nationall assembly besides the Popish frame formes in divine worship to containe many Popish errors ceremonies and â—he seeds of manifold and grosse superstitions and idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine Discipline and order of our Reformation to the confession of Faith constitutions of generall Assemblies and Acts of Parliament establishing the true Religion that this also wes Canterburies worke we make manifest By the memoirs and instructions sent unto him from our Prelates wherein they gave a speciall account of the diligence they had used to doe all which herein they were enjoyned by thâ— approbation of the Service Booke sent to them and of all the marginall corrections wherein it varyeth from the English Booke shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it which notwithstanding wes not granted This we finde written by Saint Androis owne hand and subscribed by him and nine other of our Prelates By Canterburies owne Letters witnesses of his joy when the Booke wes ready for the presse of his prayers that God would speed the worke of the hope to see that service set up in Scotland of his diligence to send for the Printer and diâ—ecting him to prepare a blacke letter and to send it to his servants aâ— Edenburgh for Printing this booke Of his approbation of his proofes sent from the Presse Of his feare of delay in bringing the worke speedily to an end for the great good not of that Church but of the Church Of his encouraging Rosse who wes entrusted with the Presse to goe on in this peece of Service without feare of enemies All which may be seene in the Autographs and by Letters sent from the Prelate of London to Rosse wherein as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons which although they should make some noyse at the beginning yet they would be more for the good of the Kirke than the Canons of Edenburgh for the good of the Kingdome So concerning the Leiturgy he sheweth that Rosse had sent to him to have an explanation from Canterbury of some passage of the Service Booke and that the Presse behoved to stand till the explanation come to Edenburgh which theâ—efore he had in haste obtained from his Grace and sent the dispatch away by Canterburies owne conveyance But the Booke it selfe as it standeth interlined margined and patcht up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the changeâ— and supplements themselves taken from the Masse Booke and other Romish Ritualls by which he maketh it to vary from the Booke of England are more pregnant testimonies of his Popish spirit and wicked intenâ—ions which he would have put in execution upon us then can be denyed The large declaration professeth that all the variation of our Booke from the Booke of England that ever the King understood wes in such things as the Scottish humour would better comply with than with that which stood in the English service These Popish innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the Kings knowledge and against his purpose Our Scottish Prelates doe petition that something may be abated of the English ceremonies as the Crosse in Baptisme the Ring in marriage and some other things But Canterbury will not onely have these kept but a great many more and worse superadded which wes nothing else but the adding of â—ewell to the fire To expresse and discover all would require a whole booke we sall onely touch some few in the matter of the Communion This Booke inverteth the order of the Communion in the Booke of England as may be seene by the numbers setting downe the orders of this new Communion 1.5.2.6.7.3.4.8.9.10.15 Of the divers secret reasons of this change we mention one onely In joyning the spirituall praise and thanksgiving which is in the Booke of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the name of Memoriall or Oblation for no other end but that the memoriall and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning Bellar. de Missa lib. 2. cap. 21. Not of the spirituall sacrifice but of the oblation of the body of the Lord. It seemeth to be no great matter that without warrand of the Booke of England the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table shall stand during the time of consecration at such a part of the Table where he may with the more ease and decency use
judiciall manner against Law and have perpetrated practised and done many other trayterous and unlawfull acts and things whereby as well divers mutinies seditions and rebellions have beene raised as also many thousands of his Majesties Liege people of this Kingdome have beene ruined in their goods Lands Liberties and Lives and many of them being of good quality and reputation have beene utterly defamed by Pillory mutilation of members and other infamous punishments By meanes whereof his Majesty and the Kingdome have beene deprived of their service in Juries and other publique imployments and the generall trade and traffique of this Island for the most part destroyed and his Majesty highly damnified in his customes and other Revenues That they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. and every of them the better to preserve themselves and the sayd Earle of Strafford in these and other trayterous courses have laboured to subvort the rights of Parliament and the ancient course of Parliamentary proceedings all which offences were contrived committed perpetrated and done at such time as the sayd Sir Richard Bolton Sir Gerard Lowther and Sir George Radcliffe Knights were Privie Counsellours of State within this Kingdome and against their and every of their Oathes of the same at such times as the sayd Sir Richard Bolton Knight was Lord Chancellour of Ireland or chiefe Baron of his Majesties Exchequer within this kingdome and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight was Lord chiefe Justice of the sayd Court of Common Pleas and against their Oathes of the same and at â—uch time as the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry was actuall Bishop of Derry within this Kingdome and were done and speciated contrary to their and every of their allegiance severall and respective Oathes taken in that behalfe For which the sayd Knights Citizens and Burgesses doe impeach â—he saâ—d Iohn Lord Bishop of Derâ—y c. and every of them of high Treason againâ—t our Soveraigne Lord the King his Crowne and dignityâ— What proceedings will insue upon this accusation against this Prelaâ—e time will discover Not to mention â—he lewd beastly Sodomiticall life and most detestable Actions of Aderton Bishop of Waâ—eâ—fordâ—n â—n Ireland for which he was lately aâ—â—aigned condemned and hanged as a Bishop without any preceding degradation to the great dishonour of his Rochet I shall close up this Historicall Epitome of the Irish Bishops with a Petition and Remonstrance of many thousand Protestanâ— Inhabitants in severall Counties of Ireland against Episcopacy presented lately to the High Court of Parliament here in England wheâ—ein the evill â—ruites and seditious oppressive ungodly practises of the present Irish Prelates are fully anatomized To the Honourable Assembly of Knights Citizens and Burgesses in this present Parliament The Humble Petition of some of the Protestant Inhabitants of the Counties of Antrim Downe Tyrone c. part of the Province of Ulster in the Kingdome of Ireland Humbly REpresenteth unto your grave Wisedomes and judicious considerations That your Petitioners having translated themselves out of the severall parts of his Majesties Kingdomes of England and Scotland to promote the Infant Plantation of Ireland wherein your Petitioners by their great labour and industry so much contributed to the settlement of that Kingdome as they were in a most hopefull way of a comfortable abode and when they expected to reape the â—â—uite of their great and long labour partly by the cruell severity and aâ—bitâ—ary proceedings of the Civill Magistrate but principally through thâ—â—nblest way of the Prelacy with their faction ouâ— Soules are starved our estates undone out familâ—es impoverished and many lives among us cut off and destroâ—ed Tâ—e Prelates whose pretended Authority though by some pubâ—â—shed to be by divinâ— Right as we humbly conceive is directly against the same have by their Canons of late their Fines Fees and imprisonments at their pleasure their silencing suspending banishing and excommunicating of our learned and conscionable Ministers their obtruding upon us ignorant erronious and prophane persons to be our teachers their censuring of many hundreds even to excommunication for matters acknowledged by all to be indifferent and not necessary their favouring Popery in this Kingdome a double â—ault their persecuting purity and indeavouring to bring all to a livelesse formality divers of them being notorious incendiaries of the unquietnesse and unsetled estate betweene these Kingdomes with many the like too tedious to relate as more fully in our ensuing grievances doth appeare These our cruell Taske-masters have made of us who were once a people to become as it were no people an astonishment to our selves the object of piety and amazement to others and hopelesse of remedy unlesse hee with whom are bowels of compassion worke in you an heart to interpose for your Petitioners reliefe They therefore most humbly pray that this unlawfull Hierarchicall government with all their appendices may be utterly extirpated such course layd downe as to your great wisedomes shall â—eeme meete for reparation in some measure of our un-utterable dammages â—ustained by the parties thus injuriously grieved your Petitioners setled in a way whereby their persecuted Ministers may have leave to returne from exile and be freed from the unjust censures imposed on them â—â—d an open doore continued unto us for provision of a powerfull and able ministry the onely best way to promote Plantation and settle the Kingdome in the profession and practise of true Religion Which as it is the earnest