that the Matter of Religion should be contained therein To which Smith replied That that could not be and that no general Words could contain it if the Party that was bound would say that it was against his Conscience or he meant it not To which the King said That he would write to the Queen his Sister with his own Hand what he meant as to that and that he would as well defend her even in that Cause as if it were exprest in Words and that which he said he would keep tho' he dyed for it But this King was a great Dissembler which our Ambassador probably knew well enough but gave him this discreet Answer That for him he thought no less and he was sure the Queen his Mistress took him to be a faithful Prince and constant to his Words as any was Living But when they spake of Treaties they were not made in Words nor in such Letters missive but after another Authentical sort Sworn and Sealed Without which he could not he said for his part take it substantially and orderly done And besides that the Treaty was not Personal but Perpetual for him and his Successors And when the Queen-Mother would have shuffled off this and some other Articles saying That when Mareshal Montmorancy should be sent over into England from the French King to the Queen and the Earl of Leicester should come to that Court from the said Queen to see the League sworn by each Prince then all things should be done as the Queen should desire Smith answered That he knew the Fashion of Leagues And that it must be agreed upon between the Commissioners that no Words be altered then Subscribed with the Hands of both the Parties the French Commissioners delivering the Part Signed with their Hands to those of England and the Commissioners of England next to them Then the Prince causeth it to be made under the Great Seal of the Realm and so to be delivered to each others Ambassador And that he that came to see it Sworn to might make a new League if the Princes would but to alter that that was made he could not For the Princes were bound to Ratify and Swear to that on which the Commissioners were agreed And that it were not Wisdom as he added to send such Personages as they spake of to an uncertain League And he might consider that Queen Elizabeth his Mistress would not do it This Conference happened March the 1st 1571. After much Pains this Article and another about the Scotch Queen was agreed and Queen Elizabeth was only to give her consent to finish this happy and advantageous League And to excite the Queen hereunto Sir Thomas with Halsingham did freely give her advice to this Tenor That it was for the Assurance of her Person and Crown as she was a Prince lawful and natural and had a Crown Imperial And that she did it so by her Laws as God's Laws and Hers willed it to be done That foreign Princes that were her Friends would and must take it well and that such as were not would rather laugh at her and be glad of it if she did it not and when they should see Time take occasion to endanger her Majesty thereby The Queen soon after signified her Consent And so in the Month of April ensuing at Blois the League was concluded and signed the 18th or 19th Day Which according as Smith and his Collegue did conceive should be with as great Assurance and Defence of the Queen as ever was or could be the two Realms being so near and ready to defend her if it were required And in case Spain should threaten or shew ill Offices as it had of late done against the Queen's Safety it would be afraid hereafter so to do seeing such a Wall adjoyned as Smith wrote Which he therefore hoped would be the best League that ever was made with France or any other Nation for her Majesty's Surety His good Conceit he had of this League did further appear by what he wrote in another Letter soon after to the Lord Burghley That now it could not be said That her Majesty was altogether alone having so good a Defence of so Noble Couragious and so faithful a Prince of his Word but herein our Ambassador was mistaken in his Man none being so false of his Word and treacherous as he all covered over with most artificial Dissimulation and so near a Neighbour provided for and bespoken beforehand against any need Partly that and partly the Trouble in Flanders which he trusted God had provided to deliver his poor Servants there from the Antichristian Tyranny should make her Highness enjoy more quietly both England and Ireland and a better Neighbour of Scotland When Monsieur De Foix came to him and his Collegue with the Draught of the whole League in French which before was in Latin and the Matters that past Pro and Con which he said was that the King might understand it and had made a new Preface Smith did not much stick at it And acquainting the Secretary Cecil now Lord Burghley with it he opened to him the Reason of it I am old said he I love not much Talk and would fain be dispatched honestly homeward So the Effect be there indeed and our Queen not deceived I care for no more that done Smith loved to do his Business well and soundly and yet to knit it up with Brevity and Expedition Thus again when the French Deputy urged much in this Treaty the Scotch Queen that she might be sent safe home to her Country a thing which the English Ambassadors had order not to deal in by no means he began to amplify upon that in a long Oration But at the Conclusion Smith told him in short For all your Reason you must pardon me I know you are a good Rhetorician and you have Rhetorical Ornaments at will to make and so have I on the contrary side if I would bestow my Time in that sort We are the Queen's Majesty's Servants and we have shewed our Reasons so good that no Man could deny that we should not agree unto it While Smith was in this Country he was forced to follow the Court from Place to Place but it being Winter pinched him sore At Tholouse it almost cost him his Life and had made an End of him had it not been for Strong Waters which he used for his Stomach Morning and Evening At Blois where he remained after Candlemas he endured the greatest Cold that ever he felt and most continual And notwithstanding the Cordial Waters he used he was scarce able to resist the extream Cold of the Weather there being for thirty Days together continual Frost and Snow Neither was there Wood plenty nor good Chimneys for Fire And in his Bed-chamber he could make no Fire at all In this Embassy the League being concluded the Queen-Mother one Day in March Anno exeunte in the King's Garden at Blois
brake her Desire of a Marriage between Queen Elizabeth and her second Son the Duke D'Alenson asking Smith the Ambassador whether he knew how the Queen would fancy the Marriage with her said Son Madam said he you know of old except I have a sure ground I dare affirm nothing to your Majesty When she said again That if the Queen were disposed to Marry she saw not where she might Marry so well That as for those she had heard named as the Emperor's Son or Don Iohn of Austria they were both less than her Son and of less Stature by a good deal And if she would Marry it were pity any more Time were lost Smith liking well enough the Motion replied to this That if it pleased God that the Queen were Married and had a Child all these Brags and all these Treasons he meant of the Queen of Scots and her Party would soon be appalled And on condition she had a Child by Monsieur D'Alenson for his part he cared not if they had the Queen of Scots in France which was an Article propounded by the French King in the fore-mentioned Treaty but by no means allowed by the English Ambassadors For then he said they would be as careful and as jealous over her for the Queen of England's Surety as the Queen's Subjects or she her self was The Queen-Mother then subjoined That it was true and without this Marriage if she should Marry in another Place she could not see how this League and Amity could be so strong as it was Our Ambassador answered It was true the Knot of Blood and Marriage was a stronger Seal than that which was printed in Wax and lasted longer if God gave good Success But yet all Leagues had not Marriage joined with them as this might if it pleased God To which she joined her Wish and added That if it should so happen she would her self make a Start over and see the Queen the which of all things she most desired To which again the Ambassador said That if he had at that present as ample Commission as he had at the first for Monsieur D'Anjou the Matter should soon by God's Grace be at an End The Queen wisht he had And asked him If he should have such an one when he went into England whether he would not come again to execute it Yes Madam said he most gladly on so good an Intent I would pass again the Seas tho' I were never so Sick for it Another Day in the same Month of March the Queen-Mother met Smith the Ambassador in the same Garden and having Discourse concerning other Matters as of the Queen of England's danger from the Queen of Scots who now applied her self to Spain she thus brought in the Talk again of Marriage Asking him whether his Mistress did not see that she should be always in danger until she Married And that once done and that in some good House who dared attempt any thing against her Then said he he thought if she were once Married all in England that had any Traiterous Hearts would be discouraged For one Tree alone as he ingeniously explained the Matter may soon be cut down but when there be two or three together it is longer a doing And one shall watch for the other But if she had a Child then all these bold and troublesome Titles of the Scotch Queen or others that make such Gaping for her Death would be clean choaked up The Queen cryed merrily she saw she might have Five or Six very well Would to God said the Ambassador she had one No said she still merrily two Boys lest the one should die and three or four Daughters to make Alliance with us again and other Princes to strengthen the Realm Why then said Smith as jocularly you think that Monsieur Le Due shall speed With that she laughed and said she desired it infinitely And then she would trust to see threâ— or four at the least of her Race which would make her indeed not to spare Sea and Land to see her Majesty and them And if she could have fansied my Son D'Anjou said she as you told me why not this of the same House Father and Mother and as vigorous and lusty as he or rather more and now he beginneth to have a Beard come forth And as to his Stature she told the Ambassador that the said Duke her Son was as tall as himself or very near For that Matter said he again that for his part he made little account if the Queen's Majesty could fansy him Adding this Story That Pipin the Short Married Bertha the King of Almain's Daughter who was so little to her that he was standing in Aix in a Church there she taking him by the Hand and his Head not reaching to her Girdle And yet he had by her Charlemain the great Emperor and King of France who was reported to be almost a Gyant in Stature To which the Ambassador added the mention of Oliver Glesquin the Britain Constable which the French made so much of and lay buried among the Kings at St. Denys if he were no bigger than he was there pourtrayed upon his Tomb was very short scarce four Foot long But yet he was valiant hardy and courageous above all in his Time and did the English Men most hurt Thus ingeniously did Smith hold the Conference with the Queen-Mother But as to his Opinion of the Queen's Marriage wherein he perceived she was but backward and a Marriage he and the best Statesmen in those Times reckon'd the only Means for the Peace and Safety of the Queen and Kingdom against the Disturbances and Pretences of the Scotch Queen and her Friends the Ambassador was full of sad and uneasy Thoughts For so at this time he opened his Mind to the Lord Burghley That all the World did see that they wished her Majesty's Surety and long Continuance and that Marriage and the Issue of her Highness's Body should be the most Assurance of her Highness and of the Wealth of the Realm The Place and the Person for his part he remitted to her Majesty But what she meant to maintain still her Danger and not to provide for her Surety he assured his Lordship he could see no reason And so prayed God to preserve Her long to Reign by some unlookt for Miracle For he could not see by natural Reason that she went about to provide for it And soon after when Smith had sent Messages two or three for the Resolution of the English Court about the Marriage which the French were so earnest for and in great hopes of and no Answer came He lamented to the aforesaid Lord that he and his Collegue Walsingham could say nothing of it when they were asked And that they were sorry in their Hearts to see such uncertain so negligent and irresolute Provision for the safety of the Queen's Person and of her Reign Praying God Almighty of his Almighty and Miraculous Power to
