THe summe of expenses aswell of wages prests as for the expenses of the kings houses and for other gifts and rewards shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie and before Calice during the siege there as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne is iii. hundreth xxxvii thousand li. ix s iiii d. A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359. ANno gratiae 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciae sub vmbra pacis dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam Picardiam Aquitaniam aliasque terras quas equitauerat vastarat pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt Vnde motus Rex Anglie celeriter se suos praeparauit ad transfretandum ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum ducem Henricum Lancastrie ferè proceres omnes quos comitabantur vel sequebaÌ„tur poene mille currusâ— habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime vndecies centum naues cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo Anglici regni custode sub tutela tamen The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily and vnder pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England Flanders Picardie Gascoigne and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France but the Frenchmen gain saied them in all their articles and demaunds Whereupon the king of England being prouoked speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished with which preparation he passed ouer the seas to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England albeit not without a protectour c. The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat maiorem autem partem potiora à Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiae An. Dom. 1364. didicit Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat referebat An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectuÌ„ descripsisse omnia Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè vti ex Iacobo collegimus Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi vt naues semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent nequè verò vnquam tantum ibi ventum esse vt molae frumentarie circumagendae sufficiat Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis qui floruit An. 1210. in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae sic enim scribit Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus Islandia c. ex parte Boreali est maris quae dam miranda vorago in quam à remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marinitanquam ex condicto fluunt recurrunt qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes quasi in Abyssum vorantur Si verò nauem hâc fortè transire contigerit tanta rapitur attrahitur fluctuum violentia vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat Quatuor voragines huius Oceani a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt vnde â—am marinos fluctus quà m AEolicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant The same in English TOuching the description of the North partes I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine and the most part and chiefest things among the rest he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands and he reported that in the yeere 1360 a certaine English Frier a Franciscan and a Mathematician of Oxford came into those Islands who leauing them and passing further by his Magicall Arte described all those places that he sawe and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe according to the forme that I Gerard Mercator haue set downe in my mappe and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole with so great a force that the ships which once entred therein could by no meanes be driuen backe againe and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill Giraldus Cambrensis who florished in the yeere 1210 vnder king Iohn in his booke of the miracles of Ireland hath certaine words altogether alike with these videlicet Not farre from these Islands namely the Hebrides Island c. towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse as it were without stoppe which there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature are swallowed vp as it were into a bottomlesse pit and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way it is pulled and drawen with such a violence of the waues that eftsoones without remedy the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this Ocean sea in the foure opposite quarters of the world from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea as the blasts of the winde haue their first originall A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna ANno 1360. that is to wit in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third a frier of Oxford being a good Astronomer went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world and there leauing his company together hee trauailed alone
the knights and Polonia and a league concluded certaine summes of money also were paide vnto the Polonian Prussia was restored vnto the knights neither was the saide order disturbed in the possession of their lands vntill the time of Friderick The 24. Master was Henrie Earle of Plaen This man being deposed by the Chapter was 7. yeres holden prisoner at Dantzik The 25. Master was Michael Kuchenmeister that is master of the Cookes of Sternberg The 26. was Paulus a Russdorff The 27. Conradus ab Ellerichshausen This man after diuers and sundry conflicts betweene the Dutch knights and the king of Polonia concluded a perpetuall league with the saide king Howbeit the citizens of Dantzig secretely going about to obteyne their freedome that the foresaide Order might haue no dominion ouer them made sute vnto the Polonian king to be their Protector This Conradus died in the yeere 1450. The 28. was Lewis ab Ellerichshausen Under this man there arose a dangerous sedition in Prussia betweene the chiefe cities and the knights of the Order The citizens demanded libertie complaining that they were oppressed with diuers molestations Whereupon they priuily made suâ—e vnto Casimir then king of Polonia The Master of the Order seeing what would come to passe began to expostulate with the king that he kept not the peace which had bene concluded betweene them to last for euer Also Frederick the Emperour commaunded the Prussians to returne vnto the obedience of the knights who by the dint of their swordes had released that prouince out of the hands of Infidels and had bought it with the shedding of much blood Notwithstanding the popular sort persisting â—tâ—l in their stubborne determination proceeded at length to open warre The cities aâ—hearing vnto the king vsurped diuers Castles belonging to the Master tooke certain Commanders and knights yea and some they slewe also Fiftie and fiue townes conspired together in that rebellion but thinking their estate and strength not sure enough against their own gouernors without forrein aide they chose king Casimir to be their lord Heereupon the Polonian king marched into Prussia with a great armie taking possession of such cities as yeelded themselues vnto him and proceeding forward against Marieburg besieged the castle and the towne In the meane season the Master hauing hired an armie of Germane souldiers suddenly surprised the king at vnawares in his tents and slewe about 300. Polonians tooke prisoners 136. noblemen spoiled their tents tooke away their horses victuals and armour insomuch that the king himselfe hardly escaped vpon one horse These things came to passe in the yeere 1455. The Master hauing thus obtained the victorie sent his armie into the countrey and recouered the castles and cities which he had lost to the nuÌ„ber of 80. putting many of his enemies also vnto the sword Moreouer he recouered Kunigsberg being one of the foure principall cities which are by name Thorne Elburg Kunigsberg and Gdanum that is to say Dantzig And when the warre was longer protracted then the Master could well beare and a whole yeres wages was vnpaid vnto his captains those captaines which were in the garison of Marieburg conspired against the Master and for a great summe of money betrayed the castle of Marieburg vnto the king Which practice beeing knowen the Master fled to Kunigsberg and newe warre was begunne and great spoile and desolation was wrought on both sides vntill at length after composition made the king retayned Pomerella and all the castles and townes therein together with Marieburg and Elburg and the master inioyed Samaâ—tia Kunigsberg c. This composition was concluded in the yeere 1466. The 29. Master was Henrie Reuss first being deputie and afterwarde Master of Prussia The 30â— was Henrie a Richtenberg who deceased in the yeere 1477. The 31. called Martine Truchses died in the yeere 1489. The 32. Iohn a Tieflen died in the yeere 1500. The 33. being Duke of Saxonie and marques of Misn deceased in the yeere 1510. This man began to call in question whether the foresaid composition concluded betweene the king of Polonia and the Order were to bee obserued or no especially sithence it conteined certaine articles against equitie and reason Whereupon he appealed vnto the Bishop of Rome vnto the Emperor vnto the princes and electors of Germany and preuailed with them so farre forth that there was a day of hearing appointed at Posna in Polonia And the Legates of both parts meeting heard complaints and excuses dispatched no other businesse In the meane time Prince Frederick deceased in the tenth yeere of his gouernment The 34. Master was Albertus marques of Brandenburg whom the King of Polonia did so grieuously molest with war and oppressed all Prussia with such extreme rigour that the Prince of the countrey was constrained to make a league of foure yeeres with him and to yeeld vnto such conditions as turned to the vtter ouerthrowe of the whole Order And amongst other conditions are these which follow Sithence that the originall of all discorde betweene Polonia and the order doeth from hence arise for that hitherto in Prussia no lawfull heyre and successor hath borne rule and authority but diuers and sundry haue had the gouernment therof by whose meanes the nations haue bene prouoked one against another much Christian blood hath bin shed the lands and inhabitants grieuously spoiled and many widowes and Orphans made the Popes Emperors and Princes being often sollicited for the establishing of that perpetual league which Casimir hath heretofore concluded c. Sithence also that the truce which hath bene agreed vpon of both parties is in short time to be expired and that it is to bee feared that bloody warres will then be renewed and that all things will proue worse and worse vnlesse some lawfull composition be made and some good and wholesome deuise be put in practise as well for the benefit of the King and of his posteritie as for the commoditie of the whole common weale of Prussia especially considering that Albertus the Marques refuseth not to submitte himselfe to the Councell of the King c. The Oration or speech of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second King of England and France c. The messengers which are sent from the Master generall of the land of Prussia doe propound and declare the affaires and negotiations vnderwritten WHereas it is apparant that diuers and sundrie times heeretofore your famous progenitours and predecessours the kings of England haue alwaies bene gracious promoters and speciall friends vnto the generall Masters of the land of Prussia and of the whole order whereas also they haue vouchsafed by their Barons Knights and other their nobles of the kingdome of England vnto the Masters and order aforesaide sundry and manifolde fauourable assistances in the conquest of the Infidels in whose steppes your excellent Maiestie insisting haue in these your dayes shewed your selfe in like sort right
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
Lord Jesu saith Blessed motte they bee That maken peace that is tranquillitee For peace makers as Matthew writeth aright Should be called the sonnes of God almight God giue vs grace the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne that our verry foo Might be to vs conuers and turned so For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose Plaine inough without any glose When mens weyes please vnto our Lord It shall conuert and bring to accord Mans enemies vnto peace verray In vnitie to liue to Goddis pay With vnitie peace rest and charitie Hee that was here cladde in humonitie That came from heauen and styed vp with our nature Or hee ascended he yaue to vs cure And left with vs peace ageyne striffe and debate Moâ—e giue vs peace so well irradicate Here in this world that after all this selfe Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste Ierusalem which of peace is the sight With his brightnes of eternall light There glorified in rest with his tuition The Deitie to see with full fruâ—â—ion Bee second person in diuinenesse is Who vs assume and bring vs to the blis Amen Here endeth the true processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron shewing what profit and saluation with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England GOe furth Libelle and meekely shew thy face Appearing euer with humble countenance And pray my Lords to take in grace In opposaile and cherishing the aduance To hardines if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons if ought faile in substance Remit to hâ—m that yafe thee this science That seth it is soth in verray fayth That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford Hath thee ouerseene and verely he saith That thou art true and thus hee doeth record Next the Gospel God wotte it was his worde When hee thee redde all ouer in a night Goe forth trew booke and Christ defend thy right Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris A large Charter granted by K. Edward the 4. in the second yere of his reigne to the marchants of England resident especially in the Netherland for their chusing of a master and gouernor among themselues which gouernement was first appointed vnto one William Obray with expresse mention what authoritie he should haue EDward by the grace of God king of France of England lord of Ireland to al those which shal see or heare these letters sendeth greeting good wil. Know ye that whereas we haue vnderstood as well by the report of our louing and faithfull Counsellors as by the common complaint and report of all men that many vexations griefs debates discords annoyes dissentions damages haue heretofore bene done moued committedâ—â—nd happened and do daily fal out and happen among the common marchants mariners our subiects of our realmes of France England our lordships of Ireland and Wales of other our dominions seigneuries and territories because that good discretion and authority hath not bin obserued among our saide subiects which abide frequent conuerse remain inhabit passe aswel by sea as by land into y e parts of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and diuers other countreis seigneuries belonging aswell to the high and mighty prince our most deere and louing cousin y e Duke of Burgoine of Brabant carle of Flanders c. as being in the obedience dominion of other lords which are in friendship alliance good wil with vs and that it is to be doubted that through the saide inconuenience and occasion many discommodities may ensue fal out in time to come which God forbid vnles we should prouide conuenient remedie in this behalfe for our subiects aforesaid wherefore we desiring most effectually and heartily to auoide the mischiefe of the saide inconueniences to prouide conuenient remedy for the same to the end that the said common marchants and mariners and others our subiects of our said realms dominions which at this present hereafter shal haunt and frequent y e said countreis may be iustly lawfully ruled gouerned and intreated by right equity in the countreis aforesaid and that equity reason iustice may be ministred vnto them and euery of them according as the cases shal require we being wel assured and hauing ful confidence in the discretion faithfulnes wisdome experience good diligence of our most deare welbeloued subiect Will. Obray our seruant in regard of the good faithfull and acceptable seruices which he hath done vs in our realm among our subiects in times past hoping that he wil do also hereafter we haue made ordained constituted committed and established and by the tenour of these presents of our special grace ful power authority royall we ordaine appoint commit and establish during our pleasure to be gouernor iudge warden of iustice and the appurtenances appendances therof which we haue or may haue ouer our said common subiects the marchants trauailing hereafter as wel by sea as by land and abiding in the said countries of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreis beyond the sea as is aforesaide together with the wages rights profits and emoluments heretofore accustomed as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and receiued of our said subiects when he had vsed and exercised the said office of gouernor also with other such rights and profits as hereafter shal more plainly be declared And furthermore for our parts we haue giuen him and by these presents do giue him as much as in vs lieth during our pleasure ful power authority and special commandement to gouerne rule and cause to be gouerned and ruled with good iustice by himselfe or by his sufficient lieuetenants or deputies all aâ—d euery our foresaid subiects the common marchants mariners comming remaining frequenting passing repairing from henceforth into the said countreis of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreyes beyond the sea as it is said and to keep and cause to be kept to exercise and maintein for vs and in our place the said office of gouernour and to doe all such things which a faithfull gouernour ought to do and to take knowledge and administration of the causes of the said common marchants and mariners our subiects and of euery of them and of their causes and quarels moued or hereafter to be moued in the countreis aforesaid or within the limits borders therof and to doe them full speedy iustice And to reforme cause reformation gouerne appease and pacifie all contentions discords questions or debates between those our said subiects moued or to moued and to right redresse repaire restore and amend all transgressions domages enterprises outrages violences and iniuries committed or to be coÌ„mitted and like wise to require to aske demand and receiue restitutions reparations
sent his ambassadors vnto the great duke of Moscouia In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite vouchsafed on vs wee are ready when occasion shall serue to aduenture our liues and goods praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God who is the onely establisher and confounder of common wealths to bring this excellent woorke the foundation whereof is already laiâ—e vnto a prosperous conclusion But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this prouince to say the very trueth we greatly wondred and were astonished at the declaration thereof For it is most apparant not onely out of all ancient and credible histories but euen from the experience and state of these regions that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained For out of all auncient monuments by what names soeuer they bee called whereof there are diuers extant among vs it cannot be proued by any mention nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture that those things which the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these regions in times past and concerning the right and title of his ancestors vnto this prouince are grounded vpon truth For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince partly through the industry of marchants and partly by the benefite of nauigation was first discouered neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and idolatrie were by the croised knights who drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and accompanie them in this their enterprise and that with great labour and difficultie conuerted vnto the Christian faith when as at the same time the â—iuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction religion maners or language of Moscouie who had not onely no conuersation nor dealings with the Moscouites but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoeuer for leading a miserable poore barbarous and heathenish life in sauage maner among wilde beastes and in the desert and solitary woods they were vtterly ignorant of God and destitute of ciuil magistrates Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them namely that all of our familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their elders more then to any other whom also that their authoritie might be the greater they called by the name of kings and albeit one of their families consisted of a 100. persons thâ—y obeyed them in al respects and after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice At the very same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion and the Ecclesiasticall ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church which religion they published and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their dominion vsing their owne proper letters and characâ—ers for the same purpose Of all which things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing enuironed with Russia Lithuania Samogitia Prussia and the Balthic sea neuer heard any report at all It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any time heretofore either within the earth or in other places of Liuonia there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of the Russes which verily must needs haue come to passe if the Moscouites Russes or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars had borne rule and authority ouer the Liuonians yea there had beene left some remainder and token either of their religion and diuine worship or of their lawes and customes or at the least of their maners language and letters This indeed we can in no wise deny that euen in Liuonia it selfe there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers languages spoken by the people Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue or with the tongues of any other nations But whereas the Moscouite pretendeth that there hath bin vsually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his predecessours out of the whole prouince it is as incredible as the former About the beginning of this tragicall warre the Moscouite to cloke his tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense amongst other of his demaunds made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction whereof notwithstanding hee could neither bring any iust account nor affirm any certainty howbeit there is no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance or from the relation of others that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the Moscouite What time therefore he referred al this negotiation vnto the master of the Liuonian order and commanded him to get what knowledge hee could therof from the men of Dorpat vrged the tribute saying if it were worth but one haire that he would not remit it at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat that beyond the memory of man when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forrests for wilde beastes that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus by the consent of the Russian borderers enioyed Bee-hiues in the said woods and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vnto the Russian gouernours sixe shillings of Liuonian coine But so soone as the Russians had felled the woods and had built townes and villages in their place the saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians These things which I knew concerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie vnto you Giuen the 22. of May in the yeere of our Lord 1576. Ordinances instructions and aduertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay compiled made and deliuered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions Dominions Islands and places vnknowen the 9. day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the faith and of the Church of England and Ireland in earth supreame head FIrst the Captaine general with the pilot maior the masters marchants other officers to be so knit and accorded in vnitie loue conformitie and obedience in euery degree on all sides that no dissention variance or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this companie to the damage or hinderance of the voyage for that dissention by many experiences hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits 2 Item for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true faithfull and loial subiects and liege men to the kings most excellent Maiestie his heires and successors and for the obseruation of all lawes statutes made