expectation so it shall be the dayly prayer of many thousands besides your Petitioners who will ever entâ—eate the Lord for your direction herein and in all other your waighty and important affaires as becommeth your poore Petitioners c. A Particular of manifold evills and heavie pressures caused and occasioned by the Prelacy and their dependants BEfore they had so much as a pretended Canon for their warrant the Prelates urged their Ceremonies with such vehemency that divers of our most learned and painefull Ministers for not obeying them were sâ—lenced and many of us for the like oppressed in their Courts In the yeare â—634 they made such Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall as enjoyned many corruptions in the worship of God and government of the Church which exceedingly retarded the worke of reformation animated Papists and made way for divers Popish Superstitions Our most painefull godly and learned Ministers were by the Bishops and their Commissaries silenced and deprived for not subscribing and conforming to the sayd unlawâ—ull Canons yea through the hotnesse of their persecution â—orced to flee the Land and afterward excommunicated to the danger of all and losse of some of their lives In their places others were obtruded not onely ignorant lazie and lukewarme but many of them unsound in doctrine prophane in life and cruell in persecution Many though sufficiently furnished were not admitted to the Ministry onely for not swallowing downe their groundlesse Innovations yea some though conforme yet for appearing strict in Life were likewise kept out Good and painefull
Prelates calling not to be divine and thereupon induced me to search into the bottome of it as farre as my poore abilities and leasure would permit till I found it to be so iâ—deed was the pravity of their actions and enormities of their lives In which if I have erred it is in following my Saviours infallible rule Matth. 7.15 to 20. Beware of false Prophets which come to you in sheeps cloathing but inwardly they are ravening wolves ye shall know them by their â—ruits A good tree cannot bring forth evill fruit neither can a corrupt trâ—e bring forth good fruit wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them Fifthly That it can neither be safe for King nor State to tolerate Lordly Prelates or to admit them to manage the chiefe Offices Councels and affaires of the Kingdome to which thâ—ir consultations and imployments for the most part have â—vâ—r proved pernicious as ancient and present experience abundantly testifie And that the readiest way to provide for our Kingdoms and Churches future security and tranquillity will be utterly to suppresse and remove them from all such offices and consultations Sixthly That those who have beene so perfidious and rebellious to our Kings and Kingdome will hardly prove faithfull and trusty in matters of Religion in which they have extraordinarily prevaricated in all ages and not a little of late yeares as is too manifest by sundry evidences and complaints in Parliament And here give me leave to recommend â—nâ— serious consideration to you how dangerous it is to intrust our Religion in the Prelates hands grounded upon these words of our famous Occham Who writing against the Popâ—s Monarchy alleadgeth this reason among others against it that there is greater danger of poysoning â—he people and whole Church by one supreame head then by many We know all the Bishops of England are to be consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being and are subject to him as Primate and Metropolitan of all Eâ—gland taking an Oath of Canonicall obedience to him so as they all in a manner depend on him Againe we know that no Minister can be ordained or admitted to Preach or instituted to any living as an Incumbent or Curate but by these Bishops who take upon them to visitâ— silence and suspend them at their pleasure yea and to dispose of most Patrons benefices to whom they please as we see by late wofull experience Suppose then which I trust shall never happen that any to whom the Crowne of England shall descend should be ill affected to our Religion if he should make choice of such an Archbishop and he of other inferiour Prelates sutable to his disaffectiâ—on who must ordaine all other Bishops Ministers and may suspend and silence them or deny to admit those that are Orthodox at his pleasure how easily might our Church and Religion by one over-potent Arch-bishop or Prelate backed by his Soveraigne be undermined suppressed and eradicated in a short space Whereas if this jurisdiction were devested from the Bishops which are but 26. and depend on one Arch-Prelate and setled in the Ministers which are many and more independent on the Prince then they our Religion would be farre more secure and the Ministers and people lesse subject to be infected with Romish Innovations which one Archbishop of Canterbury is now able sodainly to poyson our Church and people with Seventhly That these Bishops were the chiefe instruments to introduce advance and support the Popes Antichristian authority usurped jurisdiction and erronious doctrines among us and to revive them again when diminished or extinguished the Pope and popery still raigning among us till the Prelates attainted by King Henry the eight in a Praemunire were inforced sore against their wils to renounce the Popes authority to acknowledg him the supreame head on earth of our English Church and by speciall Letters patents and Acts of Parliament to confesse all their Episcopall jurisdiction to be derived not from God or the Pope but ONELY from by and under him their Soveraigne And I dare further averre for ratification of this Conclusion that the Prelates of Italy Germany France Spaine Hungary and Poland are the maine pillars which support the Popes Monarchy false Doctrines Ceremonies and Superstitions in those Countries and Kingdomes which would soone turne Protestants were but the Bishops suppressed and their great temporall revenues taken away the enjoyment of which Antichristian dignities and possessions engageth them to maintaine and uphold the Pope and popery against their consciences The truth of which will appeare by most of the transmarine reformed Churches who could never utterly abandon the Pope with his Doctrines and superstitions till they had extirpated their Lordly Bishops â— That as long as our Lordly Prelates continue there will not onely be a possibility but a probability of bringing in popery and the Pope againe among us since their Lordly Hierarchy is supported onely by popish Doctrines Canons Ceremonies and Principles which they are engaged to maintaine to preserve their tottering thrones from ruine How farre the Pope his Doctrines and Superstitions had of late in a little time serued themselves into our Church almost to the utter ruine of our Religion and of the Ministers and professors of it persecuted and driven out into forraine Countryes and that onely by the Bishops and their instruments machinations is so well knowne to all and so abundantly discovered to and by this present Parliament that I need not relate itâ— Onely this I dare say that if ever they get head and life among us againe as they did in Queene Maries dayes and that principally by the Prelates meanes it will be by our Lordly Bishops activity who if once totally suppressed both Pope and papists would utterly despaire of ever reducing England to their vassallage Eighthly That Bishops have done a world of mischiefe to our Kings and Kingdomes as appeares by all the premises but little or no good that I can read off And as for the diligent preaching of Gods word and publishing Christs true Religion the chiefe and almost onely duty of Bishops from Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury and first introducer of the Popes authority errours and superstitions among usâ— till Cranmers time which is above 800 yeares I thinke there was not one Archbishop guilty of it The like I may say of other Seas and I presume I may justifie that some two poor Country Curats or Lecturers in our dayes have converted more soules to God by their diligent zealous preaching then all the Archbâ—shops of Canterbury put together most of whom I read to have been Rebels Traytors State-officers persecutors of Religion but very few of them soule-converting Preachers Why then should â—hese Popes of another World as the Pope of Rome once stiled them be still tolerated when they have done so much mischiefe and so little good to our State and Church Ninthly That the endowing of the Prelates with great Temporall
