the Canon devested of the power of Doing it such vendition and emption being by the Common-Law preserved unto them though now very commendably long disused And whereas the Clergy in their Answer pretend all their Canons grounded on the Word of God I would fain be informed where they finde in the New-Testament which ought to regulate their proceedings that the power of the Church extendeth to life limb or estate Sure I am her censures appear spiritual on the soul by those expressions Binde on Earth Cast out Deliver to Satan c. But because the Reader reserveth a lager prosecution of this point for another time we will also respit our larger answer hereunto Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 24. Indeed 1. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammer Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paganism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin Anno 569. Not much more than 140. years betwixt the one and the other Fuller The Christian Antiquity of St. David bare a double Date one native or inherent the other adopted and Reputative 1. The Inherent from the time that St. David fixed there on which account I believe it was no more than 140. years senior to Canterbury 2. The Reputative from the first founding of a Bishoprick at Carleon by King Lucius which indifferently stated was about the year of our Lord 169 which was four hundred years before Canterbury Now it is notoriously known that the antiquity of Carleon whence the See was removed in computation of the seniority is adjected to St. Davids her adopted Daughter Hence was it that the Abbot of Bancar in his Answer unto Austin acknowledged himself and his Convent under the Government of the Bishop of Carleon upon Uske though then no Bishop therein meaning St. Davids thereby as Dr. Hammond and others doe unanimously allow Thus grafting St. Davids as it ought on the Stock of Carleon it is senior in Christianity to Canterbury four hundred years and FOUR may be termed Some in the stricktest propriety of Language Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 29. To whose honour he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place where lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here mealy mouth'd and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the surrendry of it to King Edward the sixth hath been used for a Parliament House imployed to that purpose by the Commons as it still continueth What might induce our Author to be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fuller I hope rather some gracious hearts will make pious improvement thereupon praying to God that seeing so many signal persons are now assembled therein the very place once dedicated as a Chappel to St. Stephen may be their more effectual Remembrancer to imitate the purity and piety of that renowned Saint That so God may be invited graciously to be present amongst them to over-rule all their consultations to his Glory the Good of the Church and State and the true honour of the Nation And to this let every good man say Amen Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet be possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine than some fair Lands onely his Father Ieffrey Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not a titular onely succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be improverished Our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of New-Albion Anno 1646. or not long before Fuller The frequent and familiar figure of MOISIS will rectifie all wherby lesse is said than meant and therefore more must be understood than is said Besides it made me mince my expression being loath to exceed because this Ieffery did not to me appear though the Earl so intire in those Dominions but that the Kings of France and England had Cities and Castles interposed therein Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admitalius Mutmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it Fuller I will ingenuously confesse that the first time I found this Story was in the Doctors Miâ—ro-cosm the novelty making me take the more notice thereof Though since I have met with it in M. Paris the fountain and other Authors the channels thereof I conceive it was as lawfull for me to relate it as for the Animadvertor who epitheis this Embassy BASE DEGENEROUS and UNCHRISTIAN the words which in me he reproveth Dr. Heylin But being the credit of the Tale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which brood of men that King was known to be a prosessed Enemy hating and hated by one another it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much lesse to be held for Gospel Fuller Here he rather speaks aliter than alia from what I had written on the same Subject who thus concluded the Character of King Iohn Church-Hist Book 3. pag. 54. We onely behold him Him thorough such a Light as the Friers his foes shew him in who so hold the candle that with the Shadow thereof they darken his virtues and present onely his Vices yea and as if they had also poysoned his memory they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatnesse making him with their pens more black in conditions than the Morocco King whose aid he requested could be in complexion Here I desire to give the Reader a â—aste of what doth frequently occur in this Book and of what I justly did complain viz. the Animadvertor sometimes not liking my language as not proper and expressive enough substituteth his own with little or no variation of matter I confesse he is not bound to use my words and such variations simply in it self is no wrong unto me but it becometh