was buried by his brother after Christian maner Chap. 6. AFter the lamentable burials of these so famous Princes the King taking occasion of the death of these principall men of his armic agreed making none priuie thereto to receiue the money which was offered him for his differring off the siege of the citie of Sagiâ—ta yet dissembling to make peace with the Saracens but that he ment to go through with the worke that he had begunne Whereupon sending a message vnto Iaphet hee aduised the English souldiers to come downe to Acres with their fleete and to conferre and consult with him touching the besieging and assaulting of the citie of Sagitta which rising immediatly vpon the kings commaundement and foorthwith hoysing vp the sayles of their shippes aloft with pendants and stremers of purple and diuerse other glorious colours with their flagges of scarlet colour and silke came thither and casting their ancres rode hard by the citie The king the next day calling vnto him such as were priuie acquainted with his dealings opened his griefe vnto the chiefe Captaines of the English men and Danes touching the slaughter of Hugh and the death of his brother and what great confidence he reposed in them concerning these warres and that nowe therefore they being departed and dead he must of necessity differre the besieging of Sagitta for this time dismisse the armie assembled This resolution of the king being spred among the people the armie was dissolued and the Englishmen Danes and Flemings with sailes and oares going aboard their fleete saluted the king and returned home vnto their natiue countries The trauailes of one Athelard an Englishman recorded by master Bale Centur. 2. AThelardus Bathoniensis Coenobij monachus naturalium rerum mysteria causas omnes diligentâ—â—â tam vndecun que exquisitá perserutatus est vt cum aliquibus veteris seculi philoâ—ophis non indignè conferâ—i possit Hic olim spectatae indolis Adolescens vt virente adhuc aetate iuuenile ingenium foecundaret atque adres magnas pararet relicta dulci patria longin quas petijt regiones Cum verò AEgyptum Arabiam peragrans plura inuenisset quae eius desiderabat animus cum magno laborum ac literarum lucro in Angliam tum demùm reuertebatur Claruit anno virginei partus 1130. Henrico primo regnante The same in English AThelard a Monke of the Abbie of Bathe was so diligent a searcher of the secrets and causes of naturall things that he deserueth worthely to be compared with some of the auncient Philosophers This man although young yet being of a good wit and being desirous to increase and enrich the same with the best things and to prepare himselfe as it were for greater matters left his Countrey for a time and trauailed into forreine Regions He went through Egypt and Arabia and found out many things which he desired to his owne priuate contentment and the profite of good letters generally and so being satisfied returned againe into his Countrey he flourished in the yeere 1130. Henry the first being then king of England ¶ The life and trauailes of one VVilliam of Tyre an Englishman Centur. 13. GVlielmus Ecclesiae Dominici sepulchri Hierosolymae Regularium Canonicorum prior natione Anglicus vir vita moribus coÌ„mendabilis Anno Dom. 1128. postquam Tyrorum Ciuitas fidei Christianae restituta est a Guimundo Hierosolymorum patriarcha eidem vrbi primus Archiepiscopus praeficiebatur Est autem Tyrus ciuitas antiquissima Phoeniciae vniuersae Metropolis quae inter Syriae prouincias bonorum omnium penè commoditate incolarum frequentia primum semper obtinuit locum post conscripta quaedam opuscula Epistolas ad Domâ—num migrauit Anâ— Christi 1130. quum duobus tantum sedisset annis in Tyrensi Ecclesia sepelitur The same in English VVIlliam the Prior of the Canons Regular in the Church of Ierusalem called the Lords Sepulchre was an Englishman borne and of a vertuous and good behauiour After that the Citie of Tyre was restored againe to the Christian faith Guimunde the Patriarke of Ierusalem made him the first Archbishop of Tyre in the yeere 1128. Which Tyre is a very ancient Citie the Metropolis of all Phoenicia and hath bene accompted the chiefest Prouince of Syria both for fruitful commodities and multitude of inhabitants This William hauing in his life written many Bookes and Epistles died at last in the yeere 1130. hauing bene Archbishop the space of two yeeres and was buried in the Church of Tyre The trauailes of Robertus Ketenensis RObertus Ketenensis natione cognomine Anglus degusâ—atis primum per Anglorum gymnasia humanarum artium elementis literarijs vltramarinas statim visitare prouincias in animo constituit Peragratis ergò Gallijs Italia Dalmatia Graecia tum demum peruenit in Asiam vbi non paruo labore ac vitae suae periculo inter Saracenos truculentissimum hominum genus Arabicam linguam ad amussim didicit In Hispaniam postea nauigio traductus circa fluuium Hibetum Astrologicae artis studio cum Hermanno quodam Dalmata magni sui itineris comite se totum dedit Claruit anno seruatoris nostri 1143 Stephano regnante Pampilonaâ— sepelitur The same in English THis Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname as he was by birth who after some time spent in the foundations of humanitie and in the elements of good Artes in the Uniuersities of England determined to trauaile to the partes beyond sea and so trauailed through France Italie Dalmatia and Greece and came at last into Asia where he liued in great danger of his life among the cruell Saracens but yet learned perfectly the Arabian tongue Afterwardes he returned by sea into Spaine and there about the riuer Iberus gaue him selfe wholy to the studie of Astrologie with one Hermannus a Dalmatian who had accompanied him in his long voyage He flourished in the yeere 1143. Steuen being then King of England and was buried at Pampilona A voyage of certaine English men vnder the conduct of Lewes king of France vnto the Holy land TAntae expeditionis explicito apparatu vterque princeps iter arripuit exercitu separtito Imperator enim Conradus praecedebat itinere aliquot dierum cum Italorum Germanorum aliarúmque gentium amplissimis copijs Rex vero Lodouicus sequebatur Francorum Flandrensium Normannorum Britonum Anglorum Burgundionum Prouincialium Aquitanorum equestri simul pedestri agmine comitatus Gulielmus Neobrigensis fol. 371. The same in English BOth the princes prouision being made for so great an expedition they seuering their armies entered on their iourney For the Emperour Conradus went before certaine dayes iourney with very great power of Italians Germans and other countreys And king Lewes followed after accompanied with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men Flemmings Normans Britons English men Burgundions men of Prouence and Gascoins The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem ANno
their weapons as thicke as hailestones against vs slew diuers of our men and horses Hereupon the slaughter of our people still encreasing our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay behind and to succour our bands in the rereward and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians What exploits out Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish I hold it needlesse at this time to recount your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being in the middest of this conflict and enduring the fight with so great danger all our hindermost troups both Greekes Latines and other nations retiring themselues close together and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemies weapons pressed on so hard and were caried with such maine force that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safegard they vrged on them which went before whether they would or no. Whereupon much dust being raised which stopped our eyes and vtterly depriued vs of sight and our mē and horses pressing so sore one vpon the necke of another plunged themselues on the sudden into such a steepe and dangerous valley that treading one vpon another they quelled to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours but diuers most honourable personages some of our neere kinsmen For who could restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels and giuing and receiuing wounds insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismaied at our constancie we gaue not ouer but by Gods assistance wonne the field Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place from whence we skirmished with him Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any faster for all their assaults But marshalling all our troupes together and deliuering them out of danger we disposed them about our Imperial person and so we ouertooke the foremost and marched in good order with our whole army Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained our Imperial highnes prouided to giue him a fresh encounter humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs and vsing submisse speaches made suite to haue peace at our hands and promised to fulfill the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall to doe vs seruice against all commers to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme and to rest wholy at our commaund Here therefore we remained two dayes with great authoritie and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie of Iconium hauing lost all our warrelike engines both for defence and for batterie for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies weapons falling as thicke as hailestones and also for because all our beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased our maiestie Imperial accepted of the Soldans petition league and oath being made and taken vnder our ensignes and granted our peace vnto him Then returned we into our owne dominions being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere kinsmen and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks who of his goodnesse had euen now giuen vs the victory We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes and nobles accompanied vs in this action who are able to report vnto you all things which haue happened And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for the losse of our people yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you the successe of our affaires as vnto our welbeloued friend one who is very neerly allied vnto our highnesse Imperial by reason of the consanguinitie of our children Farewell Giuen in the moneth of Nouember and vpon the tenth Indiction ¶ The woorthy voiage of Richard the first K. of England into Asia for the recouerie of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens drawen out of the booke of Acts and Monuments of the Church of England written by M. Iohn Foxe KIng Richard the first of that name for his great valure surnamed Ceur de Lion the sonne of Henry the second after the death of his father remembring the rebellions that he had vndutifully raised against him sought for absolution of his trespasse and in part of satisfaction for the same agreed with Philip the French king to take his voiage with him for the recouerie of Christes patrimonie which they called the Holy land whereupon the sayd king Richard immediately after his Coronation to prepare himselfe the better towards his iourney vsed diuers meanes to take vp summes of money and exacted a tenth of the whole Realme the Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds and the Iewes which then dwelt in the Realme threescore thousand Hauing thus gotten sufficient money for the exploite he sent certaine Earles and Barons to Philip the French king in the time of his Parliament at S. Denis to put him in mind of his promise made for the recouerie of Christs holy patrimonie out of the Saracens hands To whom he sent word againe in the moneth of December that he had bound himselfe by solemne othe deposing vpon the Euangelists that he the yeere next following about the time of Easler had certainly prefixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney requiring him likewise not to faile but to bee ready at the terme aboue limited appointing also the place where both the Kings should meéte together In the yeere therfore 1190. King Richard hauing committed the gouernment of this realme in his absence to the bishop of Ely then Chancellor of England aduanced forward his iourney and came to Turon to meet with Philip the French king after that went to Vizeliac where the French king he ioyning together for the more continuance of their iourney assured themselues by solemne othe swearing fidelitie one to the other the forme of whose oth was this That either of them should defend and maintaine the honour of the other and beare true fidelitie vnto him of life members worldly honor and that neither of them should faile one the other in their affaires but the French King should aide the King of England in defending his land and dominions as he would himselfe defend his owne Citie of Paris if it were besieged and that Richard king of England likewise should aide the French king in defending his land and Dominions no otherwise then he would defend his owne Citie of Roan if it were besieged c. Concerning the lawes and ordinances appointed by K. Richard for his Nauie the forme therof was this 1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied with him that was slaine and throwen into the sea 2. And if he killed him on the land he should in like maner be tied with the partie slaine and be buried with him in the earth 3. He that shal be conuicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife or weapon to the intent to strike any man or that hath
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
by the name of Tilney who dwelt alwayes one after another at the towne of Boston aforesayd vntill such time as the possessions of the elder brother fell vnto an heire general which was maried vnto Iohn duke of Northfolke The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of Shelleigh in the Countie of Suffolke predecessor and father vnto Thomas Tilney of Hadleigh in the Countie aforesayd Esquire vnto whom the sayd booke of late appertained In the yeere of his age 64. and in the yeere of our Lord 1556. ¶ The trauailes of one Richard surnamed Canonicus RIchardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis ab ipsa pueritia bonarum artium literas impensè amauit excoluit ac didicit Qui ex râ—niâ—â—o labore atque exercitatione longa talis tandem euasit orator Poeta quales ea aetas tarissimos mitriebat Ob id Richardo Anglorum time Regi charus longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palestinam ac Sytiam dum expugnaret Turcas suscepit Vnde in Angliam tum demum reuersus omnia quâ—â— pâ—â—â—sens vidit in vâ—bibus agris ac milâ—â—um castris fideli narratione tam carmine quà m prosae descripsit Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores formam per omnia corporis lineamenta de signare â—â—diditque praeclaro suo operi hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomem â—â—ifceâ— Itinerarium Regis Richardi Claruit anno redemptionis nostrae 1200. sub â—oanno Anglorum Regâ— The same in English RIchard surnamed Canonicus an obseruant Frier of Trinitie Church in London was in great loue with the studies of good Artes and tooke paines in them and learned them And at last by his continuall endeuour and long exercise therein hee grewe to bee such an Oratour and Poet as fewe were in that age liuing by reason whereof hee grew in fauour with Richard then King of England and vndertooke that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria agaynst the Turkes From whence being returned againe into England hee faithfully described both in Uerse and Prose all such things as hee had seene in the Cities fieldes and tentes of the souldiours where hee was present and omitted not to note the behauiour forme and proportion of body in the foresayd king giuing to his notable worke this most apt name for the titleâ— The Iournall of King Richard He flourished in the yeere of our Redemption 1200. vnder Iohn king of England ¶ The trauailes of Gulielmus Peregrinus GVlielmus Peregriâ—us Poeta quidem per eam aetatem excellens genere Anglus florebat literarum vt multi tunc erant amator maximus qui bona tempora melioribus impenderat studijs Hic cum acâ—episset expeditionem in Saracenos per Regem Richardum parari accinxit se ad iter illud non tantum vt miles sed etiam peregrinus Vidit ea quae in Mari Hispanico fiebant vidit quae in Syria Palestina commissa fuerunt in Sultanum Babylonie Regem ac perfidos Saracenos Omnia haec scripsit viuis depinxit coloribus ita vt quasi prae oculis totum poneret negotium idémque Argumentum cum Richardo Canonico non inâ—oeliciter Heroico pertractauit carmine opúsque iam absolutum Huberto Cantuariorum Archiepiscopo Stephano Turnhamo Capitaneo rerum bellicarum expertissimo dedicauit additâ— hoc titulo Odepoâ—icon Richardi Regis Multáque alia edidisse Poetam talem non dubito sed num extent illa eius scripta mihi non constat Hoc ramen satis constat eum fuisse in pretio Anno à salutisero virginis partu 1200. sub Anglorum Rege Ioanne The same in English VVIlliam the Pilgrime a very excellent Poet in those dayes and an Englishman borne was of great fame being much giuen to good letters as many then were and bestowed his good time in the best kinde of studies Hee vnderstanding of the preparation of king Richard against the Saracens prepared himselfe also for the same voyage not onely as a Souldiour but as a Pilgrime also He sawe those things which happened in the Spanish Seas and which were done in Syria and Palestina against the Sultan the king of Babylon and the trecherous Saracens All which things he wrote and expressed them as it were in liuely colours as if they had bene still in doing before his eyes and handled the same Argument in Heroicall verse which the forenamed Richard Canonicus did And hauing finished his worke he dedicated it to Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie and to Stephen Turneham a most expert Captaine of the warres giuing it this Title The expedition of King Richard And I doubt not but that so good a Poet as hee was published many other things but whether they be extanâ— yea or no I know not but this I know that he was a man well accounted of and flourished in the yeere after the birth of Christ 1200. vnder king Iohn The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land made by king Iohn king of England in the third yeere of his reigne 1201. Matth. Paris and Holinsh. pag. 164. AT the same time alâ—o the kings of France and England gaue large money towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went fâ—orth vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders and other to warre against the enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent There was furthermore granted vnto them the fortieth part of all the reuenues belonging vnto ecclesiasticall persons towards the ayd of the Christians then being in the Holy land and all such aswel of the nobility as other of the weaker sort which had taken vpon them the crosse and secretly layed it downe were compelled eft soones to receiue it now againe The trauailes of Hubert VValter bishop of Sarisburie HVbertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus vir probus ingenióque ac pictate clarus inter praecipuos vnus eorum erat qui post Richardum regem expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficisce bantur Cum ex Palestina rediens audiret in Sicilia quod idem Richardus in inimicorum manus incidisset omisso itinere incoepto ad eum cursim diuertebat Quem ille statim in Angliam misit vt illic regij Senatus authoritate indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret quod industrius fecit ac regem liberauit Inde Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus post eius mortem Ioanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia praestitit Longa enim oratione toti Anglorum nationi â—ersuasit quod vir prouidus praestans fortis genere nobilissimus imperio dignissimus eiset quo salutatus a populo fuit aâ—que in regem coronatus Composuit quaedam opuscula ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur Anno salutis humanae 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo dies sex quum vidisset ex intestinis odijs omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessùm ire regnante Ioanne The same in
of Egypt in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third bishop of Rome sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers to further the enterprise of the Christians whose valure in that warre by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil was marueilously commended of all men After the end of which businesse he being returned into his countrey wrote a booke of the lawes of England It is also reported that he wrote other books but time the destroyer of many memorials hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230 being very aged and in the reigne of K. Henry the third The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the yere of grace 1231 and in the 15 of Henry the third ANno gratiae 1231 mense verò Iulio Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto reuersus est in Angliam Kalendis Augusti Wintoniam veniens susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali The same in English IN the yere of grace 1231 and in the moneth of Iuly Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe returned into England about the Kalends of August and comming vnto Winchester was receiued with solemne procession into his cathedrall church The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall brother to king Henry the third accompanied with William Longespee earle of Sarisburie and many other noble men into Syria IN the 24 yeere of king Henry the third Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother with a nauy of ships sailed into Syria where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly aduanced the part of the Christians There went ouer with him the earle of Sarisburie William Longspee and William Basset Iohn Beauchampe Geoffrey de Lucie Iohn Neuel Geoffrey Beauchampe Peter de Brense and William Furniuall Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia and with him went these persons of name Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall Hugh Wake Almerike de S. Aumond Wiscard Ledet Punchard de Dewin and William de Dewin that were brethren Gerard Pesmes Fouke de Baugie and Peter de Chauntenay Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle William Fortis and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin men for their valiancy greatly renowmed went thither leading with them a great number of Christian souldiers Matth. Paris Matth. West Holensh pag. 225. col 2. The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the yere 1247 out of Matthâ— Paris Holensh pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople came againe into England to procure some new ayd of the king towards the recouery of his empire out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks The voyage of VVilliam Longespee Earle of Sarisburie into Asia in the yeere 1248 and in the 32 yeere of the reigne of Henry the third king of England LEwis the French king being recouered of his sickenesse which he fell into in the yere 1234 vowed thereupon for a free will sacriâ—ice to God that he if the Councell of his realme would suffer him would in his owne person visit the Holy land which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded that the king according to his vow should take his iourney into Asia and the time thereof was also prefixed which should be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeere ensuing At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney It fell out in this enterprise that about the beginning of October the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt Anno 1249. and hauing fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie he remooued his tents from thence to goe Eastward In whose armie followed William Longespee accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining vnto him But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes wherwith he his retinue were greatly enriched When the â—renchmen had knowledge hereof they not being made priuie hereto began to conceiue an heart burning against the English souldiers could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria hauing their camels asses and mules richly loden with silkes precious iewels spices gold siluer with cart loades of other wares beside victuall and other furniture whereof the souldiers then stood in great need he hauing secret knowledge hereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he could and so by night falling vpon the merchants some he slew with their guides and conducters some hee tooke some hee put to flight the carts with the driuers and with the oxen camels asses and mules with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke brought with him loosing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the Campe foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauillions and meeting this cariage by the way tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie When this would not serue hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for went to the