introducing a Slavery among that free People and very apprehensive he was of the growing Power of that Nation that so threatned their Neighbours France as well as England Especially seeing withal how tender both Realms were to send Succors to those Parts to enable them to Vindicate their own Liberty and Safety from those inhumane and insufferable Practices there prevailing In the mean time the French accused the Sluggishness of the English and the English did the like of the French The Queen had sent some Forces to Flushing But there was a Report that she upon Duke D'Alva's Motion did revoke them But that was not so but he was gently answered with a dilatory and doubtful Answer But indeed more that would have gone from England thither were stayed The English on the other hand had knowledge that the French did Tergiversari hang off and wrought but timorously and under hand with open and outward Edicts and made Excuses at Rome and Venice by the Ambassadors importing their not meddling in Flanders or excusing themselves if they had done any thing there On which Occasion Smith in a Letter to the Ambassador in France gave both Princes a Lash reflecting upon the pretended Activity and warlike Qualities of the French King yet that he should thus waver and be afraid to engage and upon the Slowness and Security of the Queen of England You have saith he a King void of Leisure and that loves Fatigue whose warlike House hath been used to the shedding as well of their own as of foreign Blood What shall we a slothful Nation and accustomed to Peace do Whose supream Governor is a Queen and she a great Lover of Peace and Quietness But to see a little more of his Service and Counsel in the Quality and Place he served under the Queen When in this Year 1572. the Earl of Desmond was in England a Prisoner but reconciled unto the Queen and had promised to do her good Service in Ireland and soon to drive out the Rebels out of the Country the Queen and Court thought he would prove an honest and faithful Subject and so resolved to dismiss him into his Country And she told Sir Thomas that she would give him at his Departure the more to oblige him a piece of Silk for his Apparel and a reward in Money Upon which Sir Thomas's Judgment was That seeing the Queen would tye the Earl to her Service with a Benefit it would be done Amplè liberaliter ac prolixè non malignè parcè i. e. Nobly liberally and largely not grudgingly and meanly Which as he added did so disgrace the Benefit that for Love many times it left a Grudge behind in the Heart of him that received it that marred the whole Benefit A Quarrel happened this Year between the Earl of Clanrichard and Sir Edward Fitton Governor of Connaught who was somewhat rigorous in his Office which had caused the Rebellion of the Earl's Son The Case came before the Deputy and Council in Ireland and at last to the Queen and her Council in England Our Secretary drew up the Loâ—ds of the Councils Order about it to be sent to the Lord Deputy and the Council there to hear and decide it between them and withal was sent the Earl's Book and Sir Edward Fitton 's Answers given into the Council in England The Earl seemed desirous to have Matters sifted to the full Trial. And then each Party might say and prove the most and worst they could But Sir Thomas thought it the best way for the Deputy to perswade them both to wrap up as he exprest it all things by-past and to be Friends as they had promised it seems to be at a Reconciliation formerly made before the Lord Deputy and to joyn faithfully for the Furtherance of the Queen's Majesty's Service and the Quietness and good Order of the Country hereafter And it was in his Judgment as he added The best way to tread all under foot that had gone heretofore with a perpetual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to begin a new Line without grating upon old Sores Very wise and deliberate Council to avoid all ripping up former Grievances which is not the way to heal so much as to widen the old Differences There was this Year both Massing and Conjuring in great measure in the North especially and all to create Friends to the Scotch Queen and Enemies to Queen Elizabeth The one to keep the People in the Blindness of Popery and the other to hood-wink them to believe as it were by Prophesy the speedy approaching Death of the Queen The Earl of Shrewsbury was now Lord President of the Council in the North. He employed two sharp Persons to discover these Persons and their Doings Which they did so effectually that in the Month of February many of these Conjurers and Massmongers were seized and by the said Lord Presidents Order were brought up by them that seized them to Secretary Smith good store of their Books which Sir Thomas seeing called Pretty Books and Pamphlets of Conjuring They brought also to him an Account in Writing of their Travail and pains in this behalf There was apprehended danger in these Practices For the Papists earnestly longing for the Queen's Death had cast Figures and consulted with unlawful Arts which they mixt with their Masses to learn when she should die and who should succeed and probably to cause her Death if they could This piece of Service therefore the Queen and Counsel took very thankfully at the Earl of Shrewsbury's Hands Which together with the Course that was intended to be taken with these Criminals the Secretary signified to him in a Letter to this Tenor My very good Lord the Pain that the two to whom you gave Commission viz. Pain and Peg have taken to seek out the Conjurers and Mass-mongers is very well accepted of by my Lords of the Council and they willed me to give your Lordship therefore their most hearty thanks The Queen also not without great Contentation of her Highness hath heard of your careful ordering of those matters The matters be referred touching the Massing and such Disorders to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the great Commission Ecclesiastical That which shall appear by Examination to touch the State and the Prince to be referred again to my Lords of the Council c. This was dated from Greenwich Feb. 17. 1572. But it was thought highly needful that this dangerous Nest in the North should be searched more narrowly for and the Birds taken that they might no more Exercise these evil Practices or worse hereafter The care of which was therefore committed by the Council to the Justices of those parts out of some secret Favour as it seems in some of the Privy Counsellors to Papists For those Justices were known well enough to be generally Popishly affected Therefore it was the Judgment of the Secretary that these Justices would rather Cloak than Open
see him burie in his Astronomy Nay if we may believe his Poet and that he did not take too much Poetical Liberty Smith was arrived to the very Top of the Astronomical Skill and might be a companion for Ptolomy Alphonsus and Zacutus if they were alive Nec Polus aut Tillus mâ—gâ—â— ulli cognâ—ta cuiquam Quorsum â—go dâ—ssâ—mulâ—m Fuit unus unicus ille Fâ—lâ—us Uraniâ— Ptolomâ— major utroque Et centum Alphonsis plusquam mille Zacutis And perhaps the Love and Study of the Stars might be one Reason that he delighted so much in his high Seat at Mounthaut where he might have a more spacious Prospect of the Skies In State-Policy he was a great Master Which by long Experience in State matters at home in the Reigns of four Princes and Embassies abroad he had acquired Walsingham that most compleat and happy Secretary of State improved himself much by making his Observations of Smith how quick and sharp his Apprehension of things how grave and sound his Counsels and with what Dexterity and admirable Parts he managed publick Affairs and yet with clean and just hands So he sung that made his Funeral Verses Sâ—cius tâ—nâ—orum insignis Honorum Qui vigilanti oculo SMITHI observasset Acumen Sensissâ—tque acres sensus animumque virilem Consiliumque grave pectus moresque colendos Virtutes etiam raras Dotesque stupendas He was also an excellent Linguist and a Master in the knowledge of the Latin Greek French Italian and English Tongues A great Historian especially in the Roman History An Orator equal to the best and a perfect Ciceronian A Notable Specimen of whose Oratory and History as well as of his Polities appears in his Discursive Orations about Queen Elizabeth's Marriage He had also a very good Genius in Architecture which that Noble Pile of Building at Hilhal doth sufficiently demonstrate And in the Art of Gardening he was very curious and exact Employing his own Hands sometimes for his diversion in grafting and planting At which work I find him when he was making an Orchard for his new House about the latter end of 1572. having made an Escape from the Court tho' the Winds then were very unkind to him Of which complaining to the Lord Treasurer he said he should soon be weary of Mounthaut because he could not graft nor transplant any Trees the Winds that then brought over the Earl of Worcester from France who had been lately sent to Christen that Kings Child being as he said the worst Enemy to all Cutting Paring or breaking of Trees here in England that could be or for setting of Herbs And as he was an universal and thorow-paced Scholar so he had a most compleat Library and kept a Learned Correspondence and was of a very accurate Judgment in matters of Learning His Library consisted of a thousand Books of various Learning and Arts as we are told by the Learned man his Friend that made his Parentalia Which noble Treasure he bestowed upon his own College where at least the Remainders of them are to this day besides some Italian and French Books which he gave to the Queens Library Libros Monumentaque mille Graeca Latina omnis generis nova prisca profana Religiosa dedit Italicos praeter quosdam Francosque libellos Elizabeteae pius Heros Bibliothecae A Catalogue of the Books which he had at Hilhal in the Year 1566. may be seen in the Appendix And as he was Owner of many Books so he composed not a few himself Three whereof are Printed I. His Commonwealth of England both in Latin and English II. Of the right and correct Writing of the English Tongue This I suppose is the same Book with that which Fuller in his History of Cambridge mentions Of his more compendious way of Printing which would defalcate a fifth part of the Cost in Paper and Ink besides as much of the Pains in Composing and Printing only by discharging many superflous Letters and accommodating the Sounds of long and short Vowels with distinct Characters III. Of the right and correct Pronouncing of the Greek Language Both these last mentioned were published by himself in Latin when he was Ambassador in Paris There is a Fourth Book lately Printed viz. 1685. which some make him the Author of namely Of the Authority Form and Manner of holding Parliaments Other Tracts there be of his that have lain hitherto unpublished As his Orations about the Queens Marriage His discourse of Money and his Tables for the reducing the Roman Coins to the just English Standard I have also seen another large Writing which by the hand seems to be his shewing certain ways and means for the taking care of and for the maintaining the Poor of the Nation And many more whereof as yet neither the sight nor the particular Subjects have come unto me To which I add several excellent Letters of his when Ambassador in France to the Lord Burghley and being Secretary of State to Sr. Francis Walsingham Ambassador in the same Court which are Printed in the Compleat Ambassador And a Bundle of other Letters writ to the Court when he was Ambassador with the French King Ann. 1562. the Earl of Warwick going then in the famous Expedition to New-haven which are yet reserved in the Kings Paper House He was a great Judge of Learning and Applications were often made to him for his Judgment in Matters of that Nature So Dr. Haddon appealed once to him in a sharp Controversie between the French Ambassador and himself Whether Tully were a good Lawyer Which that Ambassador had denied And how learnedly this was decided by Sir Thomas Smith may be seen in this History And both Cecil and the said Haddon would not allow the Answer to Osorius to come abroad till it had past his accurate Perusal and Correction His Acquaintance was with the Learned men of his Age. As Ramus and other Professors in Paris while he was there and with Cheke Cecil Haddon Wilson Ascham men of the finest Wits and purest Learning Of this last in a Letter to Haddon from France he enquired diligently after and complained that for two years and Six Months he had heard nothing from him and then added merrily That his Cocks for he was a great Cock Master ita illum excantâ—sse i.e. had so enchanted him that he had quite forgotten his Friends And I find the Correspondence between him and Ascham continued after for in 1â—68 Ascham requested of Smith to borrow a Book of his own Writing To which Smith answered by a Letter that he had sent it to Walden to be Transcribed least the first Copy and the whole Invention should perish together And Haddon being lately dead Smith in the same Letter told Ascham that his Epistles were found but not all and that his own Epistles to Haddon were more uncertain For they reckoned it pity any thing of that most Humane and Learned