principal Articles and main branches of it Fuller It is an hard question and yet perchance more dangerous than difficult to answer but the reason I dare alledge is this Even so Father because it pleased thee Let me add that such conscientious observers thereof which have proved unsuccessefull may esteem their losses as Sweet-Bryar and Holy-Thistle and more cordially comfort themselves in such sanctified afflictions than the Infringers of their Charter could content themselves in their successefull oppression I cannot part from this point till I have inserted that Sir Robert Cotton one who had in him as much of the Gentleman Antiquarie Lawyer good Subject and good Patriot as any in England was the Author in his short view of the long reign of King Henry the third who made the observation of those most successefull Kings by whom the Grand-Charter was most conscienciously observed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 88. The poor Jews durst not goe into France whence lately they had been solemnly banished but generally disposed themselves in Germany and Italy The poor Iews are more beholding to our Author for his commiseration than the high Royalists as he cals them in the former passage But poor or rich they might have passed safely into France had they been so minded For though he tell us that they had been solemnly banished out of France before this time yet either such banishment was repealed or temporary only or as I rather think not so much as sentenced Certain I am our learned Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise than our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendome whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fuller I wonder any good Christians would be offended with me for pittying them by the name poor Iews If any High royalist as I fear there is too many be in low Estate would it were as well in my power to relieve as to pitty them Till when they shall have my prayers that God would give them patience and support them in their deepest distresse The Author will find that though the Great General and Final banishment of the Jews out of France was Anno 1307. under Philip the Fair yet formely there had been Edicts for their Exile thence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spencers whom he speaks this off were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the ancientest Barony of the Kingdome at that time then being These two Hughâ—he â—he Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert de Clare became Earl of Glocester Men more to be commended for their Loyalty than accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fuller The two Spencers fall under a double consideration and are beheld in History for their extraction either as Absolutely in themselves Comparatively with others Absolutely they were of honourable parentage and I believe the Elder might be born a Baron whose Baronry by the Heir general is still extant in Mildmay Fane Earl of Westmorland and from the younger House of a Male Heir the Lord Spencer of Wormelayton now Earl of Sunderland doth as I have seen in his Pedigree derive himself Comparatively So were they far inferiour to most of those great persons over whom they insulted being originally Earls and some of them of Royall extraction Again the Two Spencers may and ought by an Historian to be considered as to be 1. Commended for their Loyalty 2. Condemned for their Insolency On the first account they deserve just praise and it is probable enough that they finde the lesse Favour from some Pens for being so Faithfull to so unfortunate a Soveraigne The latter cannot be excused appearing too plain in all our Histories Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to imploy any other therein And on the other side if he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not onely misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not onely men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to consult the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman in which appear not onely some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiastical Title or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Lay-men Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Laws and of good affections and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fuller May the Reader take notice that this complaint was made by the Commons in the 11th of Edward the 3d Anno 1336. Now Ever I here restrain to the oldest man alive then present in Parliament who could not distinctly remember the contrary from the first of King Edward the first who began his Reign 1272. so that for full 64. years an uninterrupted series of Bishops except possibly one put in pro tempore for a moneth or two possessed the place of Chancellors This complaint of the Commons occasioned that the King some three years after viz. in the fifteenth year of his reign conferred the Chancellors place on a Layman But it was not long before things returned to the old channel of Clergy-men and so generally for many years continued with some few and short interpositions of Lay-men Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 116. This year viz. 1350.