the cause that they do not execute this their office Other becaâ—se they cannot or because they have so much worldly businesse that they will not apply â—hemselves to performe both Or else they be afraid to speâ—ke the truth lest they should displease men whom Paul reproveth saying If I should please men I should not be the servant of Christ. Also the Prophet saith God breaketh the bones of them which study to please menâ— they be confounded because the Lord 〈◊〉 thâ—m Our Bishops love so well their great dominionsâ— whereby they maintaine their Lordly honour thâ—t they will â—ot displeâ—se men with preâ—ching the â—ruth lest they should â—hâ—n loose their great poâ—â—essions and consequently their Lordly glory But surely as long as they possesse their great Dominions so long they will continue and maintaine their pride And so long as they continue in pride so long they shall not receive the holy Ghost which shall reach them to speake the truth For upon whom shall my spirit rest saith the Prophet Esay but upon the mâ—â—ke and lowly and upon him which feareth my sayings Also the Prophet saith God resâ—steth the proud and unto the mâ—â—ke and lowly hâ—e givâ—th â—is grace Wherefore so long as the Bishops contiâ—â—e in this worldly wealth and honour so long will they 〈◊〉 their duâ—y and office but raâ—her persâ—cute the word of Goâ— which declareth and sheweth what is their office â—nd their duty And so long as they do not eâ—ercise their offâ—â—e â—nd vocâ—â—ion but â—o peâ—secuâ—e â—he Word and such as sincâ—â—ely pâ—each the same so long shall sinne incrâ—ase For if the eye be wicked all the body shall be â—ull of darknesse For even as at such time when the Bishop of Rome was first endowed with great possessions a voice was heard saying Now venome and poyson is cast and shed forth into the Church of God In like wise no doubt most godly Governour semblable voyce and saying may be verified in and upon all the Church of England sith your Bishops were endowed with so great possessions and Lordly Dominions No doubt gracious Lord so long as great Lordly Dominions worldly honours and wealth be annexed and knit to the vocation and offices of Bishops and other pastours these mischiefes and inconveniences shall ever ensue and follow First the most proud and ambitious the most covetous and wicked which other by mony friendships or flattery can obtaine the benefice will labour with all studie and policie to get the benefice onely for the worldly honour and not for the zeale and love which he should have to instruct and teach the people committed to his cure and charge And for the Profit which belongeth and appertaineth to the same benefice they will dissemble humility and despection of all worldly profits and pleasures so colourably and subtilly that it shall be very hard for your Majesty or any other having authority to give benefices to perceive them And when they have obtained the benefice then every Christian man shall well perceive that he hath not entred in by the doore that is for the zeale and love to do and execute the office but hath climed up and ascended by another way that is for the lucre and honour annexed to the office And then certainly whosoever ascendeth and entereth in by another way cannot be but a theefe by day and by night whose study and labour must be to steale kill and destroy as Christ whose words must ever be true saith The theefe commeth not but to steale to kill and to destroy So that so long as so much worldly profit and honour belongeth to the benefice so long will hee that for want and lacke of learning cannot doe the office and also the most covetous and proud will labour to have thâ—â—â—fice whereby the people committed to his cure shall not onâ—â— be untaught and not learned in Gods Word but also all they which can preach and teach Gods Word and love the same by such a worldly wolfe shall be extremely persecnted and tormented For hee cannot but steale kill and destroy and utterly abhorre and hate the godly as Christ saith If you were of the world the world would love his owne But because you be not of the world but I have chosen you from the world therefore the world doth hate you No doubt a man shall much rather upon thornes gather grapes and upon brambles and bryers gather figges than of such greedy theeves to have any Christian religion either set forth preached or stablished Wherefore most redoubted Prince seeing that their great possessions riches wordly offices cures and businesse be the impediment and let that they do not execute their vocation and office which is so godly profitable necessary for this your Commonwealth You being our Soveraigne Lord and King whom God hath called to governe this your Realme and to redresse the enormities and abuses of the same by all justice and equity are bounden to take away from Bishops and other spirituall shepheards such superfluity of possessions and riches and other secular cures businesse and worldly offices which be the cause of much sinne in them and no lesse occasion whereby they be letted to execute their office to the great losse and hindrance of much faith vertue and goodnesse which might be administred to your subjects through the true preaching of Gods Word And that done then circumspectly to take heed that none be admitted to be Pastours but such as can preach and have preached sincerely Gods Word And all such as will not to remove them from their cures This godly order observed in the election of spirituall Pastours the pestilent poyson removed and taken away from their vocation faith shall increase and sinne shall decrease true obedience shall be observed with all humility to your Majesty and to the higher powers by your grace appointed in office civill quietnesse rest and peace shall be established God shall be feared honoured and loved which is the effect of all Christian living O Lord save our most Soveraigne Lord King Henry the eight and grant that hee may once throughly feele and perceive what miserable calamity sorrow and wretchednesse we suffer now in these dayes abroad in the Country by these unlearned Popish and most cruell tyrants even the very enemies of Christs Crosse whose paine shall be without end when wee shall live in joy for ever Grant yet once againe I say good Lord and most mercifull Father through thy Sonne Jesus Christ that when his Grace shall know and perceive by thy gift and goodnesse their most detestable wayes in misusing thy heritage that hee will earnestly go about to see a redresse among them and to the penitent and contrite in heart to shew his accustomed goodnesse and to the other his justice according to Saint Pauls Doctrine and his Graces Lawes And most dread Soveraigne with all humility and humblenesse of heart I beseech your grace according to your accustomed goodnesse
day f. 284. But it is a thing to be lamented that the Prelates and other spirituall persons will not attend upon their Offices they will not be amongst their flockes but rather will run hither and thither here and there where they are not called and in the meane season leave them at adventure of whom they take their living yea and furthermore some will rather be Clerkes of Kitchins or take other offices upon them besides that which they have already but with what conscience these same doe so I cannot tell I feare they shall not be able to make answeâ—e at the last day for their follies as concerning that matter for this office is such a heavie and mighty office that it requireth a whole man yea and let every Curate or Parson keepe his Cure to wâ—ich God hath appointed him and let him doe the â—est that he can yet I tell you he cannot chuse but the Devill will have some for he sleepeth not he goeth about day night to seek whom he may devoure Therforâ— it is neede for every Godly Minister to abide by his sheepe seeing that the Wolfe is so neere and to keepe them and witâ—stand the Wolfe Indeed there be some ministers here in England which doe no good at al and therefore it were better for them to leave their benefices and give roome unto others Finally in his Sermon Preached before the Convocation Iune 9. in the 28. of Henry 8. he thus speaketh to the Clergie of England and Lordly Prelates touching the utilitie of their Councels and assemblies for the Churches good The end of your Convocation shall shew what ye have done the fruite that shall come of your consultation shal shew what generation ye be of For what have ye done hitherto I pray you these 7. yeares more What have ye engendred What have yee brought â—orth What fruite is come of your long and great assembly what one thing that the people of England hath beene the better of an haire Or you your selves either accepted before God or better discharged toward the people committed unto your cure Or that the people is better learned and taught now then they were in time past to whether of these ought we to attribute it to your industry or to the providence of God and the foreseeing of the Kings Grace Ought we to thanke you or the Kings highnesse whether stirred other first you the King that ye might preach or he you by his Letters that ye should preach oftner Is it unknowne thinke you how both ye and your Curates were in manner by violence enforced to let bookes to be made not by you but by prophane and lay persons to let them I say be sold abroad and read for the instruction of the people I am bold with you but I speake Latine and not English to the Clergie noâ— to the Laity I speake to you being preâ—ent and not behind your backes God is my witnesse I speake whatsoever is spoken of the good will that I beare you God is my witnesse which knoweth my heart and compelleâ—h me to say that I say Now I pray you in God his name what did you so great Fathers so many so long a season so oft assembled together what went you about what would ye have brought to passe two things taken away the one that ye which I heard burned a dead man the other that ye which I leâ—t went about to burne one being alive Him because he did I cannot tell how in his Testament withstand your profit in other points as I have heard a very good man reported to â—e of an honest life while he lived full of good workes both good to the Clergie and also to the Laity this other which truely never hurt any of you ye would have â—aked in the Coales because he would not subsâ—ribe to cerâ—aine Articles that tooke away the Supremacie of the King Take away these two Noble Acts and there is nothing else left that ye went about that I know saving that I now remember that somewhat ye attempted against Erasmus albeit as yet nothing is come to light Ye have oft sit in consultation but what have ye done ye have had many things in deliberation but what one put forth whereby either Christ is more glorified or else Christs people made more holy I appeale to your owne conscience How chanceth this How came this thus Because there were no Children of light no Children of God among you which setting the world at nought would studie to illustrate the glory of God and thereby shew themselves Children of light So this godly Martyr who hath sundry such like passage in his Sermons In the Conference Anno. 1555. betweene our Religious Martyr Iohn Bradford and Doctor Harpesfield Arch Deacon of London Master Bradford complaines that the Pillars of the Church were persecuters of the Church and tells him you shall