their Ensample others shuld the more perseverantly enforce themselves to use their Tyme in honourable Wirkes and vertuose Dedes to purchase and get the Renoume of auncient Noblesse not onely for themselves but also for ther Lynge and Posteritie of theym descended according to ther Demerits and valiaunt Actions to be taken furth and reputed among al Nobylls and Gentylls And albeyt Iohn Smythe of Walden in the Countie of Essex is descended of honest Lignage and all his Auncestors and Predecessours hath long continued in Nobylite and beryng Armes lawful and convenyent Yet nevertheless he beyng uncertayne thereof and not willyng to do any thing prejudicial to no manner of Person hath requyred and instantlie desyred me the foresaid Garter to ratifie and confirme unto him and also to Register in my Recorde the true Armes and Blazon of his seyd Auncestours And therefore I the foreseyd Garter by Vertue Power and Authorite of myne Office as Principal King of Armes granted annexed and attributed by the King our Soveraign Lord have appointed and confirmed unto the seyd Iohn Smythe thesse Armes and Crest with thappurtenances hereafter following Viz. Sables a Fece dauncye betwixt III Lyonceux Regardant Argent Langes Goules Pawsing with their lyft Pawes upon an Awlter Gold Flaming and Bourning thereon Upon the Fece IX Bellets of his Felde Upon his Crest an Eagle rysing Sables holding in his Right Cley a Pen Argent Issuing thereout Flames of Fyer Set upon a Wreath Argent and Azure Mantelles Goules Lined Argent Botoned Gold To have and to hold to the same Iohn Smythe and to his Posteryte with other due Difference therin to be revested to his Honour for ever In wytnes hereof I the â—oresevd Garter Principal King of Aâ—mes as aâ—oâ—â—seyd hath signed these Preseâ—◠〈◊〉 mine own Hand and thereunto hath 〈◊〉 the Seal of my Office and also the Seal of mine Armes â—even at London the xii day of March in the yere of our Lord God MV cXLV and in the XXXV yere of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIII by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defendour of the Faith and in Erthe of the Church of England and Ireland Supreme Head Cb. alias Gartier Num. III. Sir Thomas Smith's Orations for and against the Queens Marriage I. Agamus or Wedspite This Oration for the Queens single Life ALTHO' I know saith he that I speak now first at a great Disadvantage as to such as have their Tongues at Wil their Wits fresh and be good Confuters as I have known them by experience in the Parliament House that whatsoever I shall say they can with Words make that it shall appear quite overthrown and dashed in pieces Yet because I my self would gladly learn whether I be in a right Opinion or no and hear either my Opinion weakned or thother strengthned with good Reasons that I may by comparing th one with thother know my Error which I could never yet do I am content to speak first I pray you that do note my Opinion so strange a while suspend your Judgments of me until you have heard al my Reasons which moveth me to take this part First I say that in this Matter either we must have respect to God to the Prince her Self or to the Commonwealth or rather to al these For as for vain Talk of the People and the common Opinion of every Man in this our Disputation I think little regard to be had to them For neither I speak in Pulpit before all Rascalls that cometh nor I do reason with such as I must needs say as they say or else hold my Peace but with them who wil look to have no further Credit to be given to their Authority and Mind than just Reason doth require And therefore to Godwards yee must needs confes that Virginity is above Matrimony which Christ himself being our Head King and Master did follow And St. Paul allowing both th one and thother Marriage I mean and the Sole Life yet preferreth the sole Life far above Matrimony And I cannot see that he maketh any Distinction or Difference whether they be Men or Women Young or Old Princes or Subjects Rulers or private Persons but as in Bondage or Freedom whether it be of Men or Women Young or Old he preferreth Liberty not excluding Bondage from the Gospel So doth he rather allow and exhort unto and wish thaâ— Men would chuse and take hold of Virginity and sole Life rather than Marriage with such Elogium as would seem slanderous iâ— it were not of his speaking The Virgin saith he and single Man have care how they should â—lease God The married Woman hath chosen infinite ways the worse Person to be pleased and the sole Woman the better Wherefore as I did say at the beginning to define what is good and most for the Queen if we shall try it by the best truest and more sure Ballance that is to Godwards St. Paul seemeth to be with me and the example of Christ himself and his most happy Mother St. Iohn Baptist and other the Heads of our Christian Religion who ensued that kind of Life as best and most acceptable to Godwards You see I do not bring you Histories of certain Emperors and Empresses Kings and Queens married who notwithstanding their Marriage yet lived continently lest perhaps you should doubt of the Truth of the History Or if the History were true yet of the Perfection and Sincerities of the Persons Or whether therin they pleased God altho it liked them best Nor yet I bring in that infinite number of Names of Virgins and Widdows which at the very Beginning of Christs Religion professed and kept Chastity as a thing whereby they thought most to please God and made their choice of that as of the most godly Life Lest peradventure with the evil Example again of the Nonns Monks and Friars of our Days who likewise have as holily vowed and yet so lewdly have and do keep the same you should have occasion to derogate Faith from all the rest but sincerely and plainly and of Principles most certain I have proved that to God the best most commendable and most allowable Life of these two is to be sole and chast It is hard ve will say in that Liberty Ease and Plenty of all things which Monarchy and Princely State doth bring to keep moderation and much more to keep Chastity Mary the harder the better and as the Greek Proverb is that which is laudable is hard to attain Ye be al learned and know Hesiods Verse What is that that men may take up by Heaps and case me by And how streit and hard a Path is left to creep to Vertue Wherefore when we speak of the Goodness of a thing or compare which of the Two is better the Hardness is no Objection but rather a Proof of the Goodness thereof And because I am yet in that Part which is to God-ward Why shall I go any further
these lusâ—y and couragious Knights Strangers Kings or Kings Sons to be their Husbands Men of another Countrey Language and Behaviour than theirs I would not wish her Majesty but her Highness's Enemies such Aid Help Honour Riches and Contentation of Mind as those Noble Women had of those Marriages by the Description of the Poets Therefore Sophonisba wife to Syphax was worthy Praise as a wise and stout Lady who was content to put her self into the hands of Masinissa For so much as he was a Numidian born in the same Country of Africa that she was But rather than she would come into the Power and Hand of the Romans being to her Strangers the chose with a Draught of Poison to rid her self both from her Life and from her Care Well I had rather in this Matter Bene ominari And therefore I will bring no more Examples out of Histories as ye know well enough I can of the Successes of such Marriages But well I wot our Country by all Likelihood rather desireth that her Highness had one of this Realm than a Stranger It is not long ago Once there was a Stir for that Matter that cost a good Sort of Gentlemâ—ns Lives Do I forget think you what argument of Authority you used against my Friend here Mr. Spitewedd Do you then remember the Motion of our Speaker and the â—equest of the Commons House what they did and could have moved then and how they ran all one way like the Hounds after the Hare High and Low Knights and Esquires Citizens and â—argesses â—eeâ— as were of the Privy Council and others far and near Whom preferred they I pray you then if they should have had their Wish The Stranger or the English man And think you they did not consider her Majesty's Honour as well as you Do you suppose that they knew not as well what was Disparagement as you Whose Judgments if you would have to be esteemed so much as appears in your Argument you would and as I think you will even now Subscribe unto this Matter is concluded and your Disparagement is gone And where you said that the Marriage within the Realm should bring in Envy Strife Contention and Debate and for to prove the same you shew forth the Marriage that King Edward IV. made with the Lady Katharine Grey wherein followed such Dissension Cruelty Murther and Destruction of the Young Prince and his Brother the sequel I grant Mary if you do consider the Matter well ye do alledge Non Causam tanquam Causam As for the Stomach and Grief of the Earl of Warwick against the King I think indeed that Marriage was the Cause Not because the Queen was an English Woman but because the King having sent the Earl as his Ambassadour to conclude a Marriage for him Which the King did afterward refuse to accomplish And this the Earl thought not only to touch the Kings Honour but also his and fought therefore the Revenging Which he would as well have done and he had the same Cause if he had concluded it in England and after the King refused it So that it was not the Place or Person but the breaking of the Promise and disavouching of his Ambassage and the touching of the Earls Honour herein that made the strife between the Earl and the King For the rest for the Beheading of the Earl Rivers and others the Marriage was not the Cause but the Devilish Ambition of the Duke of Glâ—cester and the Duke of Buckingham Which may appear by the sequel For the one rested not till he had the Crown nor the other till he lost his Head And I pray you what Kin was the Lord Hastings to the Queen And yet he lost his Head even then King Henry VI. Married in France And did not that Marriage make Dissension enough in England And for all that the Queen was a French Woman was not her Husband and her Son by the Desire of the Crown which the Duke of York had both bereaved of their Crown and Lives So that you see that neither Marriage within the Realm maketh these Mischiefs nor yet the Marriages without can let them but Wisdom Foresight and good Governance and chiefly the Aid and Grace of God But it is a great thing to be considered the Riches Power and Strength which shall be by Marriage of a Foreign Prince as well for the Establishment and well keeping of her Highness against Insurrections and Conspiracies which might chance here within the Realm and for Invasions War Battle to be made by or against Princes abroad and without the Realm And here you seem to triumph as tho' all were yours and as tho' it were a thing clear and without all Controversie But I pray you let us weigh this Matter Do you think so much Riches and so much strength gotten unto the Realm when she shall Marry a Foreign Prince Do you praise so much Queen Mary for Marrying King Philip Indeed he is a Prince as you say as great in Birth and Possession as any Christian Prince is at this day But what was England the better for his Marriage We kept Calais above Two Hundred and odd Years in the French Ground in despight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissension that ever was either in King Henry IV. Henry VI. Richard III. or King Henry VII their times And in King Henry VIII his Time we wan also Boloign and Boloignois And did the Encrease of Strength in his Marriage make us to lose in this Time I do assure you for my Part I never saw nor I think if I should have lived this Five Hundred Years heretofore past I should not have seen at any time England weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the Time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionats and Countries c. For all those jolly Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much Affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both They went to the Musters with Kerchiefs on their Heads They went to the Wars hanging down their Looks They came from thence as men dismayed and forelorn They went about their Matters as men amazed that wist not where to begin or end And what marvel was it as my Friend Mr. Agamus saith Here was nothing but Fining Heading Hanging Quartering and Burning Taxing Levying and Pulling down of Bulwarks at home and beggering and loosing our Strong Holds abroad A few Priests men in White Rochets ruled all Who with setting up of Six foot Roods and rebuilding of Rood-lofts thought to make all Cock-sure And is this the surety we shall look for the Defence we shall find the Aid we shall hope of if the Queen's Majesty take a Foreign Prince to her Husband And what Decay came at that Time