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
with all things appertayning to the voyage which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay from thence to turne toward India but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North which was to mee a great displeasure Neuerthelesse sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East despairing to finde the passage I turned backe againe and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida where my victuals failing I departed from thence and returned into England where I found great tumults among the people and preparation for warres in Scotland by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king and Queene Elizabeth which being aduertised what I had done intertained me and at their charges furnished certaine ships wherewith they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of Brasile where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata that is the riuer of siluer into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land more then sixe score leagues finding it euery where very faire and inhabited with infinite people which with admiration came running dayly to our ships Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers that it is in maner incredible After this I made many other voyages which I nowe pretermit and waxing olde I giue my selfe to rest from such trauels because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners of good experience by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the fruit of my labours and rest with the charge of this office as you see The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde volume of the Nauigations writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot IN the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de Vararzana Florentine and of a great captaine a Frenchman and the two voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of Latitude to the North which is called New France which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen whether they doe ioyne with the firme land of Florida and Noua Hispania or whether they bee separated and deuided all by the Sea as Ilands and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Uenetian a man of great experience and very rare in the art of Nauigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie who sailed along and beyond this lande of New France at the charges of King Henry the seuenth king of England and he aduertised mee that hauing sailed a long time West and by North beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an halfe vnder the North pole and at the 11. day of Iune finding still the open Sea without any maner of impediment he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia which is in the East and would haue done it if the mutinie of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homewards from that place But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathala by this way which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hitherto found out And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great and fame immortall to all ages to come farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable Christian people Another testimonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria SCrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus sed à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus vti moris est Venetorum qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites transportatus penè infans Duo is sibi nauigia propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit primò tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donecetiam Iulio mensâ— vastas repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes lucem ferè perpetuam tellure tamen libera gelu liquefacto quare coactus fuit vti ait vela vertere occidentem sequi tetendÃtque tantum ad meridiem littore sese incuruante vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus equarit ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à laeua longitudine graduum penè parem habuerit Is ea littora percurrens quae Baccalaos appellauit eosdem se reperisse aquarum sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait quos Castellani meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes inueniunt Ergò non modò verisimilius sed necessatio concludendum est vastos inter vtrámque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus qui viam praebeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terre globum non autem Demogorgone anhelante vomi absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt quod influxu refluxu forsan assentire daretur Baccalaos Cabotus ipse terras illas appellauit eò quod in earuÌ„ pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam piscium tynnos aemulantium sic vocatorum ab indigenis multitudinem vt etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat rationis haud quaquam expertes Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingentem refere qui ipsi piscibus vescantur Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt vrsi singulos singuli complexos vnguibúsque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant comedunt Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait Orichalcum in plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas praedicat Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum contubernalem interdum Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico post Henrici Maioris Britanniae Regis mortem concurialis noster est expectátque indies vt nauigia sibi parentur quibus arcanum hoc naturae latens iam tandem detegatur The same in English THese North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot a Venetian borne whom being yet but
Floridians measure their moneths by the reuolutions of the Moone The arriual of Captaine Iohn Ribault at the Fort the 28 of August 1565. Note False reâ—oâ—ts of laâ—d 〈◊〉 to the Admiral of Fâ—ance The danger of bâ—ckbiting Alcibiades banâ—shed by backbiters Laudonâ—ere receiuing of Captaine Ribault Letters of the Lord Admiâ—all vnto Laudonnieâ—e Accusations against him Laudonniereâ— answere thereunto Fiue Indian kings The mouÌ„tans of Apalatcy wherein Aâ—e mines or perfect gold Sicroa Pira red mettall Perfect gold Good meanes to auoid the danger of fire September 4. The Spaniards vndermining and surprizing of the French The riuer Seloy or the riuer of Dolphins but 8 or 10 leagues ouer land from the fort but it is thirty doubling the Cape by sea Dangerous flawes of wind on the coast of Florida in September King Emola A village and riuer both of that caâ—e An aduertisment of my Lord Admiral to Captaine Ribault Captaine Ribault â—mbarkment Sept. 8. The tenth of September A mighty tempest the tenth of Sept. Lauâ—onnierâ— hardly vsed by Ribault 〈…〉 and â—is company begin 〈◊〉 fortifie themselueâ— A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault Fourescore and fiue left in the fort with Laudonnieâ—e The Spanyards discepâ—d the 20 of September The Spaniards enter the fort Francis Iean a traitour to his nation Don Pedro Melendes captaine of the Spaniards Laudonnierâ— escape Iohn du Chemin a faithfull seruant The diligence of the Chaâ—neâ—s to saue them that escaped out of the fort Among these was Iaques Morâ—ues painter sometime liuing in the Black fâ—yers in London Francis Iean cause of thiâ— enterprise The bad dealing of Iames Ribault Our returne into France thâ— 25. of September 1565. October 28. Nouember 10 The chanel of Saint George 〈◊〉 aâ—riuall in Sâ—ansey Baâ— in Glamorgan shire in South-Wales The courtesie of oâ—â— Master Morgan Bâ—isâ—oll London Monsieur de Foix Ambassadour for the French king in England The conclusion The causes why the French lost Florida The French Fleete cast away on the coast of Florida The chanell of Bahama betweene Florida and the Isles of Lucayos The Frenchmens landing at the Riuer Tacatacouru Eight sauagâ— kings The kings seate Complaints of thâ— Sauages against the Spanyards Two chainâ—s of siluer giuen to Gourgues Peter de Bré had liued aboue two yeeres with Satourieua Three pledges deliuered to Gourgues by Satourioua The riuer of Salinacani called Somme by the French The riuer of Sarauâ—hi The estate oâ— the Spanyards in Florida The riuer of Saracary or Sarauaâ—â— The assault and taking of the first Fort. The valure of Olotocara The assault and taking of the second fort The Sauages great swimmers The Spaniards of the second Fort all sâ—aâ—ie Note A notable Spanish subtiltâ—e The cause why the Floridian bury their goods with them Notâ— The slaughteâ— of the Spaniards of the third Forâ— The taking of the third Fort. The 〈◊〉 hanged ouâ—â— the French and Spaniards slame Flâ—â—â—â— The three Forts râ—â—ed Great honour done by the Sauages to 〈◊〉 Kniues in great estimation The third of May. The arriuall of Gourgues at Rochel the sixt of Iune Che-de Bois The birth life and death of captaine Gourgues Wateri which is able to receiue any Fleete of ships of great burden a goodly riuer La grand Copaâ— a rich citie Oâ—â—n Store of golde siluer and precious stones in Topira Topâ—ra Another greater Prouince Those man seeme to be the Piniâ—â—â— euer one â—â—â—rier Marcus de Niâ—a in his 2. Chap. This was the Port of Santa Cruz in the Isle of California Valle de los Corazones mentioned by Vasquez de Coronado cap. 1. Petatlan a towne The Island of 〈…〉 A great island and 30. small islands which serue to be the new islands of California rich in pearles A desert foure dayes iourney This was the 〈…〉 Vacupa a towne 4â— leaguâ—s from 〈◊〉 Baâ— of 〈◊〉 From Vacupa to Ceuola are 37 dayes iourney Great pearles and 〈◊〉 golde in the Isle of California which he is in number Another village This graduation is mistaken by 6. or â— degrees at the 〈◊〉 Marata lieth toward the Southeast â—otâ—nteac lyeth â—est A mightie beast with one horne Fifteene Dâ—â—â—â— iourney from the end of the desert to Ceuola or Ciuâ—lâ— The second desert entred the 9 of May. Twelue dayes iourney â—ost rich 〈◊〉 of gold and siluer in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ce the 〈◊〉 Totonteac the greatest â—â—d most populâ—â—â—rouince A desert A second desert Compostella in 21 degrees of latitude This was but 2â—0 leagues â—rom Mexico Frier Maâ—â—â—â—â—f Nâ—â— The riuer of Lachimi The valley of the pâ—ople called Caracones Vâ—lle del Seâ—nor The valley de loâ— Caâ—aâ—ones distant fiuâ— dâ—yes iourney from the Westâ—â—ne â—â—a Sâ—â—â—n or eighâ— Isles which are the Isles of California A ship seene oâ— the seâ— câ—â—â—t Chichilticâ—â—â— â—â— dayes iouâ—ney from the seâ— This Câ—iâ—â—iâ—â—icale is indeed but in 28 deâ— The â—3 oâ— Iune Don Garcia Lâ—peâ— de Caâ—denas A godly and fruitfull countrâ—y found Riâ— dâ—l Linâ— A wise forecast The treason of the Indians Great â—orecâ—st and diligeâ—ce of the Campe-maâ—â—er They arriue at the citie â—â— of â—ibola The arrâ—gancie of the pâ—ople of Cibola Commandement to vse gentlenesse to the Sauages There were 800 men within the towne Gomaâ—a Hist. gen cap. 213. They defend the wals with stones like those of Hochelaga Eâ—â—â—llâ—nt houses â—oure or fiue â—oftes high Cibola is a â—rouince conâ—â—â—ning sâ—uâ—n towâ—â—â— Fiue hundâ—ed housâ—s in Graâ—adâ— A painte necâ—ssariâ— in a nâ—w discouery Painted maâ—tles Store of Turquâ—â—es Emralds Granatâ—s Crhâ—â—â—all Eâ—â—elâ—ent and very â—â—eat cocks Gâ—mara hist. gen Cap 213. saâ—th that the coldâ— is by reaâ—on of the â—igâ— mountaines A wood of Cedars Excellent grasse Deere hares and couies â—ery good salte The Westernâ— sea within 150. leagues from Cibola Beares Tigers Lions Porkespicks mightie sheep wilde goates Wilde Bores Deere Ounces Stagges Theâ—â—rauaile 8. daâ—es iourney toward the North sea Oxe hides dressed and painted very cunningly Totonteac is an hotte lake Tadouac seemeth because it is a lake and endeth in it to haue some affinitie herewith Other townes neere a riuer Turqâ—â—ses Manâ—lâ—s The Indians flee to the hiâ— with their wiues châ—â—â—dren and goods A citie greatâ— then Granada Twâ— tableâ— painted by thâ— Indianâ— one of bâ—astâ— â—nother oâ— birdes and fishes An old pâ—ophecie that â—hose parts should be suâ—dued by Châ—â—â—â—â—ans They worship the water Seuen cities farre from Granada Tucâ—â—o The Spaniards virtualling in discouerie A garment excellently imbroidered with needle worke An orelude â—ertaine Turquâ—â—es The death of Stephan the Negro Acucu Gold and siluer found in Cibola Acuco The Westerne sea discouered Tiguâ—â— Aâ—a and Quiuiray A townâ— burne Another town assaulted Maâ—tles Turqueses Feathers Precious things Melons Cotton Large mantles Cicuic fourâ— dayes iourney from Tiguâ—â— Quâ—â—ira â—â—eapes of 〈◊〉 dâ—â—â— made for markes to know the way The Spaniards râ—turne to 〈◊〉 and so to Mexico 154â— Tâ—e Spaniards wouâ—d haue inhabited the countrey Ships seâ—ne on tâ—e sea coast
graciously affected vnto the Master generall which nowe is and vnto his famous Predecessour in due consideration of the premisses and in regard also of diuers other affaires which are at this present to be propounded vnto your Highnes the foresaid Master general which now is hath caused vs his messengers to be sent with letters of credence vnto your Maiestie humbly praying and earnestly beseeching your roial clemency that in times to come the said Master general his successors our whole Order may of your bounty most graciously obtaine the same fauour beneuoleÌ„ce and stedfast amity friendship which hath bin continued from the times of your foresaid predecessors in regard wherof we do offer the said Master of ours and our whole company vnto your highnes as your perpetual and deuote friends Notwithstanding most souereigne Prince certaine other things we haue to propound vnto your Grace in the name behalfe of our saide Master and Order by way of complaint namely that at certaine times past and especially within the space of x. yeres last expired his subiects and marchants haue sustained sundry damages and ablations of their goods by diuers subiects and inhabitants of your realme of England and that very often both by sea and land the which for the behalf and by the appointment of the Master general aforesaid of his predecessor are put downe in registers and recorded in the writings of his cities in the land of Prussia Of which parties damnified some haue obtained letters froÌ„ the Master-general that now is also from his predecessor vnto your renoumed grandfather K. Edward of famous memory and sundry times vnto your highnes also to haue restitution made for their goods taken from them whereby they haue nothing at al preuailed but heaping losse vpon losse haue misspent their time their charges both because they were not permitted to propound exhibit their complaints letters before your maiesty and also for diuers other impediments Certain of them also considering how others of their countriemen had laboured in vain fearing the like successe haue troubled the Master general very often with grieuous and sundry complaints crauing humbly beseeching at his hands that he would vouchsafe graciously to prouide for theÌ„ as his faithful loial subiects as touching the restitution of their losses especially seeing y t so much wealth of the English marchants was euery yeere to be found in Prussia as being artested they might obtaine some reasonable satisfaction for their losses Which thing the Master general aforesaid his predecessor also haue deferred vnto this present albeit to y e great losse of their subiects therby hauing meere principal respect vnto those special curtesies and fauours which your excellent Maiesty your worthy progenitors haue right graâ—iously vouchsafed vpon our Masters and Order neither yet for the iniuries aforesaid was there euer any maner of offence or molestation offered vnto any of your subiects noble or ignoble whatsoeuer Moreouer in the name behalfe of our foresaid Ma. general we do propound vnto your excellency by way of coÌ„plaint that in the yere last past 6. dayes after y e feast of the Ascension certain persons of your realm of England with their ships captains comming vnto the port of Flanders named Swen finding there amongst sundry other 6. ships of Prussia resident which had there arriued w t diuers goods marchandises and being informed that they were of Prussia their friends they caused them their ships to remain next vnto their owne ships protesting vnto them that they should in no sort be molested or damnified by theÌ„selues or by any other of their company that they would faithfully defend them as if they were their own people froÌ„ y e hands of their aduersaries for their farther security trust they deliuered some of their own men their standerds into our mens ships howbeit a while after being stirred vp bent far otherwise they took out of y e foresaid ships al kind of armors wherwith they were to gard defeÌ„d themselues froÌ„ pirats they deteined the masters of those ships not suffring them to return vnto their own ships coÌ„panies one also of y e said ships hauing taken al the goods out of her they coÌ„sumed with fire And within 3. daies after they came with one accord vnto y e abouenamed ships and tooke away from them all goods and marchandises which they could find and all the armour and weapons of the said ships the chestes also of the marchants of the ship-masters of other persons they brake opeÌ„ taking out money iewels garments diuers other commodities and so they inflicted vpoÌ„ them irrecouerable losses and vnkind grieuances And departing out of the foresaid hauen they caried 2. of the Prussian ship-masters with theÌ„ as their captiues vnto an hauen of England called Sandwich Who being afterward released were compelled to sweare that they should not declare y e iniuries offred vnto them either before your roiall maiesty or your hon Councell or your chaÌ„celor neither were they permitted to come on shore And being offred such hard measure when they made pitiful mones complaints vnto your foresaide subiects amongst other matters they spake on this wise vnto them Do you complain of iniuries losses offered vnto you Loe in your own couÌ„trey of Prussia there are English marchants goods sufficient go your waies home therfore recouer your losses taking two for one and in this maner they were left so departed Afterward returning vnto y e land of Prussia they their friends repaired vnto the Mast. general iointly and w t one consent making their complaint vnto him of the losses which had bin inflicted vpon theÌ„ by your subiects And prostrating theÌ„selues at his feet they all and euery of them made their humble sutes y t he would haue compassion on them as vpon his poore subiects regarding theÌ„selues their wiues children and pitying their distres and penury and that he would graciously procure some redresse for them And when he offred his letters vnto them wishing them to prosecute their cause before your highnes they answered that they were no way able to defray the expenses and that others who were in like sort damnified had laboured that way altogether in vain to no purpose beseeching him again and again that he would by another kind of means namely by arresting of your marchants and their goods procure theÌ„ restitution of their losses At length the Master general being moued by so many and so great complaints and by the molestation of his subiects caused albâ—eit full sore against his will a certaine portion of English marchants goods to be laid hold on and to be arrested in his cities of Elburg Dantzik and to be bestowed in sure places vntil such time as he might conueniently by his messengers propound and exhibit all and singular the premisses vnto your highnes And