noâ—â—â—nde in all the Scripture this your essentiall part of succession of Bishops whereupon Harpesfield sayd Tell me were not the Apostles Bishops To which Bradford replyed No except you will make a new definition of a Bishop that is give him no certaine place Harpesfield Indeede the Apostles Office was not the Bishops office for it was universall but yet Christ instituted Bishops in his Church as Paul saith he hath given Pastors Prophets c. So that I trow it be proved by the Scriptures the succession of Bishops to be an essentiall point Brad. The Ministry of Gods Word and Ministers be an essentiall point But to translate this to the Bishops and their succession is a plaine subtilty And therefore that it may be plaine I will aske you a question Tell me WHETHER THAT THE SCRIPTVRE KNEW ANY DIFFERENCE BETWEENE BISHOPS AND MINISTERS which ye called Priests Harps No. So that by the joynt confession of Papists and Protestants in Queene Maries time Bishops and Ministers by the Scripture are both one Brad. Well then goe on forwards and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of Bishops that is of Ministers which can be understood of such Bishops as minister not but Lord it Lord Bishops than are none of Christs institution nor of the Apostles succession Master Fox his Acts and Monuments of our Martyrs Lond. 1610. p. 1796. I finde this Dialogue betweene Dr. Iohn Baker Collins his Chaplaine and Edmund Allin a Martyr Baker I heard say that you spake against Priests and Bishops Allin I speake for them for now they have so much living and especially Bishops Arch-deacons and Deanes that they neither can nor will teach Gods Word If they had a hundred pounds a peece then would they apply their study now they cannot for other affaires Collins who will then set his children to schoole Allin Where there is now one set to schoole for that end there would be 40. because that one Bishops living divided into 30. or 40 parts would finde so many as well learned men
from his legall tryall in open Court and to send him away uncondemned unlesse he likewise conspired with Queene Izabel against King Richard the second That I may in the interim omit the furies and bitter concertations of others with their Princes So he Wil. Alley Bishop of Exeter in his poore mans library par 1. Miscellanea Praelect 3. p. 95.96 Printed Cum Privilegio Iames Pilkington Bishop of Durham in his Treatise of burning of the Pauls Church and in his exposition on Agge ch 1. v. 1 2.3.4.9â—12.13 c. 2. v. 1.2.3.4.9.10 and on Abdyas v. 7.8 and Mr. Alexander Nowel Deane of Pauls in his Reproofe of Dormans proofe London 1565. f 43.44.45 Conclude that Bishops and Presbyters by Gods Word are one and the same citing S. Hieromes words on Titus 1. and to Euagrius and declaime much against the Pompe wealth and secular imployments of Bishops their words for brevity I shall pretermit Mr. Elmer afterwards Bishop of London in his Harborow for faithfull subjects Printed at Strasborough writes thus against Bishops Civill Authority Lordlinesse and wealth Christ saith Luke 12. Who made me a Iudge betweene you as though hee would say it belongeth not to my Office to determine matters of Policy and inheritance that belongeth to the Civill Magistrate If he had thought it had beene within the Compasse of his function why and with what Conscience refused he to set them at one who were at strife and to put that out of doubt which was in suite If he might doe it and would not he lacked Charity and did not his duety If it belonged not to him how belongeth it to any of his Disciples or Successours had he not as large a Commission as he gave or could he give that he had not But he knowing his Office as the Prophet Esay had foretold to preach the Gospell would doe nothing without warrant And therefore being asked if he were a King answered simply and by a plaine negative My Kingdome is not of this world If his Kingdome was not here neither the ordering of Policies yea when they would have taken him up to have made him a King as one that refused that belonged not to him he conveyed himselfe from among them If imperiall jurisdiction belonged to him why refused he his calling If it did not where had Paul Peter or any other any authority to meddle with that which he refused seeing he saith As my Father sent me so send I you In another place Christ knowing the bounds of his calling would not meddle with externe policy Hence Bishops me thinkes by his example should not give themselves too much the bridle and too large a scope to meddle too farre with matters of policy If these two Offices I meane Ecclesiasticall and Civill be so jumbled in both functions there can be no quiet or well ordered Common-wealth Christ saith to his Disciples Princes of the Nations doe beare rule like Lords it shall not be so with you It falleth not into an Apostles or Church-mans Office to meddle with such matters For none going to warre intangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life it is enough for them to attend upon one Office to attend as sole Priests nor as errant Bayliffes And elsewhere in that Booke he proceeds thus Come off ye Bishops away with your superfluities yeeld up your thousands be content with hundreds as they be in other reformed Churches where there be as great learned men as you are LET YOUR PORTION BE PRIEST-LIKE NOT PRINCE-LIKE Let the Queene have the rest of your temporalties to maintaine warres and to build Schooles throughout the Realme that every Parish Church may have its Preacher every City her superintendent to live not pompously which will never be unlesse your Lands be disposed and bestowed upon many which now feede and fat but one Remember that Abimelech when David in his banishment would have dined with him kept such Hospitality that he had no bread to give him but the Shew-bread Where was all his Superfluity to keepe your pretended hospitality for that is the cause that you alleadge you must have thousand thousands as though you were commanded to keepe Hospitality rather with a thousand than with an hundred Remember the Apostles were so poore that when the lame man who lay at the Temple gate called beautifulâ— asked an Almes of Peter and Iohn as they went about to goe into the Temple Peter answered him in this manner Silver and gold have I none and Paul was so far from having Lordships that his owne hands ministred oft times to his necessities If the Apostles of our Saviour had so small possessions and revenues why should our Prelats who boast themselves to be their proper Successours enjoy or covet so great when as Paul enjoynes them if they have but food and rayment therewith to be content godlinesse alone with contentment being great gaine and a sufficient portion Nicholas Bullingham after Bishop of Lincolne in his Printed Letter to Master Bull Decemb. 5. 1564. writes thus from Embden where he arrived after many stormes Would God Master Bull that all the Prelates of England had beene with me when we fell to cutting of Cables riding at Anchor in the raging Seas There would have beene tearing of square Caps renting of Rotchets defying of Bishoprickes despising of pompe promising of new life crying for mercy O what a Tragedy would there have beene Well well though now they walke dry shod in their Palaces there is a God that will try them and all his people by fire or by water unlesse we heartily repent Grace to repent grant us O Lord without delay Amen Amen Iohn Bridges Deane of Salisbury afterwards Bishop of Oxford and a great stickler for Episcopacy in his Booke entituled The Supremacy of Christian Princes â—ver all persons throughout their Dominions in all cases so well Ecclesiasticall at Temporall Printed at London 1573. p. 359. to 364â— writes thus of the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters and of clearing Aeriaus from Heresie in this pointâ— First that Aerius said there was no difference betweene a Priest Bishop and ye aske Mr. Stapleton how say we to him Whatsoever we say to him we have first to say to you that saving the reverence of your Priesthood there is no difference betweene you and a lyer to object Aerius herein to us whereas ye know well enough our Church doth acknowledge in the ministry a differenâ—e of Deacon and Elder from a Bishop although not according to your Popish Orders For as neither Epiphanius nor yet Augustine quoted by you speaketh there of any sacrificing Priest so he never knew any such Pontificall Prelates as your Popish Church breedeth and yet of those that were even then in Epiphanius time and of their difference from the Elders or Priests if yee know not how it came Hierome that lived in the same age will tell you or if ye have not