a Dukedom adjoyning and the bigger Kingdom the less And if they fall both into the Lap of a Mighty great Monarch as the Emperor of Rome of the Turks or of the Persians security they may have but their Honour and Liberty is clean lost whether Conquest giveth it them or Marriage Howbeit of these the Empire of the Romans doth least oppress and leaveth most Liberty Which is not for fault of Will but of Strength What intended Charles the last Emperor to do to the Almains What attempted his Predecessors against the â—wissers What hath he brought to pass at Naples and Milan And what did King Francis to Piedmont These may be Mirors and Examples to us to consider and see what Advancement it would be to us to fall into the Hands and Power of a Prince that is a Stranger and Stronger than We be Now if you will say there may be Covenants made Bonds taken and for the more surely by the Parliaments of both Realms the Conditions of Matrimony may be enacted and such Assurances devised as there may be no doubt of any Inconveniences to follow Indeed this is a Device but I pray you let me tell you of a Question that not long ago a Baron of England moved in the Parliament to this Purpose And if you can assoil it you shall move me much If the Bands be broken between the Husband and the Wife either of them being Princes and Soveraigns in their own Country who shall sue the Bands Who shall take the Forfeit Who shall be their Judge And what shall be the Advantage If you will not Answer I will tell you Discord Dissension War Bloodshed and either extream Enmity or else the one Part must at length break and yield If you will say Tush He will not do against his Promise he will not break his Accord and Agreement he will so much consider his Honour and Love that what he hath once said he will always stand to Well granting that I pray you what needs any Bonds Whereupon cometh this Mistrusting but upon Fear So long as Love lasteth and he standeth in that Mind in which â—e was when he made the Bonds I my self do not doubt but he will keep them because he so mindeth And then the Bonds be superfluous But if his Mind fortune to alter or change and so he misliketh the Conditions whereto he hath agreed and will not keep the Covenants what shall these Bonds avail To which you have neither Place of Iudgment Persons of Plaintiff or Defendant and least of all a competent Judge to compel the wrong Doer to abide right And if it were done what pleasure shall the Compelled Party have of the Compeller Or what Trust can the Compeller have of the Compelled Nay Bonds Covenants Indentures and Conditions be far from the free Love Sincerity and hearty Doings of Love when the Hearts Minds and Bodies be united Can there be a surer Bond than that which maketh them all one And if they be not so then they be two and what two Marry Princes which know to Rule and not to be Ruled and who may not abide to be compelled or enforced Nor is it so meet that otherwise they should but only by Perswasion nor indeed cannot without Battle or Bloodshed I think an Article comprized in the Conditions by Act of Parliament with King Philip was that we should not for his Cause enter into War with France But yet I trow we did to our no small Loss And you heard rehearsed by Agamus how well Iaques de la Nardâ— kept his Bonds to Queen Iane of Naples But let us leave all this and have respect only to our Gain and that the Queens Majesty shall have her Honour and Power marvellously advanced and her Dominion enlarged into I cannot tell how many Miles This is the fair shew Look what followeth The greater Monarchy the larger Frontiers â—he more Garrisons the more intricate Titles the more ready occasions for War Which must needs be the Consuming of Money of disquieting her Subjects of emptying the Realm of able men We had two Emperors of Rome came out of the Isle when it was Britain Constant and Constantine This you will say was a great Honour to the Realm that a Nobleman of England should hold the Crown of the Empire Not now when it is in manner but little but then when to be Emperor of Rome was to rule all the World And so would I say too if I did not consider as well the sequel thereof as the first fair shew For in taking the Power from hence they took so many of the good Warriors expert Captains tall and likely men that they left the Britains so weak that the Scots and Princes over them overcame them in every Place They were sain to ask Aid of the Saxons And of them who came for their Aid they and their Posterity for ever were driven down out of the whole Country of England into the barren Mountains of Wâ—les King Edward III a Prince most valiant and Victorious with those Victories in France and continual carrying over of men to people such Towns Cities and Fortresses as he had won there did make the People here at home so thin and those that were left so desirous rather to spoil than to labour that from the Twentieth of his Reign to the 26 th or 27 th he and all the Council of the Realm were most troubled and occupied how to cause the Fields of England to be Tilled as may appear by the Acts of Parliament made in that space And if this Disadvantage be in Victory what shall be in the Loss If it be thus in Conquering what shall it be in being Overcome As for such Wars as we have for our own to do I have not seen it neither read but with our own Nation we have been able to man them well enough and have not used or have not much been helped with the Power of other Princes allied Which thing also Nicâ—lao Michiavelli hath Noted And read you the Histories and you shall see that when we had most help of them then lâ—ast was done And first of France at Agincourt at Cressy and at Poitiers wherein the greatest Battails were foughten and the most noble Victories obtained there was but our own Nation and the King of England's Subjects King Edward I in so often conquering all Scotland used but his own Subjects And hitherto sith the Time of William the Conqueror we have thanks be to God been able to defend our selves against the French and the Scots always allied together without the Help of Forâ—ign Aid So that we have at the end saved our Realm and rather gotten of them than lost And King Henry VIII Marrying at home did not only save but also got both in France and Scotland and kept also that which he had gotten Qâ—eâ—n Mary having by Marriage all these Helps which you so greatly praise so far she was from getting now that she lost
that which was gotten by her Ancestors and had been kept by the English so long But because we shall better and more near at hand see the Advantage of heaping Realms together King Edward III. and the Black Prince goâ— almost all France His next Successor therefore must needs have his Power marvellously encreased So may it appear For tho' he were confessâ—d the riâ—ht Heir yet a Nobleman of this Realm of England bereaved him of both France and England King Henry V. again drove the Dâ—uphin to a very streight Room in France Wherefore by your Reason his Power must be marvellously augmented which he did leave to his Son Did not a Duke of his Realm dispossess him of his Crown for all the help that Queen Margaret his Wife and Daughter to Reigner Duke of Anjou and King of Sicily Naples and of Ierusalem could bring from her Father and all those four Realms to the Aid of her Husband or the Prince her Son So that for that Matter the Italian Proverb seemeth true â—hi troppe abbraccia poco stringe He that embraceth too much holdeth fast but a little Now for Encrease of Riches let us go as near Many would judge that the getting and keeping of Bulloâ—gn and Bullâ—â—gnâ—is in France now in the Time of King Henry VIII and the obtaining and holding of â—addingtâ—n and the Pâ—ethes and a great Part of the Lowdian in Scotland should have brought in great Riches to this Realm It was that almost bâ—ggered England For thereby our fine Gold was conveyed away our good Silver appâ—arâ—d not our Mâ—ssy and old Plate was mâ—â—lâ—d And every man seeth that not only our good â—â—n was wonderfully consumed but that which was leâ—t pitiously altered and mâ—dâ— worse The Gold much debased and at the lâ—â—t for Sterling Silver we had two 〈◊〉 oâ— Copper and scarce the Third part 〈◊〉 metal remaining in the Coin Which now without any such Revenues either out oâ— France or Scotland thanks be to God and the Queens Highness beginneth well to amend again Whether think you King Henrâ— IV. which had but England left his Kingdom richer to his Son King Henry V. than he with all his Conquests to his Son King Henry VI. who hâ—d nothing in France but Câ—lais Did not King Henâ—y VII leave more Riches in his Coâ—â—râ— to King Henry VIII who Conquered both in France and Scotland than he lâ—ft to King Edward VI. And do yoâ— not perceive that Qâ—eâ—n Mary who wrote that she was Queen of so many Kingdoms Dutchess of so many Dukedoms Marchioness and Countess of so many Marchionâ—s and Earldoms c. did not â—ave lâ—ss â—ichâ—s in her Coâ—â—â—rs and â—â—alth in the â—â—alm at the Time of her Death than ever any of her Pâ—oâ—â—nitoâ—â— did My Mastâ—â—â— say wâ—at you will and call me as it plâ—ase you â—ithâ—r Enemy to Sâ—ranâ—â—râ— the Pattern or â—dâ—a of an old English mâ—n Fam. friend or what you â—iâ— I say and see that it is ENGLAND alone that shall make her Highness strong ENGLAND and no other her true Patrimony Riches Power and Strength whereto she must trust ENGLAND her Highness native Country alone being well tilled and Governed shall be better to her Majesty in the End than all those Empires Kingdoms Dukedoms and Marchionates and other Rabblements of gay Titles which are but Wind and Shadows and Makers of Cares and Costs Which are no Profit but rather Hindrance and Loss as at last will be proved and as you may perceive by these Discourses her Predecessors have proved Now Mr. Philoxenus or Lewelyn or Lovealien for I thank my Godfather neither you nor I can lack Names I have sufficiently as methinketh answered you to your Six Parts Causes or Occasions which you make of Marriage You see that for Succession that Prince shall be to the Realm most loving most tender and most natural which hath both his Parents mere English And such an one hath England most cause to Love who is mere Hâ—rs of whom no other Region may claim any part You see that for Plâ—asure Comfort and Ioy which in Matrimony the one should have of the other the English man for Likeness of Manners for naturalness of Education yea and because he is most tryed and best known is most likely to be more kind loving and natural than the Stranger who is both different in Tongue and Manners rather stumbled on by Fortune than chosen by certainty You see how it is to the Realm most Honourable and to her Grace most allowable not to despise and contemn or to reckon inferiour to any other Country men those which her own Region and Country bringeth up Ye see that Strength which Foreign Princes bring is rather a Weakning than a Strengthening rather to be suspected than trusted Ye see also that the Stranger ever is like to have and also more like to impoverish than to enrich the Realm And that the Realm it self by good Government both is able enough to enrich the Princes thereof and hath enriched them when they have been contented alone with it rather than when they have sought and gotten great Augmentations of other Countries Which things if you will weigh in a just Pair of Ballances without being affected so much as you are to Strangers I do not doubt but ye will condescend now at the last to my Opinion and Judgment and think as ever I have thought that for all Purposes it were better for the Queens Majesty if it could stand with her Pleasure to Marry an English man than any other Stranger whatsoever he be NAY said he whom they called Mr. Godfather stammering after his manner speak to me Man that am indifferent never speak to him For ye are not so far in with England and English men as he is with Strangers or to this our Host here Let him give judgment For he hath been attentive enough I am sure he hath born away all that hath been spoken Come on quoth he to me what â—say you to the Matter Mary quoth I it were a Presumption indeed to speak before my Prince without Commission I trust her Highness shortly will give sentence her self and not with Words but with Deeds shew who took the better Part to the great Contentation of us all But yonder hath one stood a good while to call us to Supper I have caused him to stay whilst all were ended Why is it Supper time so soon quoth one of them it may be so by the Day but methought the Time was very short So it appeared to me quoth I But Supper tarrieth for you Well we must obey our Host said they and so walked in fair and softly jesting one with another at their new Names NUM IV. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of Thomas Smith Esquire Uncle and Heir of Edward Smith Esquire deâ—eased Son and Heir of Sir William Smith the Younger and Heir of Sir William Smith the Elder who was Nephew and Heir of Sir Thomas Smith Kt.