colour and Lombards maintenance The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle I trowe That friends should from enimies be knowe Our enimies taken and our friends spared The remedy of hem must be declared Thus may the sea be kept in no sell For if ought he spoken wot yee well We haue the strokes and enemies haue the winning But mayntainers are parteners of the finning We liue in lust and â—ide in couetise This is our rule to maintaine marchandise And policie that wee haue on the sea And but God helpe it will no other bee Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish with an incident of Wales Chap. 9. I Cast to speake of Ireland but a litle Commodities of it I will entitle Hides and fish Salmon Hake Herringe Irish wooll and linen cloth faldinge And marterns goode ben her marchandie Hertes Hides and other of Uenerie Skinnes of Otter Squirell and Irish hare Of sheepe lambe and Fore is her chaffare Felles of Kiddes and Conies great plentie So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae And is Dominus also Hyberniae Did possessed by Progenitours The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend That no enemie should hurt ne offend Ireland ne vs but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea For they haue hauens great and goodly bayes Sure wyde and deepe of good assayes At Waterford and colles many one And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens ships in to ride No more sure for enemies to abide Why speake I thus so much of Ireland For all so much as I can vnderstand It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien loke who lust to knowe So large so good and so commodious That to declare is strange and maruailous For of siluer and golde there is the oore Among the wilde Irish though they be poore For they are rude and can thereon no skill So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine and metal for to pure In wilde Irish might we finde the cure As in London saith a Iuellere Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene As they touch no better could be seene Nowe here beware and heartily take intent As yee will answere at last iudgement That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost For it is a boterasse and a post Under England and Wales another God forbid but ech were others brother Of one ligeance due vnto the king But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement I am aferde that Ireland will be shent It must awey it wol bee lost from vs But if thou helpe thou Iesu gracious And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside For much thing in my herte is hide Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site Of fertile Ireland wich might not be forborne But if England were nigh as goode as gone God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge After her conqueste for our last puissance And hinder vs by other lands alliance Wise men seyn wich felin not ne douten That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs as likenesse may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend and of none power That our ground is there a litle corner To all Ireland in true comparison It needeth no more this matter to expon Which if it bee lost as Christ Iesu forbed Farewel Wales then England commeth to dred For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine And other mâ—e as the pety Bretaine And so haue enemies enuiron round about I beseech God that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said aâ—parance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable But all onely for â—erill that I see Thus imminent it 's likely for to bee And well I wotte that from hence to Rome And as men say in all Christendome Is nâ— ground ne land to Ireland liche So large so good so plenteous so riche That to this worde Dominus doe long Then mee semeâ—h that right were and no wrong To get the lande and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dominus And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue thâ— ground obeysant wilde and tame That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect Unto the king wel shal it bee detect In the litle booke that I of spake I trowe reson al this wel vndertake And I knowe wel howe it stante Alas fortune beginneth so to scant Or ellis grace that deade is gouernance For so minisheth parties of our puissance In that land that wee lese euery yere More ground and more as well as yee may here I herd a man speake to mee full late Which was a lord of full great estate Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne Which were it worth yerely if wee not feyne I wol declare who so luste to looke I trowe full plainely in my litle booke But couetise and singularitie Of owne profite enuie crueltie Hath doon vs harme and doe vs euery day And musters made that shame is to say Our money spent al to litle auaile And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte An exhortation to the keeping of Wales BEware of Wales Christ Iesu muâ—t vs keepe That it make not our childers childe to weepe Ne vs also so if it goe his way By vnwarenes seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion By great tokens and ostentation Seche the meanes with a discrete auise And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell that Christ it forbede Looke wel aboute for God wote yee haue neede Unfainingly vnfeyning and vnfeynt That conscience for slought you not atteynt Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed Or afore God mutte yee ben accused Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea with an incident of the keeping of Caleis Chap. 10â— OF Island to write is litle nede Saue of Stock-fish Yet
so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South and from South to North. And the longitude in which are also counted other 360 is counted from West to East or from East to West as in the Card is set The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth take a compasse and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card where the degrees are diuided And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card conteining also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in the same Capo Verde Now to know in what longitude any land is your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part which done set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale the scale of longitude and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card though little conteineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree whose distance measureth the scale of longitude And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident and Occident with the Orient For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing where the endes should touch by the lines it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident as there without the lines it is described and figured And for more declaration of the said Card your Lordship shall vnderstand that beginning on the part Occidental within the line the first land that is set out is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour Which maine land or coast goeth Northward and finisheth in the land that we found which is called here Terra de Labrador So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found and the Indies to be all one maine land The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward as by the Card your Lordshippe may see commeth to a certaine straight Sea called Estrecho de todos Santos by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries as I shall declare more at large the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries and Islandes of Capo verde But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie And so followeth Spayne France Flanders Almaine Denmarke and Norway which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions diuiding them by lines of their limits by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see in what situation euerie region is and of what highnesse and with what regions it is ioyned I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisiōs for that they be not so wel knowen nor need not so much This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines strikes that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa which is right ouer against the 60. 65. degree of longitude And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie For from this Cape toward the Orient is the land of Calicut as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree Frō the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equinoctial and passing forth entreth the red sea returning out entreth again into the gulfe of Persia and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd and from thence the coast making a gulfe where is the riuer of Ganges returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca where is the principall Spicerie from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient and endeth right against the 155. degrees and after returneth toward the Occident Northward which coast not yet plainely knowen I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs that I spake of before So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado and with that which pertaines to Spaine is the coast of that which France hath in Italie And then followeth in one piece all Italie which laud hath an arme of the Sea with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia and next Grecia then the streits of Constantinople and then the sea called Euxinus which is within the sayd streights and comming
England receiued and conducted there intertained vsed honoured and finally in good safetie towards his returne and repaire furnished and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage which God defend to the Ambassadours person traine and goods this present memoriall is written and autentikely made and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants whose names be vnderwritten and traine in presence of the Notarie and witnesses vndernamed recognized and acknowledged Giuen the day moneth and yeere vnderwritten of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia by the report of the Ambassadour and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke 1 First sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire 2 Item twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth eares and clawes 3 Item foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars 4 Item thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull 5 Item sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare worne onely by the Emperour for woorthinesse 6 Item a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne Crane Goose and other great Fowles together with a drumme of siluer the hoopes gilt vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England 1 First two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue 2 Item one fine piece of Scarlet 3 Item one fine Uiolet in graine 4 Item one fine Azur cloth 5 Item a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson veluet and gilt nailes 6 Item a Male and Female Lions Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall 1 First a chaine of golde of one hundred pound 2 Item a large Bason and Ewer siluer and gilt 3 Item a paire of pottle pots gilt 4 Item a paire of flaggons gift The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour at and before his departure out of England Isaak Fwesschencke Demetre Gorbolones Symonde Yeroffia Stephen Lowca Andria Foma Memorandum the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned in the house of the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London situate within the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned personally constituted and present hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire the effect of the causes and contents of and in this booke at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne recognized and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie personages vnder written the contents of this booke to be true aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned but onely recognized the same In witnesse whereof I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe with the Subscription of my name the day and yeere aboue written being present the right Worshipfull Aldermen of London Knights Andrew Iudde George Barne William Chester Rafe Greeneaway Iohn Mersh Esquier Iohn Dimmock Blase Sanders Hubert Hussie and Robert Best aboue mentioned The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza the Bona Confidentia and the Philip and Mary which were not heard of the yeere before May. VPon Sunday the 23. of May I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro the latitude whereof is 64. degrees 25. minutes and the variation of the compasse 5. degrees 10. minutes from the North to the East Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule It highâ—th vpon this barre in spring streames 3. foote water and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade and then wee cast about to the Northwards and went with a hommocke which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and betweene them are 11. leagues Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos Coscaynos the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East North and by West and betweene them are 4. leagues or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest and betweene them are eight leagues and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head if you be inwardly on both sides of it on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone Iune FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues North and by West The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees 47. minutes It floweth a shoare at this place at an East Moone full sea and the shippe lay thwart to wende a floodâ— in the off at a Southsoutheast moone So that it is to be vnderstoode that when it is a full sea on the shoare it is two points to ebbe before it be a lowe water in the off The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house in 4. fadome or 4. fadome and a halfe of water and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne wee departed from this Salt house It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers earth Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees so that Dogs nose is the better to be
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
signet of armes to the letters which we send to so great a Prince as your Maiesty is in any of which points we would haue bene very loth willingly to haue giuen iust cause of offence thereby to our most deare and louing brother And as touching the sayd messenger Ierome Horsey we are sory that contrary to our expectation he is fallen into your Maiesties displeasure whom we minde not to mainteine in any his actions by which he hath so incurred your Maiesties mislike yet that we had reason at such time as we sent him to your Maiesty to vse his seruice as our messenger we referre our selues to your princely iudgement praying your Maiesty to reduce into your minde the especiall commendation which in your letters written vnto vs in the yeere 1585 you made of the sayd Ierome Horsey his behauiour in your dominions at which time your Maiesty was pleased to vse his seruice as your messenger to vs requiring our answere of your letters to be returned by him and by none other That imployment with other occasions taken by your Maiesty to vse the seruice of the sayd Ierome Horsey as namely in the yeere 1587 when your Maiesty sent him to vs againe with your letters and your liberall and princely priuiledge at our request granted to our merchants for which we haue heeretofore giuen thanks to your Maiesty so doe we hereby reiterate our thankefulnesse for the same mooued vs to be of minde that we could not make choise of any of our subiects so fit a messenger to your Maiesty as he whom your Maiesty had at seuerall times vsed vpon your owne occasions into this our Realme But least your highnesse should continue of the minde that the letters which you sent by our ambassador Giles Fletcher wherein some mention was made of your conceiued displeasure against the sayd Horsey came not to our hands and that wee were kept ignorant of the complaint which your Maiesty made therein against the sayd Horsey we do not deny but that we were acquainted aswell by our ambassadour as by those letters of some displeasure conceiued against him by your Maiesty but your sayd letters giuing onely a short generall mention of some misdemeanour committed by him expressing no particulars we were of opinion that this offence was not so hainous as that it might vtterly extinguish all your former princely fauour towards him but that vpon his humble submission to your Maiesty or vpon better examination of the matter of the displeasure conceiued against him the offence might haue beene either remitted or he thereof might haue cleared himselfe And to that end we were not onely by his great importunity long sollicited but by the intercession of some of our Nobility giuing credit to his owne defence we were intreated on his behalfe to vse his seruice once againe into Russia as our messenger to your Maiesty whereby he might haue opportunity to cleare himselfe and either by his answere or by his submission recouer your Maiesties former fauour whereunto our princely nature was mooued to yeeld wishing the good of our subiect so farre foorth as his desert might carry him or his innocencie cleare him Thus noble Prince our most louing and dearest brother it may appeare vnto your Maiesty how we were induced to vse the seruice of the sayd messenger aswell for the recouery of your Maiesties fauor towards him if he had bene found woorthy of it as for experience of the maners and fashions of your countrey where he hath bene much conuersant But sith by your Maiesties letters it appeareth that he hath not cleared himselfe in your Maiesties sight we meane not to vse him in any such price hereafter And as touching your Maiesties conceit of the breuitie which we vsed in the setting downe of your Maiesties stile and titles of honour as nothing is further from vs then to abridge so great and mighty a Prince of the honour due vnto him whom we holde for his greatnesse to deserue more honour then we are able to giue him so shall we need no further nor surer argument to cleare vs of the suspition of the detracting from your Maiesty any part of your iust and princely honor and greatnesse then the consideration of our owne stile which is thus contracted videlicet Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. which kingdomes and dominions of ours are expressed by these generall words videlicet England France and Ireland in euery of which there are seuerall principalities dukedomes earledomes prouinces and countreys which being seuerally expressed would enlarge much our stile and make it of great length which by our progenitours hath not bene vsed notwithstanding we thinke it no dishonour to vs compendiously to abridge the same in all our writings and letters written to what Prince King or Potentate soeuer Whereupon we inferre that holding your Maiesties generall stile we offer your Highnesse no dishonour in not expressing all the particular prouinces albeit we can willingly content our selfe vpon the knowledge of your vsages and customes to obserue that course which your selfe shall thinke most honourable And for the sealing vp of our letters which we write to all our allies kinsemen and friends Kings and Princes we haue in vse two seuerall seales both which we esteeme alike honourable bring our princely seales And as the volume of our letters falleth out to be great or small so accordingly is our greater or lesser seale annexed to the sayd letters without esteeming either of them more or lesse honourable then the other So as our most louing and dearest brother in the said letters there was nothing done of purpose to detract from your Maiesty any thing of the vsuall regard which our Highnesse was woont to yeeld vnto your most noble father of famous memory Iuan Basiliuich Emperor of al Russia or to your selfe our dearest brother For the residue of the points of your Maiesties letters concerning the entertainement of our ambassadour and proceeding in the cause of Anthonie Marsh we holde our selfe satisfied with your princely answere and doe therein note an honourable and princely care in your Maiestie to preuent the like troubles controuersies and sutes that Marshes cause stirred vp betweene our merchants and your subiects which is that your Maiestie doeth purpose from time to time to purge your Countrey of such straglers of our subiects as doe or shall hereafter abide there and are not of the Company of our merchants but contemptuously depart out of our land without our Highnesse licence of which sort there are presented vnto vs from our merchants the names of these seuerall persons videlicet Richard Cocks Bennet Iackman Rainold Kitchin Simon Rogers Michael Lane Thomas Worsenham whom it may please your Maiesty by your princely order to dismisse out of your land that they may be sent home in the next shippes to auoid the mislike which their residence in those parts might breed to the
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
it be some fewe relations Moreouer as touching Gronland we holde this from the opinion of our auncestours that from the extreeme part of Norway which is called Biarmlandia and from whence the saide Gronland is not farre distant it fetcheth about the Northren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone Our Chronicles likewise doe testifie that our owne countreymen in times past resorted thither for traffique and also that the very same countrey of Gronland had certaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie More then this we cannot auouch But now it is reported that your Englishmen whom I may almost call the lordes of the Ocean sea make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland concerning which matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement you shall doe me an especial fauour Moreouer whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning the affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout I pray you make vs acquainted therewith Thus reuerend six wishing you long life for the seruice of God for the increase of learning and the benefit of the people committed to your charge I bid you farewel From Island vpon the feast of the visitation of the blessed Uirgine Mary Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island The miraculous victory atchieued by the English Fleete vnder the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable right prudent and valiant lord the L. Charles Howard L. high Admirall of England c. Vpon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the yeere 1588. for the inuasion of England together with the wofull and miserable successe of the said Armada afterward vpon the coasts of Norway of the Scottish Westerne Isles of Ireland of Spaine of France and of England c. Recorded in Latine by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. booke of his history of the low Countreys HAuing in part declared the strange and wonderfull euents of the yeere eightie eight which hath bene so long time foretold by ancient prophesies we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid yeere atchieued in order as it was done Which exploit although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countreys was intended for their ruine and destruction And it was the expedition which the Spanish king hauing a long time determined the same in his minde and hauing consulted thereabout with the Pope set foorth and vndertooke against England and the low Countreys To the end that he might subdue the Realme of England and reduce it vnto his catholique Religion and by that meanes might be sufficiently reuenged for the disgrace contempt and dishonour which hee hauing 34. yeeres before enforced them to the Popes obedience had endured of the English nation and for diuers other iniuries which had taken deepe impression in his thoughts And also for that hee deemed this to bee the most readie and direct course whereby hee might recouer his heredetarie possession of the lowe Countreys hauing restrained the inhabitants from sayling vpon the coast of England Which verily vpon most weighty arguments and euident reasons was thought would vndoubtly haue come to passe considering the great aboundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished which had the managing of that action committed vnto them But now let vs describe the matter more particularly The Spanish King hauing with small fruite and commoditie for aboue twentie yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlanders after deliberation with his counsellers thereabout thought it most conuenient to assault them once againe by Sea which had bene attempted sundry times heretofore but not with forces sufficient Unto the which expedition it stoode him nowe in hand to ioyne great puissance as hauing the English people his professed enemies whose Island is so situate that it may either greatly helpe or hinder all such as saile into those parts For which cause hee thought good first of all to inuade England being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen and by many English fugitiues that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult then the conquest of Holland and Zeland Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion that it would bee farre more behoueful for their King to conquere England and the lowe Countreys all at once then to be constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleetes from the English Drake and from such like valiant enemies And for the same purpose the king Catholique had giuen commandement long before in Italy and Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of shippes and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordinance in storing vp of corne and victuals in trayning of men to vse warlike weapons in leauying and mustering of souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeere 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie and brought it into Lisbon hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards wherein were set downe the number names and burthens of the shippes the number of Mariners and souldiers throughout the whole Fleete likewise the quantitie of their Ordinance of their armour of bullets of match of gun-poulder of victuals and of all their Nauall furniture was in the saide description particularized Unto all these were added the names of the Gouernours Captaines Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries of whom there was so great a multitude that searce was there any family of accompt or any one principall man throughout all Spaine that had not a brother sonne or kinseman in that Fleete who all of them were in good hope to purchase vnto themselues in that Nauie as they termed it inuincible endlesse glory and renowne and to possesse themselues of great Seigniories and riches in England and in the lowe Countreys But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into diuers other languages we will here onely make an abridgemeut or briefe rehearsall thereof Portugal furnished and set foorth vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia generall of the Fleete ten Galeons two Zabraes 1300. Mariners 3300. souldiers 300. great pieces with all requisite furniture Biscay vnder the conduct of Iohn Martines de Ricalde Admiral of the whole Fleete set forth tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 250. great pieces c. Guipusco vnder the conduct of Michael de Oquendo tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces Italy with the Leuant Islands vnder Martine de Vertendona 10. Galeons 800. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces c. Castile vnder Diego Flores de Valdez 14. Galeons two Pataches 1700. mariners 2400. souldiers and 380. great pieces