strike And so in this place with most manifest words Christ declaâ—eth that hee came not for this purpose to take upon him the office of a Magistrate but rather that hee might raigne in our hearts so that it might be our hap to come to the â—ternall goods whatsoever happened of our temporall goods Therefore when hee was interrupted of a certaine Jew that hee would helpe him in recovering his inheritance hee answered Man who hath made mee a judge or divider over you As though he should say hath not this world Judges that may decide so base controversies it is not appointed unto mee that this or that man should waxe rich by inheritance but that all men should come to the inheritance of life immortall But in these words Christ would be token many things to wit that he which hath an Apostolicall office ought not to be wrapped with prophane and filthy affaires for so the Apostle saith otherwhere No man going warfare under God entangleth himselfe with worldly businesse And the Apostles say all at once It is not meete for us to leave the Word of God and attend on the Tables Christ also by this reproving would declare that this doctrine taketh not away the Magistrates offices but rather confirmeth them Whereupon hee saith also elsewhere Render to Cesar that that is Cesars And when his Disciples strived for preheminencie he said The Kings of the Nations governe them and so forth Whereby he declared that neither hee himselfe nor his ought as they call them to be secular Judges neither did hee by this refusing abolish the order of the Magistrate but much more as we have said confirme it Thus farre your owne Doctor Hofmeister against you that the intent of Christ refusing to be a Judge herein was chiefely against such usurpation of worldly Magistracie as the Pope and his Prelates too exercise Pag. 1095. he concludes that a Bishop may in some cases lawfully excommunicate a wicked Prince But who denieth this M. Sanders that a godly Bishop may upon great and urgent occasion if it shall be necessary to edifie Gods Church and there be no other remedy to flee to this last censure of excommunication against a wicked King The Bishops need not therefore calumniate Presbyteries upon pretence that they hold it lawfull to excommunicate Kings since they themselves averre that Bishops may lawfully doe it and de facto have sundry times put it in practise both at home and abroad So Bishop Bridges Our laborious Historian M. Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monuments highly applauded by the whole Convocation in their Canons 1571. and enjoyned to be had in every Cathedrall and Collegiate Church and in every Archbishops Bishops Deanes Arch-Deacons and Canons residentiaries house for their servants and strangers to read in doth every where discoâ—er condemne the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Warres Wealth pride calling and secular imployments of our Bishops of which hee writes thus in particular p. 1381. This hath bin one great abuse in England these many yeares that such offices as beene of most importance and weight have commonly beene committed to Bishops and other spirituall men whereby three devilliâ—h mischiefes and inconveniences have hapned in this Realme to the great dishonour of God and utter neglecting of the flocke of Christ the which three be these First they have had small leasure to attend to their pastorall cures which hereby have beene utterly neglected and left undone Secondly it hath also puft up many Bishops and other spirituall persons into such haughtinesse and pride that they have thought no Noble man of the Realme worthy to be their equall or fellow Thirdly where they by this meanes knew the very secrets of Princes they being in such high offices have caused the same to be knowne in Rome afore the King could accomplish and bring his intents to passe in England By â—his meanes hath the Papacy bâ—ene so maintained and things ordered after theiâ— wills and pleasures that much mischiefe haâ—h happened in this Realme and others sometimes to the destruction of Princes and sometimes to the utter undoing of many Common-wealths So he Who page 216.358.359.360.414.430.432.434.439.517 518.599.625.961.972.1009.1016.1463.1856 of the said Acts and Monuments London 1610. writes often in the magent That Bishops and Presbyters are all one and the same and that there was no difference betweene them in the Primitive times which was the common received opinion of our Martyrs yea of our learned D. Humfrey Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford Puritanopap Confut. ad Rat. 3. p. 262.265 and of D. William Fulke against Bristow Motive 40. against Gregory Martyn p 172. and confuration of the Rhemish Testament Notes on Titus 1. sect 2. and on Philip. I. sect 1. Iohn Iuell the incomparable Bishop of Salisbury in his defence of the Apology of the Church of England Part. 2. cap. 3. disp 5. p. 98 99 100 101. writes thus of the equality of Bishops and Ministers Saint Ierome saith All Bishops wheresoever they be be they at Rome be they at Eugubiuâ— be they at Constantinople be they at Rhegium be all of like preheminence and of like Priesthood And as Cyprian saith There is but one Bishopricke and a peece thereof is perfectly wholly holden of every particular Bishop What Saint Ierome meant hereby Erasmus a man of great learning and judgement expoundeth thus Ierome seemeth to match all Bishops together as if they were all equally the Apostles successors and hee thinketh not any Bishop to be lesse than other for that hee is poorer or greater than other for that hee is richer for hee makes the Bishop of Eugubium a poore towne equall with the Bishop of Rome And farther hee thinketh that a Bishop is no better than any Priest saving that the Bishop hath authority to order Ministers Hereto M. Harding answereth thus Erasmus saith within five lines following that the Meâ—ropolitan hath a certaine dignity and jurisdiction above other Bishops take the one saith hee with the other I am contented M. Harding Erasmus saith The Metropolitan had a dignity above other Bishops but hee saith noâ— the Bishop of Rome had jurisdiction over all Bishops throughout the World In Saint Hieromes time there were Meâ—ropolitans Archbishops Archdeacons and others But Christ appointed not these distinctions of orders from the beginning These names are not found in all the Scriptures This is the thing that we deâ—end S. Ierome saith Let Bishops understand whereunto wee adde further Let the Bishops of Rome themselves undestand that they are in authority over Priests more by custome than by order of Gods truth These be Hieromes words truly translated what he meant thereby I leave to the judgement of the Reader Erasmus likewise saith in the selfe same place above alleaged Whereas Saint Ierome yeeldeth lesse dignity and authority unto Bishops than nowadayes they seeme to have wee must understand he spake of that time wherein he lived
consent placed Bishops where there were Flamines and three Archbishops where there were Arch Flamines turning the three Archâ—flamines Sees in the three chiefe Cities into Arch-bishoprickes and the 28. Flamines Sees into 28 Bishoprickes This is punctually averred for Truth by Geofry Monmoth Histor. Brit. l. 2. c. 1. Edit Ascent l. 4. c. 19. Edit Heidelb by Gildâ—s in his Booke De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii by Gervasius Tilburiensis de Otiis Imperialibus ad Othonem Imperatorem Historiolae Wintoniensis Ecclesiae Alphredus Beuer lacensis Radulphus de Diceto Bartholomaeus de Cotton Gerardus Cornubiensis Ranulphus Cestrensis the Authors of the History of Rochester of the Chronicles of Hales and Dunstaple of the Booke of Abingdon of the Geneologicall Chronicle of the Monastery of Hales and of the Abbreviated Chronicle of the Britaines Thomas Rudburne Thomas Stubs Thomas Harfield Ponticus Virunnius Polydor Virgil Martinus Polonus Pâ—olomaeus Lucensis Tuscus cited by Ioannis Leydensis in Chronico Belgico l. 2. c. 1. Ioannis Bâ—ptista Platina in vita Eleutherii Iacobus Philippus Bergomiensis Suppl Chron. l. 8. Nauclerus vol. 1. Chronograph gen 30. Vol. 2. Gen. 6. Tritemius compend l. 1. Pope Leo the ninth Epist. 4. Guilielmus Durandus Rationaleâ— l. 2. c. 1. n. 21 22. Polydorus Virgilius de Jnventâ— rerumâ— l. 4. c. 11. All quoted to my hand by that excellent learned Antiquary Bishop Vsher. De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum primordiis c. 5. p. 56 57 58 59.99.100 To whom I might adde Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Brit. p. 7. Iohn Fâ—x his Acts and Monuments Edit ult Vol. 1. p. 138 139. Iohn Speed in his History of Great Britaine p. 132. Richard Grafton in his Chronicle part 7. p. 83. William Harrison in his Description of England l. 2. c. 1 2. With many more of our owne Writers and generally all the Canonists and Glossers on Gratian Dictinctio 80. and the Schoolemen on Peter Lombard sent l. 4. distinct 24 who concuâ—re in this opinion For in Gratian distinct 80. f. 130. I find these two decrees cited the one of Pope Lucinus with this Rubricke prefixed In what places Primates and Patriarches ought to be ordained The Cities and places wherein Primates ought to preside were not ordained by moderne times but long before the comming of Christ to whose Primates even the Gentiles did appeale for their greater businesses In those very Cities after the comming of Christ the Apostles and their Successors placed Patriarches and Primates to whom the businesses of Bishops yet saving the Apostolicall authority in all things and the greater causes after the Apostolike See are to be referred On which Iohn Thierry and others make this glosse Primates are constituted there where heretofore the proto-Flamines of the Gentiles were placed Arch-Bishops where there were Arch-Flamines Bishops where their Flamines were and this for the most part if wee may credite them was done by Saint Peters appointment The second is this Decree of Pope Clemens which warrants this glosse In those Cities wherein heretofore among the Ethnickes their chiefe Flamines and prime Doctors of the Law were placed Saint Peter commanded but God knowes when and where Primates or Patriarches of Bishops to be placed who should agitate the causes of the rest of the Bishops and the greater businesses in Faith But in those Cities in which in times past among the foresaid Ethnickes their arch-Flamines were whom yet they held to be lesse than their foresaid Primates he commanded Arch-bishops to be iustituted but in every other particular Cityâ— he commanded one sole Bishop and not many to be ordained who should onely â—btaine the name of Bishops because among the Apostles themselves there was the like institution sed unus praefuit omnibus but one had authority over the rest which is most false On which the glosse thus descants The Gentiles had three Orders of Priests to wit proto-Flamines arch-Flamines and Flamines In the place of the proto-Flamines Peter commanded Patriarches to be placed who should take conusance of the greater causes of other Bishops in the place of arch-Flamines Arch-bishops in the place of Flamines Bishops of whom there ought to be but one in every City Which Graiâ—an himselfe thus backes in his 21 Distinction There is a certaine distinction