the accession of such infinite multitudes as resorted to it at that time and on that occasion Our Author therefore must be thought to relate unto somewhat else than is here expressed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time brought him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration Fuller I commend the carefulnesse of the Animadvertor tender of the honour of Oxford and Oxfordshire his native Country as I have heard from his own mouth But herein his jealousie had noâ— just cause nothing derogatory thereunto being by me intended herein Oxfordshire hath in it as much of Rachel aud Leah fairnesse and fruitfulnesse as in any County in England and so God willing in my description of the English Worthies I shall make to appear Dr. Heylin And were it so he hath no reason to complain of the University or the dearnesse of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarried where he was for I never heard that he was sent for and then this great complaint against the dearness of that University would have found no place Fuller I was once sent up thither from London being one of the Six who was chosen to carry a Petition for Peace to his Majesty from the City of Westminster and the Liberties thereof though in the way remanded by the Parliament As for my being sent for to Oxford the Animadvertor I see hath not heard of all that was done I thought that as St. Paul wished all altogether such as he was except these bonds so the Animadvertor would have wished all Englishmen like himself save in his sequestration and rather welcomed than jeered such as went to Oxford But let him say and doe as he pleaseth Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity it should be seen save onely on holydayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fathering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger Sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Fuller Nihil dictum quod non dictum prius And it is very probable that the one first made the other used the same expression Dr. Heylin Nor is our Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially saith he if as I take it by Provensis Aix be meant sited in the farthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in those dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediatly of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of Anjou on the expiring of which House by the last Will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him his Successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine calls Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or Aux in Guinne called anciently Aquae Augustae from whence those parts of France had the name of Aquitain and not of Aix which the ancient Writers called Aquae Sextiae in the Country of Provence Now Guinne was at that time in the power of the Kings of England which was the reason why this Bernard was sent with the rest of the Commissioners to the Councel of Basil and being there amongst the rest maintained the rights and preheminences of the English Kings Fuller There is nothing more destructive to Truth than when Writers are peremptory in affirming what seems doubtfull unto them Errant Hypocrisie for the Hand to be positive in a Point when the Head is as I may say but suppositive as not sufficiently satisfied therein Such men because they scorn to doubt lead others quite out of the way To prevent this mischief I onely said if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meant for it seemed to me too long a stride or straddle rather for the legs of our English Armies to have any power in Provence And now seeing it was but halâ— a fault in me it doth not deserve the Animadvertors whole reproof Dr. Heylin In agitating of which controversie as it stands in our Author I finde mention of one Iohannes de Voragine a worthlesse Author fol. 181. Mistook both in the name of the man and his quality also For first the Author of the Book called Legenda aurea related to in their former passage was not Iohannes but Iacobus de Voragine In which book though there are many idle and unwarrantable â—ictions yet secondly was the man of more esteem than to passe under the Character of a worthlesse Author as being learned for the times in which he lived Archbishop of Genoa a chief City of Italy moribus dignitate magno precio as Philippus Bergomensis telleth us of him Anno 1290. at what time he liv'd most eminent for his translation of the Bible into the Italian tongue as we read Vossius a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were sufficient were there nothing else to free him from the ignominious name of a worthlesse Author Fuller I here enter my publique thanks to the Animadvertor Iacobus de Voragine so it seems was his name was a better Author than I took him for indeed having read that Melchior Canus called the author of some Legends a man ferrei oris et plumbei cordis one of an Iron face and leaden heart I conceived him incended therein But if he did translate the Bible into Italian as I have cause to believe knowing nothing to the contrary it was as the Animadvertor saith well a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were I confesse I have formerly in the Table of my Esteeme placed this Voragine as the very lag at the lowest end thereof But hereafter I shall say to him come up hither and provide a higher place for him in my Reputation Dr. Heylin A greater mistake than this as to the person of the man is that which follows viz. Fol. 185. Humphry Duke of Gloster son to King Henry the fifth This though I cannot look on as a fault of the Presse yet I can easily consider it as a slip of the Pen it being impossible that our Author should be so farre mistaken in Duke Humphry of Gloster who was not son but brother to