of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniard perceiued being assisted with his strongest ships he came forth and entered a terrible combate with the English for they bestowed each on other the broad sides and mutually discharged all their Ordinance being within one hundred or an hundred and twentie yards one of another At length the Spaniardes hoised vp their sayles and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundel In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict Whereupon the lord Admirall comming to succour him found that hee had valiantly and discreetly be haued himselfe and that hee had wisely and in good time ouer the fight because that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage For which cause the day following being the sixe and twentie of Iuly the lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of knighthood together with the lord Thomas Howard the lord Sheffield M. Iohn Hawkins and others The same day the lord Admirall receiued intelligence from Newhauen in France by certaine of his Pinnasses that all things were quiet in France and that there was no preparation of sending aide vnto the Spaniards which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction and from the Leaguers but there was a false rumour spread all about that the Spaniards had conquered England The seuen and twentie of Iuly the Spaniards about the sunne-setting were come ouer-against Douer and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis intending to hold on for Dunkerk expecting there to ioyne with the duke of Parma his forces without which they were able to doe litle or nothing Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them ancred iust by them within culuering-shot And here the lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the lord Admiral with his fleete of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames As the Spanish nauie therefore lay at ancre the duke of Medina sent certaine messengers vnto the duke of Parma with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land and amongst the rest the prince of Ascoli being accounted the kings base sonne and a very proper and towardly yong gentleman to his great good went on shore who was by so much the more fortunate in that hee had not opportunitie to returne on boord the same ship out of which he was departed because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast with all the persons contained therein The duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England made all the haste hee could to bee present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge vainely perswading himselfe that nowe by the meanes of Cardinall Allen hee should be crowned king of England and for that cause hee had resigned the gouernement of the Lowe countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder And hauing made his vowes vnto S. Mary of Hall in Henault whom he went to visite for his blind deuotions sake hee returned toward Bruges the 28. of Iuly The next day trauelling to Dunkerk hee heard the thundering Ordinance of either Fleet and the same euening being come to Dixmud hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spanish Fleete Upon Tuesday which was the thirtieth of Iuly about high noone hee came to Dunkerk when as all the Spanish Fleete was now passed by neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come foorth to assist the sayd Spanish Fleete for feare of fiue and thirtie warrelike ships of Holland and Zeland which there kept watch and warde vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau The foresayd fiue and thirtie shippes were furnished with most cunning mariners and olde expert souldiers amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketiers whom the States had chosen out of all their garisons and whom they knew to haue bene heretofore experienced in sea-fights This nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any shippe to come out of the Hauen nor to permit any Zabraes Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers to enter thereinto for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow sea in that place Howbeit the prince of Paâ—ma his forces being as yet vnreadie were not come on boord his shippes onely the English Fugitiues being seuen hundred in number vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanleyâ— came in fit time to haue bene embarked because they hoped to giue the first assault against England The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart because they sawe but a few mariners who were by constraint drawne into this expedition and also because they had very bare prouision of bread drinke and other necessary victuals Moreouer the shippes of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight threatening shot and powder and many inconueniences vnto them for feare of which shippes the Mariners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night least that the duke of Parma his souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete which all of them iudged to bee impossible by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and presumptuous expectaâ—ion that all the ships of England and of the Low countreys would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight yeelding them sea roome and endeuouring onely to defend themselues their hauens and sea coasts from inuasion Wherefore their intent and purpose was that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed shippes should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish fleet conuey ouer all his troupes armour and warlike prouision and with their forces so vnited should inuade England or while the English fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish should enter vpon any part of the coast which he thought to be most conuenient Which inuasion as the captiues afterward confessed the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the riuer of Thames vpon the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principall souldiers he supposed that he might easily haue woonne the Citie of London both because his small shippes should haue followed and assisted his land-forces and also for that the Citie it-selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discontinuance from the warres who with continuall and constant labour might be vanquished if they yeelded not at the first assault They were in good hope also to haue mette with some rebels against her Maiestie and such as were discontented with the present state as Papists and others Likewise they looked for ayde from the fauourers of the Scottish Queene who was not long before
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
cary me ouer the lands end whose name was M. Wood and with all speede I valed downe that night 10 miles to take the tide in the morning which happily I did and that night came to Douer and there came to an anker and there remained vntill tuesday meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the saide ship The 11 day we arriued in Plimoth and the 13 in the morning we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous winde and the 16 we had sight of Cape Finister on the coast of Spaine The 30 we arriued at Cades and there discharged certaine marchandise and tooke others aboord The 20 of February we departed from Cades passed the straights of Gibraltar that night and the 25 we came to the I le of Mallorca and staied there fiue daies with contrary windes The first of March we had sight of Sardenna and the fift of the said monthâ— wee arriued at Messina in Sicilia and there discharged much goods and remained there vntill good Fryday in Leâ—t The chiefe marchant that laded the sayd Barke Aucher was a marchant stranger called Anselm Saluago and because the time was then very dangerous and no going into Leuant especially to Chio without a safe conduct from the Turke the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher that we should receiue the same at Messina But I was posted from thence to Candia and there I was answered that I should send to Chio and there I should haue my safe conduct I was forced to send one and hee had his answere that the Turke would giue none willing me to looke what was best for me to doe which was no small trouble to me considering I was bound to deliuer the goods that were in the ship at Chio or send them at mine aduenture The marchants without care of the losse of the ship would haue compelled me to goe or send their goods at mine aduenture the which I denied and sayd plainely I would not goe because the Turkes gallies were come forth to goe against Malta but by the French kings means he was perswaded to leaue Malta and to goe to Tripoly in Barbary which by the French he wan In this time there were in Candia certaine Turkes vessels called Skyrasas which had brought wheat thither to sell and were ready to depart for Turkie And they departed in the morning be times carying newes that I would not goe foorth the same night I prepared beforehande what I thought good without making any man priuie vntill I sawe time Then I had no small businesse to cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger Neuerthelesse I wan them to goe all with me except three which I set on land and with all diligence I was readie to set foorth about eight of the clocke at night being a faire moone shine night went out Then my 3 marriners made such requests vnto the rest of my men to come aborde as I was constrained to take them in And so with good wind we put into the Archipelago being among the Ilands the winde scanted I was forced to anker at an Iland called Micone where I taried 10 or 12 daies hauing a greeke Pilot to carrie the ship to Chio. In this meane season there came many small botes with mysson sayles to goe for Chio with diuerse goods to sell the Pilot requested me that I would let them goe in my company to which I yeelded After the sayde dayes expired I wayed set saile for the Iland of Chio with which place I fel in the after noone whereupon I cast to seaward againe to come with the Iland in the morning betimes The foresaid smal vessels which came in my company departed from me to win the shore to get in y e night but vpon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turkes comming vpon them to spoyle them My Pilot hauing a sonne in one of those small vessels entreted me to cast about towards them which at his request I did and being some thing farre from them I caused my Gunner to shoot a demy-coluering at a foyst that was readie to enter one of the botes This was so happy a shott that it made the Turke to fall a sterne of the bote and to leaue him by the which meanes hee escaped Then they all came to me and requested that they might hang at my sterne vntill day light by which time I came before the Mole of Chio and sent my bote on land to the marchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand or else I would returne back with all to Candia they should fetch their goods there But in fine what by perswasion of my merchants English men those of Chio I was entreated to come into the harbour and had a safe assurance for 20 dayes against the Turkes army with a bond of the citie in the summe of 12000 ducats So I made hast solde such goods as I had to Turkes that came thither put all in order with as much speede as I could fearing the comming of the Turkes nauie of the which the chiefe of the citie knew right wel So vpon the sudden they called me of great friendship in secret told me I had no way to saue my selfe but to be gone for said they we be not able to defend you that are not able to help our selues for the Turke where he commeth taketh what he will leaueth what he list but the chiefe of the Turkes set order y â— none shal do any harme to the people or to their goods This was such news to me that indeed I was at my wits end was brought into many imaginations how to do for that the winde was contrarie In fine I determined to goe foorth But the marchants English men and other regarding more their gaines then the ship hindered me very much in my purpose of going foorth and made the marriners to come to me to demaund their wages to be payed them out of hande and to haue a time to employ the same there But God prouided so for me that I paied them their money that night and then charged them that if they would not lâ—t the ship foorth I would make them to answere the same in England with danger of their heads Many were married in England and had somewhat to loose those did sticke to me I had twelue gunners the Master gunner who was a madde brayned fellow and the owners seruant had a parlament betweene themselues and he vpon the same came vp to me with his sword drawen swearing that hee had promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher to liue and die in the sayde shippe against all that should offer any harme to the shippe and that he would fight with the whole armie of the Turkes and neuer yeelde with this fellow I had much to doeâ— but at the last I made him confesse his
quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est supplicatione Regis Polonie non accepta iterùm in regem Polonie exercitum suum mittere Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subuertere constituerat Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis residente sese interponente Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae fruges puluis arbores nauiuÌ„ tormenta alia necessaria suppeditarentur significante pacem pro regno rege Poloniae petente neuâ— regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente Serenitatisque vestrae hane singularem esse voluntatem exponente Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini â—ignificata fuisset In â—auorem serenitatis vestrae cui omnis honos gratia debetur iuxta modum predictum vt Cosacifacinorosi exquirantur poena perfecta puniantur aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta coÌ„donentur hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae Si autem ex parte Serenitatis vestre foedus pax sollicitata non fuisset nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polonie inijsset In fauorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit Quod tà m Serenitas vestra quà m etiam Rex regnum Polonie sibi certò persuadere debent Serenitatem vestram benè foelicissiméque valere cupimus Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Maâ—umedi nongentesimo nonagesimo octauo IESV vero Anno millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo die duodecimo mensis Iunij The same in English MOst glorious and the most resplendent of women most select Princesse most gratious Elizabeth Queene of the valiant followers of Iesus in the famous kingdom of England most wise gouernesse of all the affaires and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory most acceptable cloud of raine inheritresse Ladie of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome of England to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions wishing of the almightie Creator most happie increase and prosperous successe vnto all your Maiesties affaires and actions and offering vp mutuall perpetuall vowes worthy of our familiarity with eternall prayses In most friendly manner we signifie vnto your princely Highnesse that certaine yeeres past the most mightie Cesarlike maiestie of the Grand Signor waged vnspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians in regarde of which warres he would not goe in battell against any other places and for that cause certaine theeues in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks and other notorious persons liuing in the same partes ceased not to trouble and molest the subiects of our most mightie Emperour But now hauing finished and brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia determining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland and for that purpose committing an army vnto the Beglerbeg of Grecia and the yeere last past sending his imperiall commaundement vnto the Prince of the Tartars he hath forraged molested and layed waste some part of the kingdome of Poland and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders haue receiued condigue punishment Which the king of Poland perceiuing sent two Embassadours to his imperiall Highnesse signifying that he would hunt out the said malefactors and inflict most seuere punishments vpon them and also that he would better his gift which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily sent vnto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse Howbeit his imperiall maiestie vpon whom the almightie creator hath bestowed so great power and who vouchsafeth to giue eare vnto all humble suppliants reiecting the supplication of the King of Poland determined againe to send his armie against the said king and by the helpe of the Almightie creator vtterly to subuert and ouerthrowe his kingdome But your Maiesties Embassadour resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall Highnesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour signifying that from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne gun-powder mastes of ships guns and other necessaries and crauing peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and king of Poland and making intercession that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes of the Grand Signor declaring that this was your Maiesties most earnest desire so soone as the report and intercession of your Maiesties Embassadour was signified vnto the Grand Signor for your sake vnto whom all honour and fauourable regard is due vpon the condition aforesaid namely that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grieuously punished or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift vpon this condition I say the letters of his imperiall Highnesse were sent vnto the king of Poland Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Maiestie his imperiall Highnesse would neuer haue vouchsafed the same vnto the kingdome of Poland But for your Maiesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited this so singular a fauour vnto the said king and kingdome of Poland And hereof your Maiestie and the king of Poland ought certainely to be perswaded We wish your Maiestie most happily and well to fare Giuen at Constantinople in the ende of the moneth called SabauÌ„ in the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998 and in the yeere of Iesus 1590 the 12 of Iune The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Irelande defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and subiects and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene shewed or read greeting Where our welbeloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London William Hareborne Esquire and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes Ilandes Dominions and territories of the great Turke commonly called the Grand Signor not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marâ—hantes or other subiectes of vs or our progenitors And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signor in our name amitie safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of
ship of 120 tunnes the Hart of London of 60 tunnes and a Pinnesse of sixteene tunnes THe fourteenth day of September the yeere abouesayd we departed from Harwich and directed our course for the Isle of Sillie to meete there with the Hart and Pinnesse which were rigged and victualed at Bristoll but arriuing there the eight and twentieth day we found them not and therefore after long lying at hull to tarrie for them but not espying them we turned backe to Plimmouth the 12 day of October and being there the Hart and the Pinnesse came to vs so that the 15 of Nouember we all departed together from Plimmouth at one of the clocke in the after noone and the 28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo and the next day in the morning of Madera The third day of December we fell with the I le of Palma and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blanke and found there certaine Carauels fishing for Pargoes The 19 we found our selues in the height of Sierra Leona and all this day we ranne thwart of certaine Currants which did set to the West Southwestward so fast as if it had bene the ouer-fall of a sand making a great noyse like vnto a streame or tide-gate when the water is shoale and to prooue whither we could finde ground in this place we sounded and had 150 fadome and no ground and so departed The 30 of December we fell with the coast of Guinea and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off The best marke that we could take of the place to knowe it was three hilles which lay Northeast and by East from vs betwixt the Northermost two hilles there are two high and great trees standing in sight as it were a sailes breadth one from another and a litle more to the Northwestwards are certaine hommocks Hauing sayled somewhat into the shoare wee tooke our selues to be shotte somewhat past the riuer de Sestos so that we kept about to fetch it And a litle after we had sight of three sayles of shippes and two pinnesses which were in the weather of vs and hauing sight of them we made our selues readie to meete them and halled off our ships to fetch the winde as neere as we could and hauing sayled about an houre or two they also went about and went as we went to make themselues readie and when we had them in chase they went away from vs but when they had made themselues readie they kept about againe and came with vs verie finely appointed with their streamers and pendants and ensignes and noyse of trumpets very brauely so when we met they had the weather of vs and we â—eâ—ng determined to fight if they had bene Portugals waued them to come vnder our Lee which they denied stoutly then we demaunded of them whence they were and they sayd of France we told them againe that we were of London in England They asked of vs what Portugals wee had seene we answered none but Fishermen then they told vs that there were certaine Portugall ships gone to the Mina to defend it and that they met with another at the riuer de Sestos which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned and had saued none but the master and two or three Negros and certaine others which were sore burned which they left a shore there Then they desired to come aboord of vs with their boates to talke with vs and wee gaue them leaue Then the captaine of the Admirall and diueâ—s others came aboord very friendly desiring vs to keepe them company because of the Portugals and to goe to the Mina with them wee told thâ—m that we had not watered and that we were but now fallen with the coast and they shewed vs that we were fiftie leagues past the riuer de Sestos notwithstanding there was water enough to be had and they would helpe vs to water with their owne boats because they would haue our companie And told vs further that they had bene sixe weekes vpon the coast and had gotten but three tunnes of graines amongst them all and when wee had heard them we made our reckoning that although the Mina were cleare yet if they did goe before vs they would marre our market and if it were not cleare then if the Portugals were there and did take them they would vnderstand that we were behind and so would waite for vs. And further we made account that if we went with them we should doe as well as they if the coast were cleare if it were not cleare then by them we were assured to be the stronger Therefore hauing considered thus much of their gentle offers wee told them that the next day wee would conferre more largely of the matter Whereupon they desired me to come the next day to dinner to them and to bring the masters of our ships with me and such marchants as I thought good promising to giue vs water out of their owne ships if we would take it or els to tarie with vs and helpe vs to water with their own boats and pinnasses The 31 day in the morning the Admirall sent his boat aboord for me and I tooke our masters and certaine of our marchants and went to him who had prouided a notable banquet for vs and intreated vs very friendly desiring vs still to keepe his company promising that what victuals were in his ships or other things that might dâ—e vs pleasure vntill the end we should haue the one halfe of it offering vs if we would to furle his Flags and to bee at our commaundement in all things In the ende we agreed to come to an anker and to send our boat on shore with the Admirals boat and one of his pinnasses and an Almaine which they had brought out of France to seeke water as for our pinnasse she came to an anker to seaward of vs all and would not come at vs. All this night the boats continued on shore The first day of Ianuary our boats came to vs againe and had found no riuer Whereupon we weighed and set saile and ankred againe at another riuer The 2 day we went into the riuer and bargained and tooke 5 small Elephants teeth The 3 day we tooke 5 more The fourth day the French Admirall and we tooke fifteene small teeth This day wee tooke thirtie men with vs and went to seeke Elephants our men being all well armed with harquebusses pikes long bowes crossebowes partizans long swordes and swordes and bucklers wee found two Elephants which wee stroke diuers times with harquebusses and long bowes but they went away from vs and hurt one of our men The fift day we set saile and ranne along the coast The 6 day we fell with the riuer de S. Andre at which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward of the riuer and a faire Baie also to â—he Westward of it but to the Eastward of it it is