observed among Priests whence others are called simply Priests others arch-Priests others chorall Bishops others Bishops othâ—rs Arch-bishops or Metropolitanes others Primates others chiefe Priests Horum discretio a Gentibus maxime introducta est The distinction of these was principally intâ—oduced by the Gentiles who called their Flamines some simply Flamines others Arch-flamines others Proto-flamines All which Peter Lombard the Father of the Schoolemen affirming after Gratian in his lib. 4. Sentenâ—iarum Dist. 24. made this to passe as an undubitable verity among all the Canonists and Schoolemen There is onely one thing needs explanation in these Popes dâ—crees and that is what is meant by Saint Peter who is made the Author of this Institution For this we need resort no further then to the Decree of Pope Nicholas recorded by the same Gratian Distinct 22. c. Omnes f. 33. Omnes sive Patriarchae cujuslibet apicem sive Metropoleon primatus Episcopatuum cathedras vel Ecclesiarum sive cujuscunque ordinis dignitatem instituit Romana Ecclesia By which it is evident that by Saint Peter is meant the Church and Popes of Rome who stile themselves oft times Peter in their bulls and writings as well as his successors By all these Authorities compared together it is evident that our Arch-bishops and Bishops had their Originall Institution from the Church and Popes of Rome and that not out of their imitation of any divine patterne or forme of government prescribed by Christ in Scripture and setled in those primitive Churches of the Genâ—iles which the Apostles planted and to whom they directed their Epistles but out of an apish imitation of the Heathenish Hierarchicall government of the Idolatrous Proto-Flamines Arch Flamines and Flamines used among the Pagan Gentiles and Britaines before their conversion to the Christian Faith in whose very places Sees and forme of government they succeeded Eleutherâ—us instituting and ordaining that all or the most part of the Arch-Flamines which is to meane Arch-bishops and Bishops of the Pagan Law which at that day were in number three Arch Flamines and 28 Flamines should be made Arch bishops and Bishops of the Church of Christ as Grafâ—on and others write in positive termes which if it be true as this cloud of witnesses averre it will thence necessarily follow that our Archâ—bishops and Bishops are not of divine and Apostolicall but rather of Papall and Eâ—hnicall institution and a meere continuance of the Diabolicall heathenish Hierarchy exercised among the Idolatrous Priests in times of Paganisme within our Iâ—land and so by necessary consequence they and their government are rather to be utterly extirpated then perpetuated in our Christian reformed Church which ought
Majesties royall prerogative more oppressive to his Loyall Subjects and more destructive to the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and liberties of the Subject than all other professions of men whatsoever For first they have presumed to keepe Consistories Visitations Synods and exercise all manner of Episcopall Jurisdiction in their Diocesse without his Majesties speciall Letters Patents or Commissions under the great Seale of England authorizing them to doe it contrary to the Statutes of 26. Hen. 8. c. 1.37 Hen. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. c. 1.5 Eliz. c. 1. and 8. Eliz. c. 1. Secondly they have dared to make out all their Processes Citations Excommunications Suspensions Sentences Probates of Wills Letters of Administation Writs of Iure Patronatus accounts of Executors and the like in their owne names and Stiles and under their owne Seales alone not the Kings as if they were the onely Kings the Supreame Ecclesiasticall heads and Governours of the Church of England not his Majesty contrary to the Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Jac. c. 25. Thirdly they have presumed in Printed Bookes to justifie these proceedings to be Lawfull and not content herewith they have most audaciously caused all the Judges of England to resolve and moved his Majestie to dâ—clare and proclaime these their disloyall unjust usurpations on his Crowne to be just and legall when as I dare make good the contrary against all the Prelaâ—es and Lawyers of England and have done it in part in my Breviate of the Prelates intolerable incroachments upon the Kings Prerogative royall and the Subjects Liberties This resolution of â—he Judges against the Kings Prerogative the Prelates have caused to be â—nrolled both in the High Commission at Lambeth and Yorke and in all their Ecclesiasticall Courts throughout England in perpetuam rei memoriam the Arch-bishop of Canterbury keeping the Originall certificate of the Judges among the records of his Court as a good evidence against his Majesty and his successors Fourthly they have pillored stigmatized banished close imprisoned and cut off the eares of those who have opposed these their encroachments upon his Majesties Prerogative Royall according to their Oath and duty to deterre all others from defending his Majesties Title Fifthly they have taken upon them to make Print and publish in their owne names by their owne authorities without his Majesties or the Parliaments speciall License new Visitation Oathes Articles Injunctions Canons Ordinances Rites and Ceremonies enforced them on Ministers Church Wardens Sidemen and others and excommunicated suspended silenced fâ—ned imprisoned and persecuted his Majesties faithfull and loyalest Subjects for not submitting to them contrary to the Statutes of 25. H. 8. c. 19.21.27 H. 8. c. 15.3 Ed. 6. c. 10.11 1 Eliz. c. 2.13 Eliz. c. 12. Magna Charta c. 29. and the Petition of Right Sixthly they have presumed to grant Licenses to marry without banes and to eate flesh on fasting dayes in their owne names a Prerogative peculiar to the King alone who onely can dispense with penall Lawes and the booke of Common Prayer which enjoyne no marriages to be solemnized unlesse the Banes be first thrice asked in the Church Seventhly they have adventured to hold plea of divers cases in their Consistories of which the Conusance belongs onely to the Kings temporall Courts which the formes of Proâ—ibitions and Ad Iura Regia in the Register determine to be a dis-inheriting of the Kings Crowne and Royall dignity a contempt derogation and grievous prejudice to his Royall authority and intolerable rebellion affront disloyalty and contuâ—acy to his Soveraigne Iurisdiction Eighthly they have stopped the current of the Kings owne Prohibitions to their Ecclesiasticall spitefull Courts in cases where they have beene usually granted in former ages even in times of Popery and of the most domineering Prelates and oft questioned threatned convented the Kings Judgeâ— before the King and Lords of the Councell for granting them An insolency and affront to Soveraigne Justice which no former ages can Parallell Ninthly they have disobeyed his Majesties Prohibitions proceeded in contempt and despite of them yea they have committed divers to prison who have sued for and delivered Prohibitions in a faire dutifull manner in the High Commission Court and Articled against one Mr. Iohn Clobery in the High Commission onely for suing out of a Prohibition to that Court as if it were a Capitall oâ—fence For which contumâ—cy and Rebellion their temporalities might bee justly seised into the Kings hands and themselves attainted in a Preâ—unire Adde to this that the now Archbishop of Canterbury hath many times openly protested in Court that he would breake both the necke and backe of Prohibitions And Matthew Wren whilst Bishop of Norwich in the 14. yeare of his Mâ—jesties reigne procured his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England his royall pleasure That if any person within the sayd City of Norwhich should refuse to pay according to the rate of two shillings the pound in lieu of the Tithes of Houses unto the Minister of any Parish within the sayd City that the same should be heard in the Court of Chancery or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich And that in such Case no Prohibition should be granted against the said Bishop of Norwich their Chancellors or Commissaries in the sayd Courts of Consistory Tenthly they hâ—ve disobeyed and contemned his Majesties just and lawfull-commands in a most pâ—remptory and insolent manner of which I shall give onely one memorable instance His Majesty about the yeare of our Lord 1629. taking notice of the Bishops Non-residence from their Bishoprickes and how they lived for the most part idlely in London hunting after new prefeâ—ments to the ill example of the inâ—erior Clâ—rgiâ— the delapidation and ruine of their mansion houses the decay of Hospitality the impairing of their woods and temporalties the increase of Popery and decrease of Religion was pleased to send a letter to Doctor Abbot then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the redresse of the sayd inconveniences commanding him in his Royall name to enjoyne every Bishop then residing about London upon his Canonicall Obedience under paine of his Majesties displeasure forthwith to repaire to his Bishopricke and no longer to abide about London The Arch-Bishop hereupon sends his Secretary with this his Majesties Letter to the Bishops then in London and Westminster charging them upon their Canonical Obedience according to this Letter presently to depart to their several Bishoprickes His Secretary repaired with this Letter and the Arch-bishops instructions to Dr Howson the Bp of Durham lodging on Snowhill neare Sepulchers Church and required him in the Arch-bishops name by vertue of his Canonicall obedience to repaire to his Bishoprick according to his Majesties command He hereupon in a great rage giving the Secretary some harsh words told him plainly that he neither would nor could obey this mandate for he had many great