Sir Thomas Smith in Commission Words between Bishop Boner and him His Fidelity to the Duke of Somerset Smith in a Commission against Anabaptists One of the Visitors of Cambridge In Commission upon Bishop Boner who would have declined him Smith deals roundly wâ—th him His Word to Boner's Servants Boner enters a Recusation against Smith Who chargeth him wâ—th Disobedience Smith in trouble with the Protector Deposed against Bishop Gardiner Makes a Purchase Goes in Embassy to France CHAP. VI. The Condition of Sir Thomas Smith under Queen Mary His wise Advertisements He loses all his Places He hath an Indulgence from the Pope Bishop Gardiner his Friend Gains Gardiner's Favour upon his first Address to him from Cambridge Ascham favoured by Gardiner Even Bishop Boner pretends to be Smith's Friend Rob. Smith a Retainer of Sir Tho. Smith burnt His Grief at these Times Smith's wise Advertisements and Counsels CHAP. VII Smith called to Queen Elizabeth 's Court. Concerned in the Settlement of Religion His Judgement of the Queen's Marriage Employed in the Reformation and in one of the Committees for the State And in swearing the Officers of Walden His Service in the Commission of the Peace Subscription of the Iustices Smith's Dialogues concerning the Queen's Marriage CHAP. VIII Sir Thomas 's Embassies to France Why not restored to be Secretary Dispatched to France Stops at Calais and why Directions to him from the Council Smith a Peace-mover Confers with the Pope's Legate The Secretary Advice to the Ambassador The Queen's Orders to him Three Evils in France Smith's Behavior in his Embassy Entertains a subtil Spy His Complaint The Ambassador's Instructions concerning the Prince of Conde He sends Nâ—ws to the Council Ordered to speak only in Latin in his Negotiation Contention between Smith and Throgmorton Smith's Plainness pleaseth the Lord Robert Instructions for Smith's Dealing with the Protestants Smith treateth for Peace Doctor Haddon's Advice to Smith CHAP. IX Osorius his Letter to the Queen And Doctor Haddon 's Answer Difference between Smith and Throgmorton the Queen 's joint Ambassadors Smith and Cecyl Friends The Ambassador sends over Books to Cecyl To procure a Book to be Printed in France Osorius's Epistle to the Queen Answered by Haddon This Answer recommended to Smith to revise And publish A Licence for which he labours to obtain from the Chancellor Which â—e will not grant Smith presseth it Argues with the Chancellor of France about it The Progress of this Controversie Difference between the two Ambassadors Some Character of Throgmorton Cecyl's and Smith's Friendship CHAP. X. Peace with France Smith continues Ambassador there His Book of the Commonwealth of England Returns A Review of his Embassy Smith affects a Peace Sollicits the Queen's Debt The Queen Continues him Ambassador A Match for the Queen propounded to him Finisheth his Book of the Commonwealth His extraordinary Expence Smith's Son with him He labours to come home He returns He is Inquisitive how his Negotiation is accepted He follows the Court of France His Reflection upon his Hearing of the Queen's going to Cambridge He composeth his Book of the English Commonwealth at Tholouse He enquireth for Learned men in Paris He procures the Printing of the Answer to Osorius His Correspondence with Haddon Ambassador in Flanders Smith's Opinion of Tully's Philosophy and Law His Reflection on the Troubles occasioned by Hale's Book CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper Smith now at home sent again to demand Calais Take his Son with him The Manner of his demanding Calais Sues for the Place of Chancellor of the Dutchy Sir Thomas in the Country administring Iustice. Witches by him examined Master's wife Ann Vicars Sir Thomas admitted into the Council Labours about Transmuting Iron into Copper His Progress therein Some Lords come into the Project The Projectors formed into a Society The Patent for it signed The Business finds Delay The Chymist a Beggar CHAP. XII Smith waits upon the Queen at Audleyâ— End Goes on Embassy to France Concludes a League Concerned in Proposals of a Match for the Queen He examineth the Duke of Norfolk's Secretary Goes Ambassador â—gain to France to make firm Amity against Spain An Article debated by Smith His Argument with the French Queen Smith perswades the Queen She consents to the League He loved not many Words His hardship in France Communication between the Queen Mother and Smith concerning Queen Elizabeth's Marriage Further Discourse on the same Argument His Thoughts of the Queen's Marrying His Concern for her Sickness And the Irresolutions of the Court The Queen of Navarre sends to Sir Thomas CHAP. XIII Made Chancellor of the Garter Comes home Becomes Secretary of State His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match His Astonishment upon the Paris Massacre The Queen gives Smith the Chancellorship of the Order Comes home Made Secretary Famed in the Court for his Learning Smith's Device for a View between Monsieur and the Queen His Thoughts of the Massacre at Paris His Detestation of it His Reason of the Manner of answering the French Ambassador His Observation of the Prejudice the French did themselves in Scotland CHAP. XIV Secretary Smith at Windsor dispatching Business His Care of Flanders and Ireland Massmongers and Conjurers ent up to him out of the North. His Colony in Ireland The Secretary at Windsor Dispatching Agents and Irish Matters His Compassion for Flanders His Advice about the Earl of Desmond And the Quarrel between Clanricard and Fitton Mass-mongers and Conjurers sent up to the Secretary His Letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury hereupon Perswades the Queen to send Aid unto Scotland Which upon his Motion she condescends to Two Scotch men by him examined Sir Thomas sends a Colony into Ardes His Patent for it Sir Thomas's Son leads the Colony His Rules and Orders for it Mr. Smith's Care in the Colony Draws up Instructions for his Son Families of English found in the Ardes Mr. Smith's good Service this Winter Mr. Smith slain The Ardes neglected upon Sir Thomas's Death How lost from the Family CHAP. XV. The Secretary Oppressed with Business His Discourse with the Queen about Ireland and the Earl of Essex His Act in the behalf of Colleges of Learning His Sickness and Death The Secretary uneasie at the Queen's Delays The Queen deliberates about Supplies for the Earl of Essex Her Backwardness thereunto troubles the Secretary Conference between the Queen and her Secretary about Ulster and the Earl of Essex His Advice to the Queen concerning him The Secretary with the Queen in Progress She speaks to the Secretary about dangerous Beggars He procures an Act for Schools of Learning The Act. His fatal Distemper seizes him It affected chiefly his Tongue and Throat The Orator now scarce can speak To divert his Sickness he looks over his former Writings His Book of
or Love-alien makes his Oration in Answer to Agamus for the Queen's Marriage Then the same Philoxenus enters into another Speech fortified with divers Arguments for the Queen 's Marrying with a Stranger Then spake Axenius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Homefriend for the Queen 's Marrying an English-man In all these Discourses sir Thomas Smith layeth down what Reasons could be made use of in savour of the Argument insisted on adorned also with handsom Eloquence and furnished with proper Examples out of History ancient and modern In the last and chief Discourse of all Smith seems to intend himself the Speaker under the Name of Axenius I shall exemplifie these Orations for the Readers pleasure and satisfaction And the rather because they have many things relating to publick Affairs not long before happening in the Realm under the Reigns of King Henry King Edward and Queen Mary But if I should place them here it would too much interrupt the Course of the History therefore they are reserved for the Appendix where the Reader shall find them CHAP. VIII Sir Thomas's Embassies to France The Principle Queen Elizabeth went by at her first coming to the Crown was to displace as few as she might of the Old Ministers of State Whereby it came to pass that many of those that were her Sisters Servants remained so to her Therefore tho' she parted with Queen Mary's two Secretaries Bourn and Boxal strong Papists who came in the rooms of Cecil and Smith yet she kept Secretary Petre still and replaced Cecil And intending to retain only two Principal Secretaries for the future there was no room for our Smith But he was not to be laid aside His Abilities were too well known And therefore the Queen resolved to make use of him for a time in her Business with foreign Princes till the might prefer him in her own Court. Thus not to mention that he seemeth to be dispatched abroad into France in the Year 1559. together with 〈◊〉 Bishop of Ely the Lord Hâ—â—rard and Dr. Wolten when a Peace was concluded with that Crown and there resided in the Year 1502. he was thought a sâ—t Person to be employed in the Embassy to France Of whom Cambden in his History takes no notice tho' he doth of the Embassage He received his last Instructions in September and a Declaration written in French and Sir Tho. Gresham the Queen's Merchant gave him Credit The Matter of the Embassy was to urge the Restitution of Calais and to keep the Correspondence with the Protestant Prince of Conde that in case of a Breach with France he might be Assistant to the English against that Crown Sir Thomas made some stay at Calais waiting for the coming of Sir Nicolas Throgmortâ—â— the Queen's Ambassador then in France that they might repair to the French Court together But he mâ—de a Delay at Orleans upon some By â—nds to the Prejudice of the Queen's Affairs So â—ir Thomas at last set forward himself towards the Court where more good was to be done with his Presence than otherwise â—ut as for Thrâ—gmorton's Abode at Orleans done perhaps to discredit or impede the success of Smith's Embassy and so he seemed to take it as did others also Secretary Cecil wrote to Smith that he took it to be upon such reasonable Causes as he had alledged tho' other Folks were not so well perswaded And he wished him safe at home to answer his own Doings Where as that good Secretary wrote he should not lack his Friendship for divers Respects But this was the beginning of no good understanding between Thrâ—gmorton and Smith tho' both joint Ambassadors in France for the Queen The Queen's Council wrote their Letters to him in October wherein they shewed him what passed between the French-Ambassador and them and how a matter of Treason of the Poles practiced by the French and Spanish Ambassadors had been of late discovered Which altho' it were a Matter of no great Moment to be feared Yet thereby was made apparent how truly the Queen and her Council judged of the House of Gaise And that so he might as he saw Cause take advantage thereby to maintain the former Reasons published by her Majesty for justification of her Doings in sending Forces into France As the Secretary wrote to this Ambassador But to look a little back Smith's great Profession was when he came into France to be a Peace mover As soon as he had Audience of the King and Queen he wrote the Council a full Account therof to their great satisfaction And the Secretary wrote to him that they all allowed of his Zeal to procure Peace and of his Diligence in so ample a manner as by his Writing had appeared The Cardinal of Fâ—rrâ—â—ra the Pope's Legate being then at Court Smith had much conference with him But for this he had not escaped a Reprimand from the Court had not some of his good Friends interceded Of this Cecil gave him notice in these Words in the Month of November But to write plainly and friendly unto you as I would you should if our places were changed the most here have misliked that you have treated with the Legate and seem willing that you should have been reprimanded therefore But therein I and others unto your good meaning have so tempered the Cause as thereof you shall hear no otherwise except it be by me and some others your private good Friends For that as he added there were among them in England divers very scrupulous of dealing with the Popes Ministers And therefore he advised the Ambassador to forbear the Cardinal in these Affairs and to use other Courtesy to him as he should see cause for the State of Ferrara as the Ambassador had well made the Distinction to himself The Secretary also now advised him to beware of one Monsieur de Serre saying that he was very Fine and Nimble in all his Practiques In our Ambassadors last Dispatch he wrote to the Queen and therein took the Liberty to give her certain good Counsel which Letter she took in good part and ordered the Secretary to thank him for it and willed him also to warn the Ambassador of the Cardinal of Ferrara and likewise to let all the Favourers of the Prince of Conde manifestly understand that without his Consent the Ambassador would not enter into any Treaty with France Smith in this Embassy had but ill Entertainment in France for he went over in a Year wherein he met with three Evils Plague intestine War and Famine Whereof the next Year the Plague came over into England The intestine War was pretty well ceased but the Famine that is the Dearth of Provision remained and encreased there more and more February 1. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton JointAmbassador with Smith came over into England to the Queen leaving Smith alone in France and nine days after he sent over his Man to the Court with Letters And so