and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect there had been no difference about this passage in my Book Tuque domo proprià nos Te Praesul Poteremur Thou hadst enjoy'd thy house and we Prelate had enjoyed Thee But alas it is so He is still and still when all other Bishops are released detained in the Tower where I believe he maketh Gods Service his perfect freedom My words as relating to the time when I wrote them containe too much sorrowfull truth therein Dr. Heylyn Fourthly Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty â—ent not into the Kings Quarters as our Author saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford not that he found the North too cold for him or the War too hot but to solicit for renâ—wing of his Commendam in the Deanry of Westminster the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end Fuller Nothing false or faulty The Arch-bishop of York stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire and thence to his Palace at Caâ—ood nigh York where he gave the King a magnificent Intertainment King James setled the Deanry of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Williams so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln Hinc illa Lacrimae hence the great heaving and hussing at Him because He would not resigne it which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him Being Arch-bishop of York King Charls confirmed his Deanry unto him for three years in lieu of the profits of his Arch-bishoprick which the King had taken Sede vacante So that it is probable enough the renuing that Tearm might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters which as yet was the Kings WHOLE when the Arch-bishop first came thither as being a little before the War began though few Weeks after it became the King's Quarters Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians and in effect is little more then when the Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem the Books of Bishop Montague who when they were written by him was no though soon after a Bishop Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speeches for which they were publickly shent and enjoyned an acknowledgment of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be true or false Fuller I tell you again It is true The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords though this be more then I need discover who checked them And of two of those Bishops Dr. Hall late Bishop of Norwich is gone to God and the other is still alive Dr. Heylyn But I must needs say that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they had not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of Scandall Fuller Their brief and generall acknowledgment that they vvere sorry that they had spoken in this point vvhat had incurred the displeasure of the Temporall Lords was no trespass on their own ingenuity nor had shadovv of scandall to others therein I confess men must not bear fals-witness either against themselves or others nor may they betray their right especially when they have not onely a personall concernment therein but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity However vvhen a predominant Power plainly appears which will certainly over-rule their cause against them without scandall they may not to say in Christian prudence they ought to wave the vindication of their priviledges for the present waiting wishing and praying for more moderate and equall times wherein they may assert their right with more advantage to their cause and less danger to their persons Dr. Heylyn For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. In Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which consult also to the Generall History of Spain as in point of practise lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hungary as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland as is verified by Thunus also lib. 56. In Denmark as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum l. 7. The Swedes observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spirituall viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerfull body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they do elsewhere But secondly not to stand onely upon probable inferences we find first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble togeâ—her and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight months old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spirituall did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true
death b. 10. p. 4. ¶ 12. Iohn ELMAR Bishop of London his death and Character b. 9. p. 223. ¶ 10. ELVANUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome Cent. 2. ¶ 5. EMDEN a Congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Mary under I. Scory their Superintendent b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 41. Q. EMMA the miraculous purgation of her chastity Cent. 11. ¶ 14 15. EAST-ANGLES their Kingdome when begun how bounded Cent. 5. ¶ 27. converted to Christianity Cent. 7. ¶ 44. EAST-SAXONS the beginning and bounds of their Kingdome Cent. 5. ¶ 17. converted to Christianity by Mellitus Cent. 7. ¶ 23. after their apostasy reconverted under King Sigebert ¶ 81. ENGLAND when and why first so called Cen. 9. ¶ 5 6. the Kingdome thereof belongeth to God himself Cent. 11. ¶ 24. ENGLISHMEN drunk when conquered by the Normans b. 3. ¶ 1. EOVES a Swine-heard hence Eovesham Abbey is so called Cent. 8. ¶ 8. ERASMUS Greek Professour in Camb. complaineth of the ill Ale therein Hist. of Camb. p. 