they saw it was in vaine for them to stay and therefore set vp sayles and by Gods prouidence auoyded all danger brought home the rest of their goods and came thence with all expedition and God be thanked arriued safely in England neere London on Wednesday being the 8 day of Iune 1585. In which their returne to England the Spaniards that they brought with them offered fiue hundred crownes to be set on shore in any place which seeing the Maister would not doe they were coutent to be ruled by him and his companie and craued mercie at their hands And after Master Foster demaunded why they came in such sort to betray and destroy them the Corrigidor answered that it was not done onely of themselues but by the commandement of the king himselfe and calling for his hose which were wet did plucke foorth the kings Commission by which he was authorized to doe all that he did The Copie whereof followeth being translated out of Spanish The Spanish kings commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. LIcentiat de Escober my Corigidor of my Signorie of Biskay I haue caused a great fleete to be put in readinesse in the hauen of Lisbone and the riuer of Sâ—uill There is required for the Souldiers armour victuals and munition that are to bee imployed in the same great store of shipping of all sortes against the time of seruice and to the end there may be choise made of the best vpon knowledge of their burden and goodnesse I doe therefore require you that presently vpon the arriuall of this carrier and with as much dissimulation as may be that the matter may not be knowen vntill it be put in execution you take order for the staying and arresting with great foresight of all the shipping that may be found vpon the coast and in the portes of the sayd Signorie excepting none of Holand Zeland Easterland Germanie England and other Prouinces that are in rebellion against mee sauing those of France which being litle and of small burden and weake are thought vnfit to serue the turne And the stay being thus made you shall haue a speciall care that such marchandize as the sayd shippes or huâ—kes haue brought whether they be all or part vnladen may bee taken out and that the armour munition tackels sayles and victuals may be safely bestowed as also that it may be well foreseene that none of the shippes or men may escape away Which things being thus executed you shall aduertise me by an expresse messenger of your proceeding therein And send me a plaine and diâ—tinct declaration of the number of ships that you shall haue so stayed in that coast and partes whence euery one of them is which belong to my Rebels what burthen goods there are and what number of men is in euery of them and what quantitie they haue of armour ordinance munition victuals tacklings and other necessaries to the end that vpon sight hereof hauing made choise of such as shall be fit for the seruice we may further direct you what ye shall do In the meane time you shall presently see this my commandement put in execution and if there come thither any more ships you shall also cause them to be stayed and arrested after the same order vsing therein such care and diligence as may answere the trust that I repose in you wherein you shall doe me great seruice Dated at Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585. And thus haue you heard the trueth and manner thereof wherein is to be noted the great courage of the maister and the louing hearts of the seruants to saue their master from the daunger of death yea and the care which the master had to saue so much of the owners goods as hee might although by the same the greatest is his owne losse in that he may neuer trauell to those parts any more without the losse of his owne life nor yet any of his seruantes for if hereafter they should being knowen they are like to taste of the sharpe torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house And as for their terming English shippes to be in rebellion against them it is sufficiently knowen by themselues and their owne consciences can not denie it but that with loue vnitie and concord our shippes haue euer beene fauourable vnto them and as willing to pleasure their King as his subiectes any way willing to pleasure English passengers The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine Noble men and Marchants of London for a trade to Barbarie in the yeere 1585. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the Treasurer Barons of our Eschequer and to al Maiors shirifs constables customers collectors of our customes and subsidies controllers searchers and keepers of our hauens and creekes ports and passages within this our realme of England and the dominions of the same and to al our officers ministers and subiects and to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine and to euery of them greeting Whereas it is made euidently and apparantly knowen vnto vs that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors Ambrose Erle of Warwike and Robert Erle of Leicester and also our louing and naturall subiects Thomas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman Ierard Gore the elder and all his sonnes Thomas Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbeney William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthony Garrard Robert How Henry Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henrie Farrington Iohn Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afield Robert Washborne Reinold Guy Thomas Hitchcocke George Lydiat Iohn Cartwright Henry Paiton Iohn Boldroe Robert Bowyer Anthonie Dassell Augustine Lane Robert Lion and Thomas Dod all of London Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary in the parts of Africa vnder the gouernment of Muly Hammet Sheriffe Emperor of Marocco and king of Fesse and Sus haue sustained great and grieuous losses and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented In tender coÌ„sideration whereof and for that diuers Marchandize of the same Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this our Realme of England and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing minding the reliefe and benefite of our said subiects and the quiet trafique and good gouernment to be had and vsed among them in their said trade of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbenie William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthonie Gerrard Robert Howe Henry
and cary away his barks and Carauels was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary and likewise to depart and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him the marques refused his chalenge sending him word that he was not then ready for him nor had any such Commission from his King Our Generall thus refused by the Marques and seeing no more good to be done in this place thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Açoâ—es and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael within 20. or 30. leagues thereof it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan that were in Europe into the Indies This Carak without any great râ—sistance hee tooke bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals and sending them courteously home into their Countrey and this was the first Carak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe because the ship bare the Kings owne name The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company as in trueth it was that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England which they happily did and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty to their owne profite and due commendation and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome And here by the way it is to be noted that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England first that it taught others that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios and fyreing and sinking of others and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter and others of the West parts and of London for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambra in Guinea 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer and all and euery our Officers minâ—sters and subiects whatsoeuer greeting Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicolas Spicer and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant Anthonie Dassell and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea Videlicet from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra and within that Riuer which as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection And coÌ„sidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning we haue therefore thought it conuenient that our said louing subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthonie Dassell and Nicholas Turner for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time In consideration whereof and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Young Richard Doderide Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner and to euery of them and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society to be the traders with them into the said Countreis that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents haue and enioy the free and whole trafique trade and feat of marchandise to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra and within that Riuer also And that they the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis as is aforesaid and none others shall and may for and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres haue and enioy the sole whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described for the buying selling bartering and changing of and with any goods wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer to be vented had or found at or within any the cities townes or places situated or being in the countries parts coastes of Guinea before limitted any law statute or graunt matter custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better ordering establishing gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes the quiet orderly lawfull exercise of the same We for vs our
leagues and from Terra de Labrador 50. 5 Moreouer Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard and learned Cosmographer and Iacobus Cartier who made two voyages into those parts and sayled 900 miles vpon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same 6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius a learned Italian and trauailer in the North parts of the same land 7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like heard say at Hochelaga in Noua Francia how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay whereof the end was not knowen which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia Furthermore Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth and deâ—cribed this passage in his Charts which are yet to be seene in the Queens Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall who was sent to make this discouery by king Henrie the seuenth and entreâ— the same fret affirming that he sayled very farre Westward with a quartâ—r of the North on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune vntill he came to the Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe and finding the Seas still open sayd that he might would haue gone to Cataia if the mutime of the Master and Mariners had not bene Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage so the chapter following shal put you in full assurance of the rest by their experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled throughout Chap. 4. THe diuersitie betweene bruite beastes and men or betweene the wise and the simple is that the one iudgeth by sense onely and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seene felt heard tasted or smelled And the other not so onely but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason before they happen to be tryed Wherefore I haue added proofes of both sorts that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied 1 First as Gemma Frisius reciteth there went from Europe three brethren through this passage whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum 2 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest vpon the coast of Germanie which were presented by the king of Sueuia vnto Quintus Metellus Celer the Proconsull of France 3 And Plinie vpon the same sayth that it is no maruell though there be Sea by the North where there is such abundance of moisture which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that way through which those Indians came 4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested to proue my opinion of the Northwest passage you shall finde the same affirmed more plainly in that behalfe by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger who sheweth how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe making in that place recital of certaine Indians that were likewise driuen through the North Seas from India vpon the coastes of Germany by great tempest as they were sayling in trade of marchandize 5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour Anno Do. 1160. there came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie 6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth that in the time of the Germane Emperours there were also certaine Indians cast by force of weather vpon the coast of the sayd countrey which foresaid Indians could not possibly haue come by the Southeast Southwest nor from any part of Afrike or America nor yet by the Northeast therefore they came of necessitie by this our Northwest passage To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast Southwest nor from any other part of Afrike or America Cap. 5. FIrst they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança because the roughnes of the Seas there is such occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part that the greatest Armadas the king of Portugal hath cannot without great difficulty passe that way much lesse then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without shipwracke being a vessell of very small burden and haue conducted themselues to the place aforesayd being men vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation 2 Also it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd to those parts of Europe because the winds doe for the most part blow there Easterly off from the shore and the current running that way in like sort should haue driuen them Westward vpon some part of America for such winds and tides could neuer haue led them from theÌ„ce to the said place where they were found nor yet could they haue come from any of the countries aforesayd keeping the seas alwayes without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses as were necessary to performe â—uch a voiage 3 Presupposing also if they had bene driuen to the West as they must haue bene comming that way then they should haue perished wanting supplie of victuals not hauing any place once leauing the coast of Afrike vntill they came to America nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part of Europe or the Islands adioyning to it to haue refreshed themselues 4 Also if notwithstanding such impossibilities they might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast yet must they without all doubt haue striken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall there as the Isles of the Açores Portugal Spaine France England Ireland c. which if they had done it is not credible that they should or would haue departed vndiscouered of the inhabitants but there was neuer found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of Germanie where they haue bene sundry times and in sundry ages cast a land neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea if they had so arriued not knowing where they were nor whither to haue gone 5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible because the current aforesayd which coÌ„meth from the East striketh with such force vpon the fret of Magellan and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur that hardly any ship but not possibly a Canoa with such vnskilfull mariners can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret from the West seas of America as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs. 6 And further to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the coast of Germany were Indians not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America it is manifest because the natiues both of Africa and America neither had or haue at this day as is reported other kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes except onely vpon the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships but do carie themselues from place to place neere the shore by
East from this our passage And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth not being otherwise guided by Arte which the Indians do vtterly want therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret which they might doe with one wind 3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança then must they as aforesaid haue fallen vpon the South parts of America 4 And if by the fret of Magellan then vpon the coasts of Afrike Spaine Portugall France Ireland or England 5 And if by the Northeast then vpon the coasts of Ceremissi Tartarij Lâ—ppia Island Terra de Labrador c. and vpon these coasts as aforesaid they haue neuer bene found So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke vpon the coastes of Germanie if they had first striken vpon the coastes of so many countries wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly discouery and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation and also of the Rockes Flats Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world which in most of these places are plentifull 6 And further it seemeth very likely that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries by which they must haue come any other way besides by the Northwest being for the most part Anthropophagi or men eaters would haue deuoured them slaine them or at the least wise kept them as wonders for the gaze So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians which as you haue heard in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie came onely through our Northwest passage 7 Moreouer the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a Portugall made who passed through this fret giuing name to a Promontorie farte within the same calling it after his owne name Promontorium Corterialis neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof 9 Also there was one Saluaterra a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine that came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia constantly to be beleeued in America nauigable And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney then lord Deputie of Ireland in my hearing that a Frier of Mexico called Andrew Vrdaneta more then eight yeeres before his then comming into Ireland told him there that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage shewed Saluaterra at that time being then with him in Mexico a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe And further this Frier tolde the king of Portugall as he returned by that countrey homeward that there was of certainty such a passage Northwest from England and that he meant to publish the same which done the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any nation For that said the king if England had knowledge and experience thereof it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaiâ—e and me This Frier as Saluaterra reported was the greatest Discouerer by sea that hath bene in our age Also Saluaterra being perswaded of this passage by the frier Vrdaneta and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America offered most willingly to accompanie me in this Discouery which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt thereof And now as these moderne experiences cannot be impugned so least it might be obiected that these things gathered out of ancient writers which wrote so many yeeres past might serue litle to prooue this passage by the North of America because both America and India were to them then vtterly vnknowen to remooue this doubt let this susfise That Aristotle who was 300. yeeres before Christ named Mare Indicum Also Berosus who liued 330 yeres before Christ hath these words Ganges in India Also in the first chapter of Hester be these wordes In the dayes of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander mentioneth India Also Arianus Philostratus and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king of Bactria and of Garaab who had the most part of India vnder his gouernment All which assureth vs that both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes These things considered we may in my opinion not only assure our selues of this passage by the Northwest but also that it is nauigable both to come and go as hath bene prooued in part and in all by the experience of diuers as Sebastian Cabota Corâ—erialis the three brethren aboue named the Indians and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico c. And yet notwithstanding all this there be some that haue a better hope of this passage to Caâ—aia by the Northeast then by the West whose reasons with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast before the Queenes Maiestie and certaine Lords of the Counsell by Master Anthonie Ienkinson with my seuerall answeres then vsed to the same Cap. 8. BEcause you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me as what doth serue for my purpose I haue here added the reasons of Master Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentleman and a great traueller who conceiued a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs to be by the Northeast then by the Northwest He first said that he thought not to the contrary but that there was a passage by the Northwest according to mine opinion but assured he was that there might be found a nauigable passage by the Northeast from England to goe to all the East parts of the world which he endeuoured to prooue three wayes The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in hunting the Morce that he sayled very farre towards the Southeast finding no end of the Sea whereby he hoped a thorow passage to be that way Whereunto I answered that the Tartarians were a barbarous people and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation not knowing the vse of the Sea Card Compasse or Starre which he confessed to be true and therfore they could not said I certainly know the Southeast from the Northeast in a wide sea and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore yet he being ignorant might be deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes and by the trending of the land albeit he kept continually alongst the shore And further it might be that the poore Fisherman through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but sea because he saw no land which proofe vnder correction giueth small assurance