him divers Books which where not to be had at home Thus once he conveyed over Onuphrius and Polydore and certain French Books of Genealogy and Chronology for the Secretary There had been a dangerous Book wrote in Latin and lately printed abroad against the present State of Religion in England An Answer to which in the same Language the Secretary had procured and wanted nothing but to have it printed abroad as the other was In a Letter wrote to the Ambassador dated November 28th he wished he had a sight of it and that he would give his allowance thereof by some Commendatory Epistle to be added and if he could by some good means procure it to be well printed in France without peril of the Book he would send him the Copy Or if he could get it Printed at Strasburgh or Basil by some means from thence he would also send it him but if he could not he would send by some of his Men to Christopher Mount the Queen's Agent in Strasburgh for him to take care for the Publishing of it But to relate a few particulars of this Book which made no small stir in these Days Hieronymus Osorius a Portugal then a private Man afterwards Bishop of Arcoburge or Sylvane wrote an Epistle to Queen Elizabeth in an elegant Latin Stile being nothing in effect but an Admonition to Her to wheel about to Popery In this Epistle he imagined many monstrous Errors to be nurselled in our Church and with much reproachful Language depraved the Professors of the Gospel This Libel was soon after printed in France both in Latin and French as it was also printed in English at Antwerp Ann. 1565. Translated by one Richard Shacklock M. A. and Student of the Civil Law in Lovain and Intituled A Pearl for a Prince This the State thought necessary to have an Answer to because it reflected much upon the Justice and Wisdom of the Nation Dr. Walter Haddon one of the finest Learning and of the most Ciceronian stile in England was imployed to answer this Foreigners Book which he finished in this Year 1563. Beginning Legi Hieronyme tuam Epistolam c. It is extant in the said Haddon's Lucubrations Published by Hatcher of Cambridge In the Beginning Haddon shewed the Cause of his answering of Osorius and of his publishing the same namely that Osorius had indeed writ his Epistle separately to the Queen yet it seemed to be intended for all because it was published in Print and was open to the Eyes of all Men. He added that this Author had taken much upon him that he being a private Man and at a great distance both by Sea and Land unacquaintâ—d also with English Affairs should so considently take upon him to speak to the Queens Majesty that he diminished the Dignity of the Laws of England and that in general he madâ— the Nation guilty of a wicked and malicious kind of Novelty Haddon in his Answer studied Brevity and they were only some particular Points whereunto he thought good to Answer although not to the full neither Because he supposed as he wrote in his Apology that Osorius might be deluded by some malicious Reports of our Adversaries Haddon's Book being thus prepared the care was to get it published And because Osorius was printed in France both in Latin and French Cecil thought it convenient that Haddon's said Answer should be printed in the same Place and in both the same Languages Hereupon the said Cecil in Ianuary sent the Treatise to our Ambassador desiring him to procure the Printing of it and that with all Expedition And that he would add to it something by his own hand where and as he thought good and that he would procure it to speak French and to be published in that Language also And accordingly this Epistle Responsory of Dr. Haddon was so well considered over and weighed by Smith and had his Castigations that it might be reckoned to be Smith's Work as well as Haddon's For Haddon also had entreated him to ponder diligently his Answer that nothing might be in it but what was sit to be seen and read for the Vindication of the Queen and Realm Smith also spake to Robert Stephens the French King's Printer that he would take it in hand He desiring the Copy to see whether there were any thing in it which touched the State of that Kingdom as also to consider the Bulk of the Book and on Condition he had leave of the Queen undertook to do it But it received some stop by this means which probably enough might have been a thing plotted by Osorius's Friends or Queen Elizabeth's and the Nations Enemies One de Valla came to the English Ambassador and desired he might have the sight of this Epistle of Haddon's and whether he had the Ambassador's leave or no went to Stephens as from the Ambassador and took the Book from him to peruse it for a time But while it was in de Valla's Possession the Provost Marshal arrested the said de Valla upon pretence of some Crime and withal took this Book out of his hand and so it was brought to the Court and remained in the possession of the said Provost This created work for the Ambassador So he wrote to the Chancellor of France acquainting him with the whole matter relating to him how Osorius had in the Book traduced the Manners Lives and Religion of England not according to the truth of the thing as indeed it was but according to his Apprehension and as ignorant Men had out of Envy represented matters to him And that if he had kept his Book within its own Bounds and in the Shadow of his own Closet no matter would have been made of it But when he had made that publick Vaunt of his performance by setting it forth in Print and making a Boast of himself to the World in this new and unusual Argument what did he do but display to all not only how ignorant he was of the Institution Manners and Customs which we said he use at present in England but how little he knew of those Controversies and Questions which now exercised the whole Christian World and to the understanding whereof the minds of all were so intent Thus the Ambassador discoursed in his Letter Two things therefore in Conclusion he requested of the Chancellor one was that after he had read this Epistle of Dr. Haddon he would procure that the Copy might be restored to Stephens to Print it Cum Privilegio or if that were not allowed yet that he might not be hindred from printing it in Latin and French Or if yet that would not be granted at least to restore the Copy that it might be printed elsewhere This was written by Smith March 6th from Melum a place about twenty Miles from Paris To which the Chancellor gave this Answer That the French Queen was much offended with those Folks that presumed to print Osorius his Book in
FrenchAmbassador Resident in England to whom he bore a great Malice And yet such was his Fineness and Dissimulation that at the latter end of that Year being at Liberty and here at home he grew very great with the same French Gentleman Cecil took notice of it and wrote to Smith that he thought it strange to see what great Amity now was between the French-Ambassador and Mr. Throgmorton considering the Hate he had before born him It was strange to Cecil a plain-dealing Man and of no Turnings and Windings tho' a great and wise Politician But Throgmorton could play the Courtier and pretend Friendship in colour for some private ends of his own when the same distempered Spirit lurked still within him that did before And happy was Smith in the Friendship of the foresaid Cecil who as he was a wise and good Man so most sincere and cordial in his Nature And yet once had our Ambassador taken something ill at his Hands according to an ill Office that some had done between them representing him as guilty of some Unkindness towards Sir Thomas Whereat he very plainly and freely in his next Letters dated in December told him of it This Freedom the Secretary took in good part and valued in Truth his Friendship the more for it telling him that He had much Cause to thank him for his Friendly Dealing with him and as much more cause to praise him for his open and plain Dealing Which I assure you on my Faith as he said I do allow more in you than any other part of your Friendship And hence he took occasion to give this good piece of Advice to him viz. wishing him to use all Integrity in his Transactions that he might have the Testimony of a good Conscience Notwithstanding which Counsel he reckoned that he needed not to give it him For added he piously and gravely when all the Glory and Wit when all the Wealth and Delight of this World is past we must come before the Judge that will exact this Rule of us to discern us from the Goats CHAP. X. Peace with France Smith continues Ambassador there His Book of the Common-wealth of England Returns A Review of his Embassy IN the Beginning of the Year 1564. by the Means and Labour of Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Nic. Throgmorton his Collegue Peace was concluded with France Which was to take place on the 23d of April It was proclaimed in London the 22d and on the 23d a notable good Sermon was made at St. Paul's with e Deum sung and all incident Solemnitiâ—s The same Day it was published at Windsor in the Queen's presence going to Church and having with her the French-Ambassador So as nothing wanted to shew Contentation The Queen also now sent over the Garter to be presented to that King by the Lord Hunsdon Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Gilb. Dethic King of Arms. After the Peace was concluded Sir Tho. Smith still resided in France And now one of his great Businesses was to get some good Answer for the Money due by the Prince of Conde to the Queen In September Sir Thomas desirous of returning solicited by the Secretary his sending for home But the Secretary could not attain of the Queen a Determination about it perceiving in her a Disposition rather to have him continue till that King should return back from those South Parts where he then was But this Care however she took for him that for avoiding of the Plague which then reigned in France she would have him forbear to follow the Court in dangerous Places Considering as she said the French Ambassador did forbear to follow her Court all her last Progress into the North taking his Ease at London altho' he was by some means moved to the contrary Wherewith her Majesty was somewhat offended Wherefore she admonished Smith in like manner according to his Convenience to forbear so diligent a â—aâ—lowing of that Court as hitherto he haâ— used In this Month of September the Rhinegrave being in France dealt with our Ambassador concerning a Match between the Archduke the Emperor's Son and Queen Elizabeth With which he acquainted the Secretary To which the Secretary replyed That it would be very seasonable if it were honourably propounded Sir Thomas afterwards wrote him that he should hear more of this another way In March the beginning of the Year 1565. did Sir Thomas finish his known Tract of the Common-wealth of England and the Manner of the Government thereof Consisting of three Books The first whereof was concerning the Diversities of Common-wealths or Governments And therein he treated of the Gentlemen of England Which he divided into the Great and Less Nobility and of the other Ranks of Men in this Country The Second Book was taken up in shewing particularly the Laws of the Realm The Third was concerning Appeals of the Courts of Star-Chamber Wards and Liveries c. This excellent Book he wrote at his leisure Hours while he was abroad in this his Embassy in France Occasioned as it seemeth by certain Discourses he had with some Learned Men there concerning the variety of Common-wealths Wherein some did endeavour to under-value the English Government in comparison with that in other Countries where the Civil Law took place His drift herein was as he tells us himself in the Conclusio◠〈◊〉 his Book to set before us the principal Points wherein the English Policy at that Time differed from that used in France Italy Spain Germany and all other Countries which followed the Civil Law of the Râ—mans compiled by Iustinian in his Pandects and Code And this Tract of his being as a Project or Table of a Common-wealth laid before the Reader he recommended to be compared with the Common-wealths which at that Day were in Eâ—â—e or with others which did remain described in true Histories Especially in such Points wherein the one differed from the other To see which had taken the more right truer and more commodious way to Govern the People as well in War as in Peace This he said would be no illiberal Occupation for him that was a Philosopher and had a delight in Disputing nor unprofitable for him that had to do with or had good will to serve the Prince and Common-wealth in giving Counsel for the better Administration thereof This was written in Latin as well as in English and many were the Copies taken of it till at last it was Printed tho' I think not before the Year 1621. when it came forth in English in the old Black Letter From the 5th of August to the 30th of October Smith's extraordinary Charges which he brought in to the Queen amounted to 103 l. 6 s. 8 d. And as a good part of which was for his Servants some sent into England and others to the French Court the King being then in his Progress and Smith not always following the Court so the greatest part was spent in gratifying Spies