47 48. c. 22.23 to 28. Iob. 18.36 (e) 1 Pet. 5.1 to 6. 1 Ioh. 2 15â— 16.3 Iob. 9 10. 2 Cor. 1.24 (f) Quic undquâ— deâ—ideraverit Primâ—tum in terra inveniet in coelo conâ—usionem ut jam inrer servos Christi non sit dâ— Primatu certamen Opus imperâ— in Matt. Hom. 35. See more to this purpose there (g) See Vita Bernardi before his workes Cl. Espencaus Digres in 1 Tim. l. 3. c. 6â— p. 330. (h) Erubesce O superbe cinis Deus se humiliat tu tâ— exaltas Deus se hominibus subdit tu dominari gestiens tuo te praeponis authori Vtinam tale me quid cogitantem Deus uti suum olim Apostolum increpare dignaretur Vade post me satana non sapis quae Dei sunt Quotiens hominibus praeesse defidero totiens Deum meum praeire contendo tunc quae verè Dei sunt non sapio Bernard Homil. 1. de laudibus Mariae Virginis p. 18. (i) Augustin de gestis cum Emerita Donatist Epis lib. Tom. 7. parsâ— p. 782. An vero Redemptor noster de coelis in humana memâ—bra desâ— endit ut membra ejus essemus nos ne ipsa ejus membra crudeli divisione lanientur de Cathedris descendere formidamus Episcopi propter Christianos populos ordinamur Quod ergo Christianis populis ad Christianam pacem prodest hoc de nostro Episcopatu facâ—amus Quod sum propter te sum si tibi prodest non sum si tibi obest si servi utiles sumus cur Domini aeternis lucris pro nostris temâ—poralibus â—ublimitatibus invidemus Episcopalis dignitas fâ—ucâ—uosior nobis erit si gregem Christi deposita magis collegerit quam retenta disperserit fratres mei si Dominum cogitamus locus ille altior specula vinitoris est non fastigium superbientis si cum volo retinere Episcopatum meum dispergo gregem Christi quomâ—do est damnum gregis honor Pastâ—ris â— Nâ—â— qua fronte in futuro seculo promissum à Christo sperabimus honoâ—em si Christianam in hoc seculo noster honor impedit unitatem (k) See the Booke of Comâ—mon prayer in Publike Baptisme (l) Ad Clâ—ruâ— ad Pastores Sermâ— in Concil Rhâ—mâ—ns (m) Esay 58.12 * The Relator of the Conference at Hampton Court p. 36. * See Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 15. to 29. * Virg. Eclâ—g 3. p. 8. * Zuidas Hâ—lioke Natalâ—s Comes Diodâ—â—us Siculus Vaâ—â—o and others thus describe him 1 ODO * Wil. Malms de Gestis Pontificum Angl. l. 1. p. 201. Mat. West Flores Hist. An. 955 957 958. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. Odo Sevâ—rus p. 46 47.51 52 53. Speeds History of Great Brittaine l. 7. Monarch 29. p. 403.404 Fox Acts and Monuments p. 137. Godwyns Catalogue of Bishops p. 62 64 65. * See Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p 52.53 Holinsh Hist. of England l. 6. c. 21. p. 157. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61.62 See part 2. p. 227.228 2 DUNSTAN * In vita Sanctâ— Editha * History of Great Brittaine l. 7 c. 42. sect 21. p. 409. c. 43. sect 1. p. 410. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p 61 62. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 23 p. 59. l. 7. c. 1. p. 164.165 l. 6. c. 24. p. 161. c. 25. p. 162. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 201.202 * An impudent audacious Aâ—â— * Malmsbury de Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Speed l. 7. c. 43 44. p. 413 414. * Math. Westm. An. 983. p. 379. Speedâ— p. 414. Ant. Eccles. Brit. 61. Malms de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Holinshed History of Englaâ—d l. 7. c. 1. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 52 53. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 22 p. 158. 3 SIRICIUS * Malms de Gâ—st Poâ—tif l. 1. f. 203. de Gestis Râ—gum Ang. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Heâ—ry Hâ—â—tingdon Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 64. Godwins Catal. of Bishops p. 65. Hâ—linshâ—d Hist. of Engl. l. 7. c. 2. p. 166. * M. Tindall obedience of a Christian Man p. 116.152 4 ROBERT Wil. Malms de Gestis Pontiâ—icum Angl. l. 1. p. 204. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 73. to 79. Godwyns Catalogue of Bishops p. 68 69 70. Speed l. 7. c 3. p. 203.413.414 Holinshed Hist. of England l. 8. c. 2.4 †See here the Pride malice desperate ambition and impietie of Arch-Prelates thus injuriously to set the Sonne against the Mother †Loe how Bishops Lord and Tyrannize it over Kings themselves * Malmes de Gestâ—s Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 82. * Malmes de Gest. Pont. Angl. l. 1. p. 205. de Gestis Reg. Aâ—g l. 3. p. 102. Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 89.90.91 Speeds History l. 9. c. 2. p. 435 436 437. Polichron l. 6. c. 29. l. 3. c. 1 2 3 4. Mat. West An. 1067 1070. Godâ—â—ns Catal. of Bishopâ— p 71 72 73. Holâ—nshed Vol. 3. p. 8 9. Hist. of Engl. l. 8. c. â— 5 STIGAND * Mat. Paris hist Major p. 8. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 2. p. 441.443 Holâ—nsh p. 8 9. 5 LANFRANK * Maâ— West Au. 1088 1089 1090. Mat. Pariâ— p. 13.14 Wil. Malâ—s de Gest. Reg. Aâ—gl l. p. 4.120 121. Antiq. Eccl. Brâ—t p. 100. Godâ—iâ—s Catal. of Bps p. 74.75 Speed l. 9. c. 3. p. 456.457 to 464. Holinsh. Vol. 3. p. â—â— 17 18. †Speed l. 5. c. 3. Sect. 34. p. 463. †Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 100. †Eadmerus Hist. noâ—orum l. 1.2.3 Speed l. 9. c. 3. sect 33.34 35. p. 462 463 464 Malms de gestis Pontif. Anâ—lâ— 1â—â— 219. to 230. Antiq. Eâ—â—les Brit. p. 10â— c. Godâ—â—nâ— Catal. of Bishops p. 76. c. For Acts and Monument p. 169 170.171 c. Holinsh. Vol. â— f. 22. to 36. Walâ—â—â—â—ham Ypodigma Nâ—ustr p. 35. 6 ANSELME * Anno 1091. p. 1. * Mat. Paris Hist. Major p. 51 52. Caxton Pars. 7. in his life Wil. Maâ—ms de gestisâ— Râ—g Angl. l. 4. p. 125.126 Eadmerus hist. Novâ—rum l. 2 3. Huntingd. Hist. l. 7. p. 378. Mat. Westm. An. 1100 p. 21. Godwins Catal. p. 77. * Mat West An. 1102.1104.1107 Eadmeâ—uâ— Hist. l. 3 4 5. vita Anselm Malms de gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 1. in vita Anselm Mat. Paris Hist. Major p. 56 57â— 60. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 103. to 111. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops p. 78 79 80. M. Tindals practise of the Popish Prelates p. 374. Speeds Hist. of Great Brit. l. 9. p. 463 469 472. * De Ge◠〈◊〉 Angl. l 〈◊〉 123. 8 RALPH * Eadmerus hist. Novorum l. â— p. 137. Rogerus dâ— de Costrias Antiq. Eccl. Btis p. 111 112. Polichron l. 7. c. 15. Speeds History of Great Britaine p. 475. * Polichâ—on l. 7. c. 15. * Speed p. 475. †Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 112. 9 WILLIAM * Polychron l. 7. c. 18. Fabian pars 7. c. 232. pag. 333. c. Malmâ—b Hist. l. 1. p. 178 179. Matth. Paris Hist. Major p. 71. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 115.
what â—nsueth Henry Stalbridg * See the 5 6. part of the Hom. against wilfull rebellion And the 2. part of thâ— Homely on Whitsunday * Ibid. fol. 18. 22. to 31. Note * See a supplication to King Henry the 8. An. 1544. accordingly * M. Tindals practise of Prelates accordingly * Buceâ—us de Regnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. * Note See the Supplication to King Henry the eight An. 1544. Mr FISH Fox Acts and Monum p. 926.927 The fruits of Prelates greatnesse sitting in Parliament * Now they bring such into the High Commission there ruine them or force them to give over their actions Note the danger that accrews by making Clergy-men chiefe Temporall officers MARTYN BUCER * Lib. 2. c. 1.2.12 In his Scripoa Anglicana Basilea 1577. p. 65.69.70.71.580 * It is the Divell then not God that calls Bishops to be Courtiers and temporall officers * How Prelates came by their great Lordly possessions See his Scripta Anglicana pag. 254.255.259.291 292 293. and Comment in Matth. 16. And â—he unbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 106 107 108. Zwinglius Bishop Hooper * Fox vol. 3. pag. 46.137 * Upon the 8. Commandement p. 78. * See Rucerus dâ— râ—gnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. Note The Booke of Ordination * 3 Edwâ— 6. c. 12.8 Eliz. c. 1. Canon 36. The Bishop Answer The Bishop Answer The Booke of Homilies Father Latimer * in his Sermons f. 17 18 c. Note this Note this welâ— * Fathâ—r Laâ—ymer would not have Bishops Lords of the Parliament or to sit therein Note this The Spirituall Pastors have a great charge In his Sermons fol. 10.11 Dr. Harpesfield Iohn Bradford Fox Acts Monuments v. 3. p. 293. Edmund Allâ—n This is the present objection for the continuance of Bishops Deanes and Chapters Notâ— IOHN BALE * His Image of both Churches on Apoc. 19. 20. part 3. f. 195.208 MATTHEW PARKER * Antiquit. Ecâ—l Brit. p. 139.140.141.142.143 A strange evill death of a Clergie Lord Treasurer who like Iudas Christs Treasurer and bag-bearer dyed in despaire * Lego omnia bona mâ—a Dominâ— Regi corpus sepulturâ— Animâ—m Diabolo Quâ— dictâ— expiravit c. Note See Nicholas de Clemangiis De Corrupto Ecclesia statu c. 17.18.19 an excellent Discourse against Bishops intermedling in temporall affaires and bearing civill ofâ—â—ces * Hâ—vedâ—n Aâ—â—â—l pars postâ—â—iâ—r p. 779. Speed p 550 * Annal. pars posterior p. 767.768 THOMAS BEACON Isay. 36.10 Mat. 5.13 Joh. 20.21 Wolvish Sheepheards The description of a certaine head Wolfe clathed in a Bishops rotchet A comparison betweene Queen Isabels time and ours Priests chiefe in the Country and thorow out England Awake Nobility The ambition and security of the Papists MILES COVERDALE * Godwins Cat. p. 338. JOHN PONET WALTER HADDON Bishop ALLEY Bishop PILKINGTON Mr. Nowel BISHOP ELMER Few of our Prelates would now refuse such a proffer Act. 3 â— to 7. Cor. 4.12 * 1 Tim. 6.8 NICHOLAS BULLINGHAM IOHN BRIDGES Difference betweene Priests and Bishops * Hiâ—râ—niâ—us 〈◊〉 Titum Dist. 63. Can. Oliâ— idâ—m * Lib. 4. Dist. 24.1 â— Tim. 3â— Instiâ—utiâ— dâ—ctr Christi de shâ—râ— ordinis fol. 196. * Summa Angâ—lica L. Ord. The papistâ— controversie about their holy order The Heavenly and earthly Kingdome are not 〈◊〉 joyned that the Bishops may be earthly Kings M. Sanders objetion and answer Whether a Bishop may take a Kingdome upon him pâ—operly or unproperly Deposing of Princes by the Prelates practises Heb. 10. The Churches promotion Matth. 