87. his Censure of Cambridge and Oxford p. 88. too tart to Townsmen ibid. ERASTIANS why so called and what they held b. 11. p. 21. ¶ 55. and 56. favourably heard in the assembly of Divines ¶ 57. ERMENSEWL a Saxon Idoll his shape and office b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. ETHELBERT King his Character b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. c. converted to Christianity ¶ 11. his death and the decay of Christianity thereon Cent. 7. ¶ 32. ETHELBERT the VVest-Saxon Monarch his pious valour Cent. 9. ¶ 23. King ETHELRED his Fault in the Font Cent. 10. ¶ 43. why Surnamed the unready ¶ 49. EXCOMMUNICATING of Q. Elizab. by Pius quintus displeasing on many accounts to moderate Papists b. 9. p. 59. ¶ 25. EXETER the description thereof b. 7. p. 393. ¶ 4. Loyall and Valiant against the Rebells though oppressed with faction p. 394. ¶ 7. and famine p. 396. ¶ 12. seasonably relieved p. 397. ¶ 14. F. FAGANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity Cent. 2. ¶ 8. FAMILIE of LOVE their obscure original b. 9. p. 112. ¶ 36. worse in practise then opinion p. 113. ¶ 39. their Abjuration before the privy Councell Their tedious petition to King James b. 10. ¶ 18. desire to separate themselves from the Puritans to whom their looseness had no relation ¶ 19. turned into Ranters in our dayes ¶ 22. John FECKNAM Abbot of Westminster the Chronicle of his worthy life his courtesie and bounty b. 9. p. 178 179. FELIX Bishop of Dunwich instrumentall to the Conversion of the East-Angles Cent. 7. ¶ 45. and to the founding of an University in Cambrid ¶ 48. Nâ—cholas FELTON Bishop of Ely his death and commendation b. 11. ¶ 77. FENNES nigh Cambridge Arguments pro and con about the feacibility of their drayning Hist. of Camb. p. 70. 71. The design lately performed to admiration ibid. p. 72. FEOFFES to buy in improprâ—ations b. 11. p. 136. ¶ 5. hopefully proceed p. 137. ¶ 6. questioned in the Exchequer and overthrown by Arch-bishop Laud p. 143. ¶ 26 c. The FIFTH PART ordered by Parliament for the Widows and children of sequestred Ministers b. 11. p. 229. ¶ 34. severall shifts to evade the payment thereof p. 230. John FISHER Bishop of Rochester tampereth with the holy Maid of Kent b. 5. p. 187 ¶ 47. imprisoned for refusing the Oath of supremacy ¶ 47. his pitifull letter out of the Tower for new Cloaths p. 190 ¶ 12. the form of his inditement p. 191 ¶ 19. made Cardinal p. 201. ¶ 1. the whole Hist. of his birth breeding death and burial p. 202 203 204 205. Barnaby FITZ-PATRICK proxy for correction to King Edward the sixth b. 7. p. 411. ¶ 47. the said Kings instruction unto him for his behavâ—our â—n France ibidem FLAMENS in Bâ—itain mere flammes of J. Monmouths makâ—ng Cent. 2. ¶ 9. FOCARIAE of Priests who they were b. 3. p. 27. ¶ 40. FORMOSUS the Pope interdicteth England for want of Bâ—shops Cent. 10. ¶ 1. On good conditions absolveth it again ¶ 3. Richard FOX Bishop of VVinchester foundeth Corpus Christi Colledge b. 5. p. 166. ¶ 11. John FOX flâ—es to Franckford in the Reâ—gn of Q. Mary b. 8. Sect. 2 ¶ 41. Thence on a sad difference removes to Basiâ— Sect. 3. ¶ 10. returning into England refuseth to subscribe the Canons b. 9. ¶ 68. Is a most moderate Non-conformist ibidem his Latine Letter to Queen Elizabeth that Anabaptists might not be burnt p. 104. ¶ 13. another to a Bishop in the behalf of his own Son p. 106. ¶ 15. his death p. 187. ¶ 63. FRANCISCAN Friers b. 6. p. 270. ¶ 16. their frequent Subreformation ¶ 17. admit boyes into their order Hist. of Camb. p. 54. ¶ 46 47 48. whereat the University is much offended ibid. FRANCKFORD the Congregation of English Exiles there in the Reign of Q Mary b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 41. They set up a new discipline in their Church ¶ 42 43. invite but in vain all other English 〈◊〉 to ioyn with them ¶ 44 45. FREEZLAND converted to Christianity by VViâ—hâ—d a â—axon Bishop Cent. 7. ¶ 97. FRIDONA the first English Arch-Bishop C. 7. ¶ 85. FRIERS and Monks how they differ b. 6. p. 269. FRIGA a Saxon Idoll her name shape and office b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. John FRITH his Martyrdome b. 5. p. 190 ¶ 11. Tho. FULLER unjustly hang'd and saved by miracle b. 4. p. 154. ¶ 25. John FULLER Doctor of Law pitifull when alone but when with others a persecutor b. 8. p. 22. ¶ 28. see Jesus Colledge of which he was master Nich. FULLER a Common Lawyer prosecuted to death by Bishop Bancroft b. 10. p. 55 56. ¶ 29 30. leaves a good memory behind him ibid. Nicholas FULLER a Divine his deserved commendation b. 11. ¶ 15. Robert FULLER last Abbot of Waltham a great preserver of the Antiquities thereof History of VValt p. 7. passeth Copt-Hall to King Henry 8. p. 11. his legacy to the Church p. 14. Thomas FULLER Pilot who steered the Ship of Cavendish about the world b. 11. p. 231. G. GANT COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives b. 9. p. 91. STEPHAN GARDINER Bishop of Winchester getteth the six bloudy Articles to be enacted b. 5. p. 230. ¶ 17 18. brâ—ngeth in a List of Latine words in the N. Test. which he would not have translated p. 238. for his obstinacie first sequestered then deposed from his Bishoprick b. 7. p. 400. and 401. a politick plotting Persecuter b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 6. yet courteous in sparing Mistris Clerk the Authors great Grandmother ¶ 7. his threatning of the English Exiles Sect. 3. ¶ 22. dieth a Protestant in the point of Iustification ¶ 42. Henry GARNET Iesuite his education and vitiousnesse b. 10. p. 39. ¶ 45. canvased in the Tower by Protestant Divines ¶ 46 c. overwitted with an equivocating room ¶ 48. his arraignment and condemnation p.