the Queen was much offended In May Hales's Business came to be examined by the Secretary After Examination he was found to have procured Books in Defence of the Earl of Hertford's Marriage and likewise in Approbation of the Title of Succession for the Lady Katharine Upon this Occasion thus did Smith the Ambassador write As I am a Man I would not have any Man vexed I could wish Quietness to all the Race of Mankind and that whosoever would might Philosophize freely But every Man should mind his own Business He declared that he for his part was for a Liberty of Philosophizing But whereas it was urged that they Philosophized too much he said he thought what was done was done more out of Curiosity than Malice And whereas he saw so much Danger and Vexation Banishment from Court and Imprisonment of great Men happening upon the Occasion of the said Book some for Writing it and some for Reading it he made this Moral and wise Reflection I plainly perceive how dangerous a thing it is to be too forward in prying into the secret Affairs of King's and Kingdoms CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper SMITH being come home from his Embassy the Sight of his old Friends and the Enjoyment of his native Country was a great Joy to him Haddon still remained Ambassador at Bruges Who in the Kalends of Iune Anno 1566. wrote to him that he did almost envy him this his present Happiness You said he have now recovered your Country your Prince your Consort your Friends your Ease and with the rest the high Commendation of your Embassy Whereas it is my unhappiness alone to be deprived of all those Comforts of my Life And no doubt Smith returned with the same Praise for the management of his Negotiation in France as his Friends in England gave him while he was in the Execution of it as the same Haddon signified to him not long after his first going into France viz. That the most intelligent Men of the Court attributed much to his Wisdom and Moderation but above the rest their common Friend Cecil the Queen's Secretary Who ever made honourable and friendly mention of him Sir Thomas Smith spent this Year in England among his Friends He had not been above Twelve Months at home but he was sent again into France in Quality of the Queen's Ambassador Extraordinary to make a formal Demand of Calais from the French according to a Treaty at the Castle of Cambray Eight Years before and when the last Peace was made at Triers Calais being then excepted in express Words and to be restored to England the second Day of April now next ensuing Sir Henry Norris was at present the Ambassador in Ordinary there who went over in February 1566. Sir Thomas followed the next Month viz. in March Repairing privately to Calais to be there the third Day of April to demand the Town Not as tho' they thought the Governour would deliver it but to avoid all Cavillations which the French might invent for by Law it was to be demanded at the very Place and being not delivered the sum of 500000 l. was forfeited to the Queen Mr. Winter a great Sea-Officer past secretly with him to take Possession thereof if they deceived the Expectation of the English and there were not passing three of the Council knew of Winter's going Sir Thomas took his Son Mr. Smith along with him bringing him up in all generous and gentile Accomplishments that he might be fit to do Service afterward to his Queen and Country And often he sent him over with Letters and Messages as he did in the Month of May this Year 1567. with Letters from himself and Sir Henry his fellow Ambassador containing the Contents of this their troublesome Negotiation But to return to Smith his Managery of this his charge which he did in this Formality He demanded Calais first at the Gates of the Town next the Sea in a loud Voice in French by the sound of a Trumpet of which an Act was presently made by a publick Notary to which were Witnesses certain outlandish Merchants and others there happily present And next coming to the French King he demanded Calais again together with Sir Henry Norris the other Ambassador That King remitted the matter to his Council where Hospital his Chancellor and our Smith argued the Point largely and learnedly on both sides which may be read in the History of Queen Elizabeth This being done Smith comes over again and was at Court about the 12 th of May and thus did he continue employedby the Queen in her service both at home anâ—abroad And for his pains he justly waited for some Preferment as a gracious token of thâ— Queen's acceptance of his Services And when in the Year 1568. Sir Ambrose Cave aâ— old Friend of his deceased who had been Chancellor of the Dutchy and one of the Queenâ—punc Privy Council he solicited and laboured with Cecil to be admitted into his Room He told the said Cecil that if any thing came â—r whatsoever came he should and must thinâ— that it came by him and promised that hewould not be unthankful and that if the Queen were disposed to bestow this Place uponhim he should reckon himself not utterly abjâ—ct of her Majesty Which Words point to â—ome Discontent in Smith's Mind as tho' he had taken it somewhat to heart that no preferment had been conferred upon him during the ten years the Queen had Reigned Dr. Haddon the Master of Requests wrote also upon this occasion to the Secretary in Smith's behalf that he might succeed in his Suit But withal he wrote in that manner astho ' he conjectured his Suit was in effect desperate which he exprest with some trouble concluding that it was destined That as he Haddon was to grow old among Beggars for his Office was to present begging Requests and Suits to the Queen so Smith to spend his life among Turfs meaning the Country Life which he Lived in Essex But withal he wished the Queen â—o worse Counsellors than he And so it fel out Smith missed his Suit and Sir RalphSadleir became Chancellor of the Dutchy So that in the Years 1567 1568 1569 1570. Sir Tho Smith was much in the Country Living aretired Life During which time he servâ—d his Country in distributing Justice and aking care of the Peace and Quiet of the Queen's Subjects and Execution of her Laws in the Quality of Justice of Peace in that Division of Essex especially aâ—punc bout the Part of Ongar and Epping where he dwelt Among other Causes that came before him there happened certain Matters of supposed Witchcraft Which occasioned much Disturbance among â—is Neighbours Arising especially from tâ—o Women viz. One Malter's Wife of Theyron at Mount the Parish where Sir Thomas himself dwelt and
have taken up their Seat in him And thus we see Smith re-enstated again in that Place which four and twenty Years ago he enjoyed under King Edward Smith now being Secretary and Walsingham Resident in the French Court and the matter of the Match for Duke D'Alenson and the Queen transacted earnestly this Year the main of this Matter went through Smith's Hands And thus it stood The French King and Queen-Mother and the Duke and that Court were extreamly eager for it and so was the English Nation too supposing it the best way for the Security of her Majesty and her Crown But the Queen her self was but cold in the Matter And when an Interview was moved between her and the Duke she refused to yield to it upon some Scruples Whereat Secretary Smith to set it forward that it might not be suspended on such a Point devised that the Duke should come over hither without the Ceremony of an Invitation For as he wrote to Walsingham in August he was sorry so good a Matter should upon so nice a Point be deferred Adding That one might say that the Lover would do little if he would not take pains once to see his Love but she must first say Yea before he saw her or she him Twenty Ways said he might be devised why he might come over and be welcome and possibly do more in an Hour than he might in two Years otherwise Cupido ille qui vincit omnia in oculos insidet ex oculis ejaculatur in oculos utriusque videndo non solum ut ait Poeta Faemina virum sed Vir faeminam What Force I pray you can Hear-say and I think and I trust do in comparison of that cum Praesens praesentem tuctur alloquitur furore forsitan amoris ductus amplectitur And saith to himself and openly that she may hear Tenâ—ne te mea an etiamnum somno volunt Faeminae videri cogi ad id quod maximè cupiunt If we be cold it is our Part Besides the Person the Sex requires it Why are you cold Is it not a Young Man's part to be Bold Couragious and to adventure If he should have a Repulse he should have but Honorificam Repulsam The worst that can be said of him is but a Phaeton Quam si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit Ausis Adding that so far as he could perceive this was the only Anchor this the Dye to be cast for us Or else nothing was to be lookt for but still and continual Dalliance and Doubtfulness so far as he could see Thus in his Royal Mistresses and the Nations Behalf he could talk and direct like a Master of Love This Device and Counsel I suppose was hinted to the French Court And it was not long but Duke D'Alenson accordingly came over to make his Address to the Queen The Parisian Massacre happening in August so treacherous and so inhumane that all the World stood amazed at it Secretary Smith abhorred and wrote his Thoughts of it in this following Letter to Walsingham then Ambassador there Sir this Accident in France seemeth to us so strange and beyond all Expectation that we cannot tell what to say to it And the Excuse tam Exilis so slender or fraudulent namely That the Hugonots had intended to have made some dangerous Disturbances in the Kingdom and therefore the King was forced to do this for his own safety that we wot not what to think of it The Matter appears all manner of ways so lamentable the King so suddenly and in one Day to have dispoiled himself and his Realm of so many notable Captains so many brave Soldiers so wise and so valiant Men as if they were unguilty of that which is laid unto them it is most pitiful If they were guilty Cur Mandati Causa damnati sunt ac caesi In such sudden and extream Dealings Cito sed sera Poenitentia solet sequi If it were sudden and not of long Time premeditated before And if so the worse and more infamous Thus you see what privately any Man may think of this Fact I am glad yet that in these Tumults and bloody Proscriptions you did Escape and the young Gentlemen that be there with you and that the King had so great Care and Pity of our Nation so lately with strait Amity Confederate with him Yet we hear say that he that was sent by my Lord Chamberlain to be School-master to young Wharton bâ—ing come the Day before was then slain Alas he was acquainted with no body nor could be partaker of any evil Dâ—â—ling How fearful and careful the Mothers and Parents be here of such young Gentlemen as be there you may easily guess by my Lady Lane who prayeth very earnestly that her Son may be sâ—nt home with as much speed as may be And if my Lady your Wife with your Daughter and the rest with such as may be spared were sent away home until this Rage and Tempest were somewhat appeased you shall be the quieter and disburthened of much of your Care You would not think how much we are desirous to hear what End these Troubles will have whether it rangeth further into all France or die and will cease here at Paris Our Merchants be afraid now to go into France And who can blame them Who would where such Liberty is given to Soldiers and where Nec Pietas nec Iustitia doth refrain and keep back the unruly Malice and Sword of the raging Popular Monsieur La Mote is somewhat spoken to in this Matter And now the Vintage as you know is at hand but our Traffick into Roan and other Places in France is almost laid down with this new Fear It grieveth no Man in England so much as me And indeed I have in some respect the greatest Cause I suppose because he was the great maker of the League between that King and the Queen and did so assure the Qâ—een of the Ingrity Truth and Honour of the said King Fare you well From Woodstock the 12th of September 1572. Your always assured Tho. Smith POSTSCRIPT I Most heartily thank you for the Book of the past Troubles in France But alas who shall now write worthily of the Treasons and Cruelties more barbarous than over the Scythians used And in the same Month when upon some Treachery feared to be acted upon Walsingham he was sent for home for some Time and Tidings being brought of the Massacres upon the Protestants at Roan and other Places as well as at Paris thus did this good Man express his Detestation of these Practices The cruel Murthers of Roan are now long ago written unto us when we thought all had been done And by the same Letters was written unto us that Diep was kept close and the same Executions of the true Christians lookt for there but as then not executed Howbeit Sigoigne did warrant all our English Men to be out of danger and not to be afraid But what