2â— Glossa in Lyâ—â—â—â—â—â—pâ—r Iâ—h Hofmeister in Luc. 12. Why Christ took not on him the office of a Magistrate Christ abolished not the magistrates office though he himâ—elfe reâ—used it M. Iohn Fox Bishop Iuâ—l * Ad Eâ—agrium * Dâ— simplicit Prelatâ—r Eâ—asm in Schol. in Epist. ad Euagrium M. Harding Hieron iâ— Epist. ad Titum c. I. Erasm. in Schol. iâ— Epist. ad Euagr. Sub. Lâ—â—ne Sâ—ssiâ—ne 10. Erasm. in Apologia ad Pium * Hieron ad Euagrium * Erasmus adversus Albert. Pighium * Hierâ—n in Epist. ad Titum c. 1. * Hieron â—odem locâ— * August Epist. 9. * Chrys. in 1 Tim. Homili 11. Hieron ad Euagrium * Aug. in quaest Novi Vet. Testamâ— q. 101. * Amb. in 1 Tim. cap. 3. * Ioh. de Paristis cap. 22. in vira Silvestri * De câ—nsideraâ—â— ad Eug. lib. 4. â— * Aug. de Civit. Deâ— lib. 19. c. 19. * Chrysost. Hom. 43â— in opere imperfecto in Mat. * Serm. 33. in Cantica * Bern. Serm. 1. in Conv. S. Pauli * Conc. Macrâ—â—se â—itatur ab Illyr intâ—r testâ—s verit p. 121. * Chrys. in Mat. Homil. 35. * Hieron contra Lucifâ—rianos * Hieron in Sophoniam â—ap 1. * Conc. Trident. * Sub Paulo 3. Admonitio Legator * Avâ—ntinus lib. 3. de Rupertâ— * Berâ— in Cantic Serm. 33. Holcot in sapient lect 23. * Bern. in Cantiâ— Serm. 77. * Lauâ— Valla de Donat. Const. Paralipomen * Vrspergen * Bernar. de considerationâ— ad Eugenium l. 4â— (a) 8 Quast 1. Qui Episcopatum (b) August 2. qu. 7. Qui nec Aug. (c) Aug. cont Donatist lib. 6. (d) Bern. de considerat ad Eugenium lib. 3. 1â— Cor. 15. (e) Aâ— Do. 1â—9â— (f) An. 1273. In provisione Marâ—ona c. 9. (g) Extr. Qui silli sunt Legitime (h) Lâ—ges Canuti (i) Robert Keilwey his Reports f. 184. b. (k) Nostre Seigâ—iour le Roy poit assets bien tener son Parliament perlâ—y ses temporall Seigniours per ses Commons tout sans les spirituals Seigniors Carlos spiritual Signiors nont ascun place enâ—â— Parliament Chamber per Reason de lour spiritualty mes solement perâ— Reason de lour Temporall possessions c. Bishop Latymer Bishop Bilsâ—n A Parliament taking part with truth hath the warrant of God and the Magistrate Laymen may make their choice what faith they will professe The Prince is authorized from God to executâ— his Commandement The Jesuites presume that all is theirs The Prince may command for truth though the Bishops would say no. The Jesuites have neither Gods Law nor mans to make that which the Prince and the Parliament did to be void for lacke of the Bishops assents The Kings Judah did command for truth without a Counâ—â—ll * 2 Chron. 14. cap. 15. * 2 Chron. â—9â— 4 Kings 22. Christian Princes may do the likâ— * Constantine authorised Christian Religson without any Coâ—â—cell Eusâ—b de vita Constant. lib. 2. * Iustinian had no Councell for the making of his Constitutions But 6. generall Councels in 790 yeares * Soâ—ra l. 5. c. 10. Theodosius made his owne choyse what Religion he would establish Realmes have beene Christned upon the perswasions of Lay men and women †Ruff. l. â— c. 9. And never asked the Priests leave so to doâ— Soc. l. 1. c. 19. India converted by Merchants †Ruff. l. 1. c. 10. Iberia converted by a woman The Jesuites would have
King and he were reconciled he received him honourably Not long after King Iohn displeased with this Archbishop seised all his temporalties into his hands by Iames de Petorne Sheriffe of Yorkeshire who violently entred into his manners and wasted his goods This Archbishop hereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe and all authours and counsellers of this violence with candles lighted and Bels rung he likewise excommunicated all who had stirred up his brother Iohn to anger against him without his default he also excomunicated the Burgesses of Beverly and suspended the Towne it selfe from the celebration of Divine service and the sound of Bels for breaking his Parke and troubling and diminishing the goods which his Predecessor and he had for a time peaceably enjoyed King Iohn by the advice of his counsell restored him afterwards to his Bishopricke but gave him a day in Court to answer his contempt in not going beyond the Seas with him when summoned to doe it in not suffering the Kings Officers to leavy money of his plowlands as they did in all other parts of the Kingdome in beating the Sheriffe of Yorkes servants and in not paying him 3000. markes due to King Richard soone after the King comming to Beverly was neither received with proâ—ession nor sound of Bels by reason of the Archbishops interdict whose servant Henry Chappell denied to let the King have any of the Archbishops wine for which affront the King commanded him and all the Archbishops servants to be imprisoned whereever they should be found whereupon the King comming to Yorke the Archbishop for a round summe of money through the Queenes mediation bought his peace of the King but yet instantly fell out with the Deane and Chapter about the election of a singing man the Archbishop made choyce of one the Deane and chapter of another as belonging to their election the like contention fell betweene them about the Archdeaconry of Cleveland the Archbishop elected Ralph Kyme the Deane and canons Hugh Murdac for Archdeacon against the Archbishops will and hinder the instalment of Raâ—ph whereupon the Archbishop excommunicated Murdac And at the same time Honorius Archdeacon of Richmond complained against the Archbishop to the Pope for taking away the institutions to Churches and Synodals belonging to him the Pope hereupon writ divers letters in his favour Geoffry thus perplexed and in the Kings disfavour purchaseth his grace and a confirmation of the rights of his Bishopricke from the King for a thousand markes sterling to be payd within one yeere for payment whereof he pawned his Barony to the King After which he falling into the Kings displeaâ—ure againe was forced to fly the Kingdome and died in exile as you may read before p. 186. St. Hugh the ninth Bishop of Lincolne Anno 1108. when King Richard the first by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury his chiefe Justice required an ayd of 300. Knights to remaine with him in his service for one whole yeere or so much money as might serve to maintaine that number after the rate of three shillings a day English money for every Knight whereas all others were contented to be contributers herein onely this S. Hugh Bishop of Lincoln refused and spake sore against Hubert that moved the maâ—ter wishing him to doe nothing whereof he might be ashamed Vnde pudor frontem signet mentemque reatus Torqueat aut famae titulos infamia laedat He was noted to be of a perfect life because Potestatis secularis in rebus Ecclesiae saevientis impetus adeò constanter elidere consuevit ut rerum corporis sui periculum contemnere vidâ—retur in quo adeò profecit quod jura revocavit amissa Ecclesiam suam à servitute gravissimâ— liberavit as Matthew Paris writes and because hee would not â—ticke to reprove men of their faults plainely and fâ—ankly not regarding the favour or dis-favour of any man in so much that he would not feare to pronounce them accursed which being the King Officers would take upon them the punishment of any person within Orders of the Church for hunting and killing the Kings game within his Parkes Forrests and Chases yea and that which is more he would deny payment of such Subsidies and taxes as he was assessed to pay to the uses of King Richard and King Iohn towards the maintenance of their warres and did oftentimes accuâ—e by Ecclesiasticall authoâ—ity such Sheriffes collectors and officers as did distreine upon his lands and goods to satisfie those Kings of their demands alledging openly that he would not pay any money towards the maintenance of warres with one châ—istian Prince upon private displeasure and grudge made against another Prince of the same religion This was his reason And when he came before the King to answer to his disobedience shewed herein he would so handle the matter partly with gentle admoâ—nishments partly with sharpe reproofes and sometimes mixing merry and pleasant speech among his serious arguments that oftentimes he would so qualifie the Kings mind that being diverted from anger he could not but laugh and smile at the Bishops pleasant talke and merry conceits This manner he used not onely with King Iohn alone but with King Henry the second and Richard the first in whose time he governed the See of Lincolne And for these vertues principally was he canonized for a Romane Saint by Pope Honorius the third Peter Suter and Ribadeneira in his life record that this Bishop had many contests with King Richard the first that he resisted the King to his face when he demanded ayde and subsidies of his Subjects so that by his meanes onely and another Bishops who joyned with him the King could obtaine nothing at all whereupon in great rage and fury he banished both the Bishops and confiscated all their goods the other Bishops goods were seised who thereupon afterward submitted and craved pardon of the King but the Kings Offiâ—ers proceeding against S. Hugh he presently excommunicated them so as none of them for feare of this thunderbolt of his durst touch one thred of his garment our Lord having horribly punished divers whom he had excommunicated some of them being never seene nor heard of afterwards One thing this Hugh did which is memorable going to visit the religious houses within his Diocesse he came to Godstow a house of Nunnes neere Oxford seeing a hearse in the middle of the Quire covered with silke and tapers burning round about it he demanded who was buried there and being informed that it was faire Rosamonds Tomb concubine to King Henry the second who at her intreaty had done much for that house and in regard of those favours was afforded that honour he commanded her body to be digged up immediately and buried in the Churchyard least Christian religion should wax vile saying it was a place a great deale too good for an harlot it should be an example to other women to terrifie them from such a wicked and filthy kinde of