I gaue God prayse it was good and knewe how farre I was off the land and was in hâ—pe to come to the lande within two or three dayes and sayde they were but threescore leagues from the lande when they were seuentie all to put them in comfort Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any sustenance saue onely the weedes that swamme in the Sea and salt water to drinke The fifth day Hedly dyed and another moreouer then wee desired all to die for in all these fiue dayes and fiue nights we saw the Sunne but once and the Starre but one night it was so foule weaâ—her Thus we did remaine the sixt day then we were very weake and wished all to die sauing onely my selfe which did comfort them and promised they should come soone to land by the helpe of God but the company were very importunate and were in doubt they should neuer come to land but that I promised them the seuenth day they should come to shore or els they should cast me ouer boord which did happen true the seuenth day for at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of the land and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we came on land All these seuen dayes and seuen nights the wind kept continually South If the wind had in the meane time shifted vpon any other point wee had neuer come to land we were no sooner come to the land but the wind came cleane contrary at North within halfe an houre after our arriuall But we were so weake that one could scarcely helpe another of vs out of the boate yet with much adoe being come all on shore we kneeled downe vpon our knees and gaue God praise that he had dealt so mercifully with vs. Afterwards those which were strongest holpe their fellowes vnto a fresh brooke where we satisfied our selues with water and berries very well There were of al sorts of beâ—ries plentie as goodly a Countrey as euer I saw we found a very faire plaine Champion ground that a man might see very farre euery way by the Sea side was here and there a little wood with goodly trees as good as â—uer I saw any in Norway able to mast any shippe of pyne trees spruse trees â—irre and very great birch trees Where we came on land we made a little house with boughes where wâ— rested all that night In the morning I deuided the company three and three to goe euery way to see what foode they could find to sustaine themselues and appointed them to meete there all againe â—t noone with such foode as they could get As we went aboord we found great store of peason as good as any wee haue in England a man would thinke they had bene sowed there We rested there three dayes and three nights and liued very well with pease and berries wee named the place Saint Lauâ—ence because it was a very gâ—odly riuer like the riuer of S. Laurence in Canada and we found it very full of Salmons When wee had well rested our selues wee rowed our boate along the shore thinking to haue gone to the Grande Bay to haue come home with some Spanyards which are yeerely there to kill the Whale And when we were hungry or at â—irst we put our boate on land and gathered pease and berries Thus wee rowed our boate along the shore fiuâ— dayes about which time we came to a very goodly riuer that ranne farre vp into the Countrey and saw very goodly growen trees of all sortes There we happened vpon a ship of Saint Iohn de Luz which ship brought vs into Biskay to an Harborough called The Passage The Master of the shippe was our great friend or else we had bene put to death if he had not kept our counsayle For when the visitors came aboord as it is the order in Spaine they demaunding what we were he sayd we were poore fishermen that had cast away our ship â—n Newfound land and so the visitors inquired no more of the matter at that time Assoone as night was come he put vs on land and bad vs shifâ— for our selues Then had wee but tenne or twelue miles into France which we went that night and then cared not for the Spanyard And so shortly after we came into England toward the end of the yeere 1583. A true Report of the late discoueries and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the Newfound Lands By that valiant and worthy Gentleman Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight VVherein is also briefly set downe her highnesse lawfull Title thereunto and the great and manifold commodities that are likely to grow therby to the whole Realme in generall and to the Aduenturers in particular Together with the easinesse and shortnesse of the Voyage Written by Sir George Peckham Knight the chiefe aduenturer and furtherer of Sir Humfrey Gilberts voyage to Newfound Land The first Chapter wherein the Argument of the Booke is contained IT was my fortune good Reader not many dayes past to meete with a right honest and discreete Gentleman who accompanied that valiant and worthy Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert in this last iourney for the Westerne discoueries and is owner and Captaine of the onely vessell which is as yet returned from thence By him I vnderstand that Sir Humfrey departed the coast of England the eleuenth of Iune last past with fiue sayle of Shippes from Caâ—shen bay neere Plimmouth whereof one of the best forsooke his company the thirteenth day of the same moneth and returned into England The other foure through the assistance of Almighty God did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen in Newfound land the 3. of August last Upon whose arriuall all the Masters and chiefe Mariners of the English Fleet which were in the said Hauen before endeuoring to fraight themselues with fish repaired vnto Sir Humfrey whom he made acquainted with the effect of his Commission which being done he promised to intreat them and their goods well and honourably as did become her Maiesties Lieutenant They did all welcome him in the best sort that they could and shewed him aâ—d his all such courtesies as the place could affoord or yeelde Then he went to vâ—ew the Countrey being well accompanied with most of his Captaines and souldiers They found the same very temperate but somewhat warmer then England at that season of the yeere râ—plenished with Beasts and great store of Foule of diuers kinds And Fish of sundry sortes both in the salt water and in the fresh in so great plentie as might suffice of victuall an Armie and they are very easily taken What sundry other commodities for this Realme right necessarie the same doeth yeelde you shall vnderstand in this treatise hereafter in place more conuenient On Munday being the fift of August the Generall cauâ—ed his tent to be set vpon the side of an hill in the viewe of all the Fleete of English men and strangers which were in number betweene
villages Wherevpon the boates were foorthwith laden with mill after they had made our men as good cheere as they could deuise The Queene sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was vnpossible to make better Nowe finding our selues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals we began each of vs in his place to trauaile and vse such diligence as the desire to see our natiue countrey-might mooue vs. But because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians as heretofore I mentioned Iohn de Hais master Carpenter a man very worthy of his vocation repaired vnto me and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee was not able to make me vp the ship against the time that he had promised me which speech caused such a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he escaped killing howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could and determined to worke no more from thencefoorth vpon the shippe but to content our selues to repaire the Brigandine which I had So we began to beate downe all the houses that were without the Fort and caused coles to be made of the timber thereof likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which was toward the waters side neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it I had also determined to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to set it on fire for feare least some new-come guest should haue enioyed and possessed it In the meane while there was none of vs to whom it was not an extreme griefe to leaue a countrey wherein wee had endured so great trauailes and necessities to discouer that which we must forsake through our owne countreymens default For if wee had bene succoured in time place according to the promise that was made vnto vs the waire which was between vs and Vtina had not fallen out neither should wee haue had occasion to offend the Indians which with all paines in the world I entertained in good amitie aswell with merchandise and apparel as with promise of greater matters and with whom I so behaued my self that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my neighbours which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they were able to afford Yea this was the principall scope of all my purposes to wiâ—ne and entertaine them knowing how greatly their amitie might aduance our enterprise and principally while I discouered the commodities of the countrey and sought to strengthen my selfe therein I leaue it to yourcogitation to thinke how neere it went to our hearts to leaue a place abounding in riches as we were throughly enformed thereof in comming whereunto and doing seruicâ— vnto our Prince we left our owne countrey wiues children parents and friends and passed the perils of the sea and were therein arriued as in a plentifull treasure of all our hearts desire As ech of vs were much tormented in minde with these or such like cogitations the third of August A descried foure fayles in the sea as I walked vpon a little hill whereof I was exceeding well apaid I sent immediately one of them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof which were so glad of those newes that one would haue thought them to bee out of there wittes to see them laugh and leape for ioy After these ships had cast anker we descried that they sent one of their ship beates to land whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to send to meete them and to know who they were In the meane while tearing left they were Spaniards I set my souldiers in order and in readinesse accending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and my Lieutenant which were gone to meete them which brought me word that they were Englishmen and in trueth they had in their company one whose name was Martine Atinas of Diepe which at that time was in their seruice which on the behalfe of Master Iohn Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I would suffer them to take fresh water whereof they stood in great neede signifying vnto me that they had bene aboue fifteene dayes on the coast to get some Hee brought vnto mee from the Generall two flagons of wine and bread made of wheate which greatly refreshed me forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine neuerthelesse it was all diuided among the greatest part of my souldiers This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen vnto our coast wherewith he was acquainted for in the yeere 1562 he came thither with me and therefore the Generall sent him to me Therefore after I had granted his request hee signified the same vnto the Generall which the next day following caused one of his small shippes to enter into the riuer and came to see me in a great ship-boate accompanied with gentlemen honourably apparelled yet vnarmed He sent for great store of bread and wine to distribute thereof to euery one On my part I made him the best cheere I could possibly and caused certaine sheepe and poultry to be killed which vntill this present I had carefully preserued hoping to store the countrey withall For notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknesse that happened vnto me I would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed by which meanes in a short time I had gathered together aboue an hundred pullets Nowe three dayes passed while the English General remained with me during which time the Indians came in from all parts to see him and asked me whether he were my brother I tolde them he was so and signified vnto them that he was come to see me and ayde me with so great store of victuals that from thence forward I should haue no neede to take any thing of them The bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer ouer all the countrey in such sort as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts which on the behalfe of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me and euen they which before sought to make warre against me came to offer their friendship and seruice vnto me Whereupon I receiued them and gratifieâ— them with certaine presents The General immediately vnderstood the desire vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France whereupon he offred to transport me and all my company home whereunto notwithstanding I would not agree being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large an offer For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the English and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in France before hee would touch in England yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse Wherfore I flatly refused his offer whereupon there arose a great mutinie among my souldiers which sayd that I sought to
thus blowing vp the store house and the other houses buylt of Pinâ—trees The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others after that the Generall had shewed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French Nation were all hanged on the boughs of the same trees whereon the French hung of which number fiue were hanged by one Spaniard which perceiuing himselfe in the like miserable estate confessed his fault and the iust iudgement which God had brought vpon him But in stead of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged ouer them importing these wordes in Spanish I doe not this as vnto French men but as vnto Lutherans Gourgues caused to be imprinted with a searing iron in a table of Firrewood I doe not this as vnto Spaniardes nor as vnto Mariners but as vnto Traitors Robbers and Murtherers Afterward considering he had not men inough to keepe his Forts which he had wonne much lesse to store them fearing also lest the Spaniard which hath Dominions neere adioyning should renew his forces or the Sauages should preuaile against the French men vnlesse his Maiestie would send thither hee resolued to raze them And indeede after he had assembled and in the ende perswaded all the Sauage kings so to doe they caused their subiects to runne thither with such affection that they ouerthrew all the three Forts flatte euen with the ground in one day This done by Gourgues that hee might returne to his Shippes which were left in the Riuer of Seyâ—e called Tacatacourou fifteene leagues distant from thence he sent Cazeâ—roue and the artillery by water afterward with fourescore harquebâ—siers armed with corsiâ—ts and matches light followed with fortie Mariners bearing pikes by reason of the small confidence he was to haue in so many Sauages he marched by land alwayes in battell ray finding the wayes couered with Sauages which came to honour him with presents and prayses as the deliuerer of all the countreis round about adioyning An old woman among the rest sayd vnto him that now she cared not any more to dye since she had seene the Frenchmen once againe in Florida and the Spaniards chased out Briefly being arriued and finding his ships set in order and euery thing ready to set sayle hee counselled the kings to continue in the amitie and ancient league which they had made with the king of France which would defend them against all Nations which they all promised shedding teares because of his departure Olotorara especially for appeasing of whom he promised them to returne within twelue Moones so they count the yeeres and that his king would send them an army and store of kniues for presents and all other things necessary So that after he had taken his leaue of them and assâ—mbled his menâ— he thanked God of all his successe since his seâ—ting foorth and prayed to him for an happy returne The third of May 1568. all things were made ready the Rendez-nous appoynted and the Ankers weighed to set sayle so prosperously that in seuenteene dayes they ranne eleuen hundred leagues continuing which course they arriued at Rochel the sixt of Iune the foure and thirtieth day after their departure from the Riuer of May hauing lost but a small Pinnesse and eight men in it with a few gentlemen and others which were slaine in the assaulting of the Forts After the cheere and good intertainment which he receiued of those of Rochel hee sayled to Burdeaux to informe Monsieur Monluc of the things aboue mentioned albeit hee was aduertised of eighteene Pinnesses and a great Shippe of two hundred Tunnes full of Spanyardes which being assured of the defeat in Florida and that he was at Rochel came as farre as Che-de Bois the same day that he departed thence and followed him as farre as Blay but he was gotten already to Bordeaux to make him yeeld another account of his voyage then that where with hee made many Frenchmen right glad The Catholicke king being afterward informed that Gourgues could not easily be taken offered a great summe of money to him that could bring him his head praying moreouer king Charles to doe iustice on him as of the authour of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of friendshippe In so much as comming to Paris to present himselfe vnto the King to signifie vnto him the successe of his Uoyage and the meanes which hee had to subdue this whole Countrey vnto his obedience wherein hee offered to imploy his life and all his goods hee found his entertainement and answere so contrary to his expectation that in fine hee was constrayned to hide himselfe a long space in the Court of Road about the yeere 1570 And without the assistance of President Matigâ—y in whose house he remayned certaine dayes and of the Receiuer of Vacquieulx which alwayes was his faithfull friend hee had beene in great danger Which grieued not a litle Dominique de Gourgues considering the seruices which hee had done aswell vnto him as to his predecessours kings of France Heâ— was borne in Mount Marsan in Guyenne and imployed for the seruice of the most Christian Kings in all the Armies made since these twentie fiue or thirtie yeeres at last he had the charge and honour of a Captaine which in a place neere vnto Siene with thirtie Souldyers sustayned the brunt of a part of the Spanish Armie by which beeing taken in the assault and hauing all his men cutte in pieces hee was put into a Galley in token of the good warre and singular fauour which the Spanyard is woont to shewe vs. But as the Galley was going toward Sicillie beeing taken by the Turkes ledde away to Rhodes and thence to Constantinople it was shortly afterwarde recouered by Romeguas commaunder ouer the Armie of Malta By this meane returning home hee made a Uoyage on the coast of Africa whence hee tooke his course to Bresil and to the South Sea At length beeing desirous to repayre the honour of France he set vpon Florida with such successe as you haue heard So that being become by his continuall warlike actions both by Land and Sea no lesse valiant Captaine then skilfull Mariner hee hath made himselfe feared of the Spanyard and acceptable vnto the Queene of England for the desert of his vertues To conclude he dyed in the yeere 1582. to the great griefe of such as knew him The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard which sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida where he had remayned sixe yeeres touching the state of those partes taken from his mouth by Master Richard Hakluyt 1586. THree score leagues vp to the Northwest from Saint Helena are the mountaines of the golde and Chrystall Mines named Apalatci The riuer of Wateri is thirtie leagues from S. Helena Northward Wateri and Caiowa are two kings and two riuers to the North of Saint Helena Kings and Riuers to the South of