one of his Note-books under his own Hand for a Sickness in the Years 1558. and 1559. among the People Watercresses Scabious Pileworth Egremony Boyl these with Early of each a good handful saving Egrimony but a little Two Sticks of Liquorish bruised with an Hammer in running Water two Gallons till the one half be consumed Drink warm Morning and Evening half a Pint or thereabouts at a Draught and at other times of the Day cold If they sweat after it it is the better This purifieth the Bloud and taketh away that kind of Plague or Sickness But there is the Name of Mr. Gale set under this Recipe from whence perhaps therefore he had it Once more I find him playing the Physician with the Countess of Oxon the Lord Treasurers beloved Daughter when in the Month of December 157â— she lay under Sickness and far gone in it her Stomach gone and not able to digest any thing which made her refuse all Physic. Sir Thomas sent her a Water to take in a Spoon at once and so to use it from time to time Of his sending this Water to her he gave her Noble and disconsolate Father to understand and withall let him know the Properties of it and that if she took no other sustâ—â—â—nce in three days it would nourish hâ—r sufficiently And within 2â— hours he doubted not but his Lordship would see great Effects and pâ—radventure some Apâ— pitite to Meat to begin to come to her within that space Adding that there was never any one yet but felt good by it He was very conâ—ersant in the Commentâ—ries of Matthiolus upon Dâ—scorides and had interspersed his own Book of Matthâ—olus with many Notes and obsâ—rvâ—tions of his own It was a Book that was never wont to go from him But some Body it seems once had stollen it which grieved him not a little complaining to his Friends that he had rather have lost a far better thing Nor could another be bought any where in Londâ—n Therefore in the year 1572. Walsingham being Ambassador in France he prayed him to procure him the said Book there translated into French and to let it be bound with two or three sheets of Paper before and in the End to serve him for inserting his Notes This Book Walsingham accordingly bought and sent him over And Smith liked it well but yet as he told him if he could have recovered his own noted through with his own Hand he should have liked that far better By his conversing in these Books we may judge of his Learning that Way And as Câ—ymistry is but an Handmaid of Physic and usually accompanieth it so he was as well Skilled in that Art also And had Apartments in his House for his Stills and Laboratories Which were going to his great Cost But especially in Labouring to tranâ—mâ—te coarser Mâ—ttals into those of more Fineness and greater Value He was an excellent Mathematician and for his Recreation therein made a large Globe by his own Hand It was his Love and Practice of the Mathematicks that made him desire of Wâ—lsingham at the same time he sent to him to bâ—y him Matthiolus to procure him also a Case of Mathematical Instruments dirâ—cting him to the Place where they were sold that is at the Palace in Paris He meant that it should contain two Compasses or three a Square a Pâ—n of Metal and other things He had two already But he was minded to have another of the biggest size with the Case a foot long Walsingham accordingly in Ian. 1572. sent him a Case of Tools But such it seems as were extraordinary for Smith himself understood not them all nor lookt for so many nor of that sort But this was proper Employment for him and at his leisure he intended to find out the Property and Use of them What an Arithmetician he was appears by his Money Tables Nor was he a Smatterer in Astronomy The new Star which in the Year 1572. appeared in Cassiopeia exercised much his thoughts as it did the rest of the Learned men of the World And he could almost have been willing to believe it to be the Soul of that brave Admiral of France that had been a little before that time so basely murthered in the Parisiâ—n Massacre Smith was mighty desirous to know what foreign Learned Men judged of this new Star Therefore Decemb. 11 1572. he wrote to Walsingham thus of it That he was sure he had heard of it and he thought had seen the new fair Star or Comet but without Beard or Tayl which appeared in England these three Weeks on the backside of the Chair Cassiopeia and on the Edge of Via laâ—tâ—a The bigness was betwixt the bigness of Iupiter and Venus and kept there to his Appearance who hâ—d no Instrument then to observe it and because oâ— that cold weather also dared not observe the precise Order of the fixed Stars Such aâ— one he had never observed nor read of He therefore praâ—ed Walsingham to let him know what their Wise men of Paris did judg upon it He knew they would not think it that Admirals Soul as the Romans did of the Comet next appearing after the Murder of Iulius Caesar that it was his Soul It might be Astraea said he now peaking out afar in the North to see what Revenge shall be done upon so much innocent Bloud shed in France at a marriage Banquet and reer Suppers after it Yet that it would be acceptable to him to understand what their Astronomers and Heaven-gazers there did judge of it He added that if he were not so much occupied as he was he would turn over all his old Books but he would say something of it himself and guess by chance even as wisely as they tho' he would not publish it but to his Friends Walsingham in Answer to this of the Secretary sent him certain Notes and a new Book from France of this new Comet For which he thanked him but withal he observed to him that in the placing of it their Astronomers and these in England differed exceedingly Theirs placing it in the 29 of Pisces and ours in the 7th degr of aurus So they varied one whole Sign and Eight Degrees He observed moreover that the printed Book went upon it Suspensâ— pede and prayed the Ambassador that if any had writ upon it more boldly he might see it He added further that our Men did not deny that it arose in that Degree of Pisces or the first of aurus but that it was one thing to rise with the Degree of the Zodiack and to stand in a place after Section of the Zodiack and that our Men did find him far above the Moon and above the height of the Sphere of Venus And then it could not be a Temporary Comet Concluding Now things above the Moon do rise and die which was never believed afore but either a new Star madâ— or an old Star new seen Thus we
were beheaded poor men were spoiled both one and th' other stain in battel or murthered at home Now this King prevailed now th' other No man sure of his Prince no man of his Goods no man of his Life A King to day to morrow a Prisoner Now hold the Sceptre and shortly after fly privily the Realm And when this fel upon the Head how sped the Body think you Those two Blades of Lyonel and Iohn of Gaunt never rested pursuing th' one th' other til the Red Rose was almost razed out and the White made al bloudy And as it were Eteocles and â—â—lyâ—ices they ceased not til they had filled their Country ful of bloudy Streams They set the Father against the Son the Brother against the Brother the Unkle flew the Nephew and was slain himself So Bloud pursued and ensued Bloud til al the Realm was brought to great Confusion It is no marvail tho' they lost France when they could not keep England And England in the latter end of K. Henry VI. was almost a very Chaos Parishes decayed Churches fel down Townes were desolate plowed Fields waxed Groves Pastures were made Woods Almost half England by Civil War slain and they which remained not sure but in Moates and Castles or lying in Routs and Heaps together When those two Roses by the Reliques and last store of the Whole were joyned in the amiable Knot of Mariage then the Strife ended and England began as it were to be inhabited again Men left Moates and Castles and builded abroad pleasant Houses And thus it hath continued from K. Henry VII hitherto Save that in this Time a few Broyls of the Stirred Sea which could not so soon be calmed by Martin Swarte Perkin Warbeck and Simond out of Ireland were somewhat renewed but they were Trifles to the rest Sith which Time not containing yet fourscore years you se how England is repeopled the Pastures clothed the Desarts inhabited the Rents of Lands encreased the Houses replenished the Woods so wasted that now we begin to complain for want of them and our Encrease is tedious to our selves which find fault with the Fruits of Peace because we know not the Cause of the Success nor the Commodities therof But as if al the World should return to the old Chaos it were the greatest mischief that Heart could invent Tongue speak Pen express or Wit indite So if this should come to our Country of England we for our parts shal feel this I speak of and as it were the particular Judgment of the Day of Doom And it standeth but on a tickle and frail Ground if God wil so plague our Country whether the Red and White Rose shal strive again together or whether the branches of the mixed Rose shal cleave asunder and strive within themselves which is neerer the Root Oh! Lord God let me not live to se that day And you my Friend do you in this Company speak of Saving of Mony to let the saving of this Trouble from the Realm of England With this he held his peace and seemed indeed very much troubled And no man said a word even a good pretty space 〈◊〉 at the last the Stammerer that I told you of whom they called after al that night Mr. Godfather stutting after this maner said this in effect By the Lord I believe you have told as good a Tale as ever I heard I am now glad I have an Excuse by my Tongue for I should not have don it so wel For both in Peace and War and al times you have proved that it is best for her Grace and most to her Comfort and Quiet to have an Husband Mary I thought long for this Last Part of the Necessity of a Prince of her Highnes Body And because you pass it over so with Silence I had thought to have put you in mind of that thing but now I wil not say more of it For I se it troubleth you as it doth us al. Now Sir you have said so much for me as I would wish and I thank you For the rest as I said I am indifferent If you have any thing to speak for an Alien who be so tender unto you and whom you do always prefer before us English Men speak on a Gods Name and let this Gentleman provide wel to aunswer you For I perceive ye wil do wel enough both III. Philoxenius or Love-alien his second Oration for the Queens Marying with a Stranger IN good Faith quoth Love-alien now I have spoken for you so long I am in a maner weary when I should speak for my self And yet this was not out of the Way for me so to do but in maner necessary For it standeth not with order of Disputation as to my remembrance Aristotle writeth that I should go about to prove Quale sit before I have proved Quod sit Therfore it had been superfluous for me to describe what maner of Husband I thought most meet for the Queens Highnes if it were not first proved by reason that it were convenient that her Majesty should have one For if her Grace be fully determined and perswaded by Mr. Agamus Spiteweds Reasons then to reason whether a Stranger or an English-man were more to be wished is clean superfluous For it is cut off by this one stroke Her Majesty wil have none Wel here among this Company for Disputation sake I wil stand so wel in my own Conceit that I take Mr Agamus his Opinion thorowly confuted And let us put the Case that is aggreed upon That best it were for her Majesty to Mary then standeth it in Consultation farther of the maner and Condition of her Husband Wherin may be made many Questions as whether a Young Man or a more elderly whether a Batchelor or a Widower an English-man or a Stranger a great Prince or a King or a mean Personage as in al such where divers be offered of sundry Qualities wherof the Choise and Election is to be taken and because both I am weary and there hath yet but one of these Questions been moved amongst us I shal speak but of that Branch only Whether an English-man or a Stranger is to be perferred Wherin because I have already declared my Opinion which Part I mind to take it resteth that I should also declare the Reasons which moved me to think as I have said and here I intend to begin The very true godly and essential Causes of Matrimony if I may use that Term be three The getting of Children without the Offence of God The natural Remedy to resist the Temptation of the Devil moving us to Fornication or Adultery And the Comfort Pleasure and Help which th' one hath of th' other in al private Affairs and in Governing the House and Family This last the Philosophers which knew not the right Law of God make the first the chief and the whole Cause For as for the Second I mean Fornication they esteemed it not And the first