continued with mee the space of sixe moneths At the ende of which time it pleased Almightie God to restore me my health againe although weake and greatly disabled And being some thing strong I procured to seeke meanes to liue and to seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the Countrey seeing it had pleased God to sende vs thither in safetie Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a Scottishman borne who had dwelt and had bene married in the said Citie aboue twentie yeeres before I came to the saide Citie I was preferred to the seruice of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there a man of great wealth and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo with whom I dwelt twelue moneths and a halfe At the ende of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters of Religion and so apprehended and caried to prison where I lay close prisoner seuen moneths without speaking to any creature but to the Iailer that kept the said prison when he brought me my meat and drinke In the meane time was brought into the saide prison one Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters of Religion who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the Citie of Mexico At the ende of the said seuen moneths we were both caried to the high Church of Mexico to doe open penance vpon an high scaffold made before the high Altar vpon a Sunday in the presence of a very great number of people who were at the least fiue or sixe thousand For there were that come one hundreth mile off to see the saide Auto as they call it for that there were neuer none before that had done the like in the said Countrey nor could not tell what Lutheranes were nor what it meant for they neuer heard of any such thing before We were brought into the Church euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe which is halfe a yard of yellow cloth with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest and cast ouâ—r a mans head both fâ—aps hang one before and another behinde and in the middest of euery flap a S. Andrewes crosse made of red cloth sowed on vpon the same and that is called S. Benito The common people before they sawe the penitents come into the Church were giuen to vnderstand that wee were heretiques infidels and people that did despise God and his workes and that wee had bene more like deuils then men and thought wee had had the fauour of some monsters or heathen people And when they saw vs come into the Church in our players coates the women and children beganne to cry out and made such a noise that it was strange to see and heare saying that they neuer sawe goodlier men in all their liues and that it was not possible that there could be in vs so much euill as was reported of vs and that we were more like Angels among men then such persons of such euill Religion as by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be and that it was great pitie that wee should bee so vsed for so small an offence So that being brought into the saide high Church and set vpon the scaffold which was made before the high Altar in the presence of all the people vntill high Masse was done and the sermon made by a frier concerning our matter they did put vs in all the disgrace they could to cause the people not to take so much compassion vpon vs for that wee were heretiques people that were seduced of the deuill had forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of Rome with diuers other reprochfull wordes which were too long to recite in this place High Masse and Sermon being done our offences as they called them were recited euery man what he had said and done and presently was the sentence pronounced against vs. That was that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to weare his S. Benito all the dayes of his life and put into perpetuall prison where hee should fulfill the same and all his goods confiscated and lost And I the saide Tomson to weare the S. Benito for three yeeres and then to be set at libertie And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation we must be presently sent downe from Mexico to Vera Cruz and from thence to S. Iohn de Vllua and there to be shipped for Spaine which was 65. leagues by land with strait commandement that vpon paine of 1000. duckets the Masters euery one should looke straitly vnto vs and carry vs to Spaine and deliuer vs vnto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill that they should put vs in the places where we should fulfill our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had enioyned vnto vs by his sentence there giuen For performance of the which we were sent downe from Mexico to the Sea side which was 65. leagues with fetters vpon our feete and there deliuered to the Masters of the ships to be caried for Spaine as before is said And it was so that the Italian fearing that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the Inquisitors that they would haue burned him to preuent that danger when wee were comming homeward and were arriued at the yland of Terçera one of the ysles of the Açores the first night that we came into the said port to an ancker about midnight he found the meanes to get him naked out of the ship into the sea swam naked a shoare and so presently got him to the further side of the yland where hee found a little Caruel ready to depart for Portugal in the which he came to Lisbone and passed into France and so into England where hee ended his life in the Citie of London And I for my part kept still aboord the ship and came into Spaine and was deliuered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill where they kept me in close prison till I had fulfilled the three yeeres of my penance Which time being expired I was freely put out of prison and set at libertie and being in the Citie of Siuil a casher of one Hugh Typton an English marchant of great doing by the space of one yeere it fortuned that there came out of the Citie of Mexico a Spaniard called Iohn de la Barrera that had bene long time in the Indies and had got great summes of golde and siluer and with one onely daughter shipped himselfe for to come for Spaine and by the way chanced to die and gaue all that hee had vnto his onely daughter whose name was Marie de la Barrera and being arriued at the Citie of Siuil it was my chance to marry with her The marriage was worth to mee 2500. pounds in barres of golde and siluer besides iewels of great price This I thought good to speake of to shew the goodnes of God to all them that put their trust in him that I being brought
then I went on with my nâ—we hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan but the next or second day after wee came aground againe with our Galley and were like to cast hâ—r away with all our victuall and prouision and so lay on the sand one whole night and were farre more in despaire at this time to free herthen before because wee had no tide of flood to helpe vs and therefore feared that all our hopes would haue ended in mishaps but we fastened an ancker vpon the lande and with maine strength drewe her off and so the fifteenth day wee discouered afarre off the mountaines of Guiana to our great ioy and towards the euening had a slent of a Northerly winde that blewe very strong which brought vs in sight of the great Riuer Orenoâ—ue out of which this Riuer discended whâ—râ—in wee were wee descried afarre off three other Canoas as farre as wee could descerne them after whom wee hastened with our barge and wherries but two of them passed out of sight and the thirde entered vp the great Riuer on the right hande to the Westward and there stayed out of sight thinking that wee meant to take the way Eastward towards the prouince of Carapana for that way the Spaniards keepe not daring to goe vpwards to Guiana the people in those parts being all their enemies and those in the Canoas thought vs to haue bâ—ne those Spaniards thaâ— were fled from Trinidad and had escaped killing and when wee came so farre downe as the opening of that branch into which they slipped being neere them with our barge and wherries wee made after them and ere they coulde land came within call and by our interpreter tolde them what wee were wherewith they came backe willingly abord vs and of such fish and Tortugas egges as they had gathered they gaue vs and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them and to do vs all other seruices they could That night we came to an ancker at the parting of the three goodly Riuers the one was the Riuer of Amana by which we came from the North and ranne athwart towards the South the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the West and ranne to the Sea towardes the East and landed vpon a faire sand where wee found thousands of Tortugas egges which are very wholesome meate and greatly restoring so as our men were nowe well filled and highly contented both with the fare and neerenesse of the land of Guiana which appeared in sight In the morning there came downe according to promise the Lord of that border called Toparimaca with some thirtie or fourtie followers and brought vs diuers sorts of fruites and of his wine bread fish and flesh whom wee also feasted as wee could at least wee dranke good Spanish wine whereof wee had a small quantitie in bottles which aboue all things they loue I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana who conducted our galley and boates to his owne port and cariâ—d vs from thence some mile and a halfe to his Towne where some of our Captaines karoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant for it is very strong with pepper and the iuice of diuers hearbes and fruites digested and purged they keepe it in great earthen pots of tenne or twelue galons very cleane and sweete and are thâ—mselues at their meetings and feastes that greatest karousers and drunkards of the world when wee came to his towne wee found two Casiques whereof one was a stranger that had bene vp the Riuer in trade and his boates pâ—ople and wife incamped at the port where wee anckered and the other was of that countrey a follower of Toparimaca they lay each of them in a cotten Hamaca which wee call brasill beds and two women attending them with siâ—e cuppes and a little ladle to fill them out of an earthen pitcher of wine and so they dranke each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other and in this sort they drinke drunke at thâ—ir feastes and meetings That Casique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where wee anckered and in all my life I haue seldome seâ—ne a better fauoured woman Shee was of good stature with blacke eyes fat of body of an excellent countenance her haire almost as long as her selfe tied vp againe in pretie knots and it seemed shee stood not in that awe of her husband as the rest for shee spake and discoursed and dranke among the gentlemen and Captaines and was very pleasant knowing her owne comelinesse and taking great pride therein I haue seene a Lady in England so like to her as but for the difference of colour I would haue sworne might haue bene the same The seat of this Towne of Toparimaca was very pleasant standing on a little hill in an excellent prospect with goodly gardens a mile compasse round aboute it and two very faire and large ponds of excellent fish adioyning This towne is called Arowocai the people are of the nation called Nepoios and are followers of Carapana In that place I sawe very aged people that wee might perceiue all their sinewes and veines without any flesh and but euen as a case couered onely with skinne The Lord of this place gaue me an old man for Pilot who was of great experience and traueile and knew the Riuer most perfectly both by day and night and it shall bee requisite for any man that passeth it to haue such a Pilot for it is foure fiue and siâ—e miles ouer in many places and twentie miles in other places with wonderfull eddies and strong currents many great ylands and diuers sholds and many dangerous rockes and besides vpon any increase of winde so great a bilowe as wee were sometimes in great perill of drowning in the galley for the small boates durst not come from the shoare but when it was very faire The next day we hasted thence and hauing an Easterly winde to helpe vs we spared our armes from rowing for after wee entred Orenoque the Riuer lieth for the most part East and West euen from the Sea vnto Quito in Peru. This Riuer is nauigable with barkes liâ—le lesse then a thousand miles from the place where we entred it may be sailed vp in small pinnesses to many of the best parts of Nueuo reyno de Granada and of Popayan and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and inuaded as from hence All that day wee sailed vp a branch of that Riuer hauing on the left hand a great yland which they call Assapana which may conteine some fiue and twentie miles in length and sixe miles in breadth the great body of the Riuer running on the other side of this yland Beyond that middle branch there is also another yland in the Riuer called Iwana which is twise as bigge as the yle of Wight
be examined according to iustice and if the partie shal be found to be English and shall receiue the holy religion then let him freely be discharged but if he wil still remaine a Christian let him then be restored to the Englishmen and the buyers shall demaund their money againe of them who solde the man 19 Item if the ships of warre of our Imperiall highnesse shal at any time goe forth to Sea and shall finde any English ships laden with marchandise no man shall hinder thâ—m but rather shall vse them friendly and doe them no wrong euen as wee haue giuen and granted articles and priuâ—leges to the French Venetians and other Kings and princes our confederats so also wee haue giuen the like to the English and contrary to this our diuine lawe and priuilege let no man presume to doe any thing 20 Item if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their voyage or in any place to which they come bee stayed or arrested let no man continue the same arrest but rather helpe and assist them 21 Item if any theeues and robbers shall by force take away any of their ships and marchandise let the same theeues and robbers be sought and searched for with all diligence and let them be punished most seuerely 22 Last of all the Beglerbegs and Zanziacbegs our Captaines our slaues and seruants of Captaines vsing the sea and our Iudges customers and gouernours of ships called Reiz and free Reâ—z all these according to the tenor of this priuilege and articles shal be bound to doe accordingly and as long as the Queene of England on her part shall duely keepe and obserue this league and holy peace expressed in this priuilege we also for our Imperial part do charge and commaund the same so long to be straightly kept and obserued Giuen at Constantinople in the 988. yeere of our most holy prophet in the beginning of the moneth of Iune And in the yeere of IESVS 1580. Her Maiesties letter to the Turke or Grand Signior 1581. promising redresse of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliffe committed in the Leuant ELizabeth by the diuine grace of the eternall God of England France and Ireland most sacred Queene and of the most Christian faith against all the prophaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mightie defâ—ndourâ— c. To the most renowned and Emperious Caesar Sultan Murad Can Emperour of all the dominions of Turkie and of all the East Monarchie châ—efe aboue all others whosoeuer most fortunate yeeres with the suâ—cesse of al â—rue happinesse As with very great desire we wish and embrace the loue and amitie of forreine Princes and in the same by al good dueties and meanes we seâ—ke to be confirmed so to vs there may bee nothing more grieuous and disliking then that any thing should happen through the default of our Subiects which any way might bring our faith and fidelitie into suspition Although wee are not ignorant how many good princes by the like misaduenture be abused where the doings of the Subiects are imputed to the want of good gouernment But such matters of importance and so well approued we may not omit such is to vs the sacred estimation of our honour and of our Christian profession as we would the same should appeare aswell in the concluding of our promises and agreements as in the faithfull performing of the same The matter which by these our letters wee specially beholde is a most iniurious and grieuous wrong which of late came vnto our vnderstanding that should be done vnto certaine of your subiects by certaine of our Subiects as yet not apprehended but with all seueritie vpon their apprehension they are to be awarded for the same And as the deede in it selfe is most wicked so is it much more intollerable by how much it doeth infringe the credit of our faith violate the force of our authoritie and impeach the estimation of our word faithfully giuen vnto your Imperiall dignitie In which so great a disorder if wee should not manifest our hatred towardes so wicked and euil disposed persons we might not onely most iustly be reproued in the iudgement of all such as truely fauour Iustice but also of all Princes the patrones of right and equitie might no lesse be condemned That therefore considered which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good liking of your highnesse we are most especially to request of your Imperiall Maiestie that through the default and disorder of a sort of euill and wicked disposed persons you wil not withdraw your gratious fauour from vs neither to hinder the trafique of our Subiects which by vertue of your highnesse sufferance and power of your licence are permitted to trade into your dominions countreys or that either in their persons or goods they be preiudiced in their traueyling by land or by water promising vnto your greatnesse most faithfully that the goods whereof your subiects by great wrong and violence haue bene spoyled shall wholy againe be restored if either by the liues or possessions of the robbers it may any way be brought to passe And that hereafter as now being taught by this euill example wee will haue speciall care that none vnder the title of our authoritie shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or iniuries Neither they which haue committed these euil parts had any power vnder your highnesse safe-conduct graunted vnto our subiects but from some other safeconduct whether it were true or fained we knowe not or whether they bought it of any person within tâ—e gouernment of Marseils but vnder the colour thereof they haue done that which the trueth of our dealing doeth vtterly abhorre Notwithstanding howsoeuer it be wee will surely measure their euill proceedings with most sharpe and iust correction and that it shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours as also it shal be an example of our indignation that others may dread at all times to commit the like offence Wherefore that our amitie might be continued as if this vnfortunate hap had neuer chanced and that the singuler affection of our Subiects towardes your Imperiall Maiesâ—ie vowed and dayly more and more desired might be conserued and defended we thereunto do make our humble suite vnto your greatnesse And for so great goodnesse towardes vs and our people granted doe most humbly pray vnto the Almightie creatour of heauen and earth euer to maintaine and keepe your most renowmed Maiestie in all happinesse and prosperitie Dated at our palace of Greenewich the 26. of Iune Anno 1581. The letters patents or priuileges graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne Master Richard Staper and certaine other Marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke in the yeere 1581. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and Subiects and to all
other people as well within this our Realme of England as else where vnder our obeysance iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shall be seene shewed or read greeting Where our welbeloued Subiects Edward Osborne Alderman of our Citie of London and Richard Staper of our sayde City Marchant haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great costes and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauailed and caused trauaile to bee taken as well by secret and good meanes as by dangerous wayes and passages both by lande and Sea to finde out and set open a trade of Marchandize and trafique into the Lands Islands dominions and territories of the great Turke commonly called the Grand Signior not heretofore in the memory of any man nowe liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandise by anâ— the Marchants or any Subiects of vs or our progenitours and also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signior in our name amitie safetie and freedome for trade and trafique of Marchandise to bee vsed and continued by our Subiects within his sayde Dominions whereby there is good and apparant hope and likelyhoode both that many good offices may bee done for the peace of Christendome and reliefe of many Christians that bee or may happen to bee in thraldome or necessitie vnder the sayde Grand Signior his vassals or Subiects and also good and profitable vent and vtterance may be had of the commodities of our Realme and sundry other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour and dignitie Royall the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of our Realme Knowe ye that hereupon wee greatly tendering the wealth of our people and the incouragement of our Subiects in their good enterprises for the aduauncement of the Common weale haue of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe giue and graunt vnto our sayd trustie and welbeloued Subiects Edward Osborne and vnto Thomas Smith of London Esquier Richard Staper and William Garret of London Marchants their executors and administrators and to the executours and administratours of them and of euery of them that they and euery of them and such other person and persons Englishmen borne not exceeding the number of twelue as they the sayde Edward and Richard shall appoint nominate or admit to be parteners aduenturers or doers with them the sayde Edward Thomas Richard and William in their societie by themselues their seruants Factours or deputies and to such others as shall bee nominated according to the tenour of these our letters Patents shall and may during the terme of seuen yeeres from the date of these Patents freely trade trafique and vse feates of Marchandise into and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signior and euery of them in such order and maner forme liberties and condition to all intents and purposes as shal be betweene them limitted and agreed and not otherwise without any molestation impeachment or disturbance any Lawe statute vsage diuersitie of religion or faith or other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding And that it shal be lawful to the said Edward and Richard their executors and administrators during the said terme to appoint or admit to be parteners and aduenturers with them the sayde Edward Thomas Richard and William such persons not exceeding the number of twelue as afore is said to trafique and vse the said trade feate of marchandise according to our saide graunt And that all and euery such person and persons as shall hereafter fortune to bee appointed or admitted as parteners in the said trade or trafique according to these our letters patents shall and may from the time of such appointment or admittance haue and enioy the freedome and libertie of the said trade and trafique during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeeres accordâ—ng to such limitation and agreement as is aforesaide and that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the saide Edward Thomas Richard and William their executours and administratours seruants factours and deputies and all such as shall be so appointed nominated or admitted to bee parteners or aduenturers in the saide trade or so many of them as can and will to assemble themselues for or about any the matters causes affaires or businesse of the saide trade in any place or places for the same conuenient from time to time during the said terme of 7. yeres within our dominions or elsewhere and to make ordeine and constitute reasonable lawes and ordinances for the good gouernment of the said Company and for the better aduancement and continuance of the said trade and trafique not being contrary or repugnant to the lawes estatutes or customes of our Realme and the same lawes or ordinances so made to put in vse and execute accordingly and at their pleasures to reuoke the same lawes and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall require And in consideration that the said Edward Osborne hath bene the principall setter foorth and doer in the opening putting in vre of the said trade we do therfore especially ordeine constitute and prouide by these patents that the saide Edward Osborne shall be gouernour of all such as by vertue of these our letters patents shall be parteners aduenturers or trafiquers in the said trade during the said terme of seuen yeeres if hee so long liue And that if the said Edward shall happen to decease during the saide terme the saide Richard Staper then liuing then the sayd Richard Staper shall likewise be gouernour during the residue of the said terme if he so long liue and that if the said Edward and Richard shall both happen to decease during the said terme then the partners or aduenturers for the time being or the greatest part of them shall from time to time as necessitie shall require choose and elect a gouernour of the said Company Prouided alwayes that if there shall happen any great or vrgent occasion to remooue or displace any person that shall be gouernour of the saide fellowship that then it shall and may be lawfull for vs our heires and successours to remooue and displace euery such gouernour and to place another of the said fellowship in the same office during such time as such person should haue enioyed the same according to this our graunt if there had bene no cause to the contrary And we further for vs our heires and successors of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion do graunt to the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators that nothing shall bee done to be of force or validitie touching the sayde trade or trafique or the exercise thereof without or against the consent of the said Edward during such time as hee shall bee Goâ—ernour as afore is saide And after that