assistance no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect that by such shifting I intend any Evasion by pleading in the Preface that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book and alledging in the Body of my Book that I have answered them in the Preface For I have to do with the Animadvertor so cunning and so exacting a Merchant that it is impossible for one indebted unto him to escape without full payment by changing the place of his habitation However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely to say no worse with me who to render me the more culpable and my Book of the less credit hath represented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass And whereas the Best of Beings non bis judicat in id ipsum doth not punish the same faults twice he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History once in his Preface and again in the Body of his Book Dr. Heylyn Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he letâ— us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprâ—ntiships God spinning out the 〈◊〉 thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christâ— time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it excepting some 〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to pubâ—â—ck view the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectâ—tion we are now to see Fuller My words are by the Animadvertor given-in deâ—ectively and as to me disadvantageously this â—assage which ought to have been inserted immediatly preceding my Promise If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself whâ—ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I wâ—ote those words before any war rained in the Land and since such bloody showers have ended they continue louring gloomy and dark unto this day My promise therfore being thus but Conditional and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed I have no neâ—d Liberare fidem to free my Faith which was never bound though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History For the first five years during our actual Civill Wars I had little list or leasure to write fearing to be made an History and shifting daily for my safety All that time I could not live to study who did onely study to live So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight This though I confess it be no part of Church-Building yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine I perceive the Animadvertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere for my fallying into the Holy-Land which I can bear the better seeing by Gods goodness that my Book hath met with generall reception likely to live when I am dead so that friends of quality solicite me to teach it the Latine-Language Dr. Heylyn For first the Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times Fuller Charity begins but doth not end at home The same Method was embraced in my Church-History It began with our own Domestick affairs to confute that accusation commonly charged on Englishmen that they are very knowing in forrain parts but ignorant in their own Country I intended God willing to have proceeded to forrain Churches but I am discouraged by the causless caviling at what I have written already My Church-History beginneth for point of Time Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ lapping in or folding over part of Paganisme and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons whilest yet unconverted and grievious Idolaters Determinately my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion and that is very early I assure you Christianity in this Island being a Timely riser to be up so soon and dressing it Self whilest as yet and many years after most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety I deny not but that Apostolical men were the first founders of Religion in our Land But as for such Apostles St. Peter St. Paul c. who without probability of Truth and against proportion of Time are by some Authors obtruded on us those I do reject I hope without the least â—ault rendring my reasons for the same Dr. Heylyn And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain and less if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island Fuller I will render the Reader a true account why I entitled my Book The Church-History of Brittain First the Church-History of England I might not call it the five first Centuries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England was ever heard of in any Author Secondly The Church-History of Great-Brittain I did not call it for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof a compass too large for my weak Endeavours Thirdly The Church-History of Brittain I did and might call it in a double respect tam à parte Majore quà m meliore both from the bigger and better the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were therein contained Yea the Animadvertor knows full well that the South of this Island by way of Eminence is so called To give one Instance of many from the Title-page of a passage of State Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici habita ab utriusque Oratoribus Legatis in Concilio Constantiensi Lovanii anno 1517. Typis excusa The most noble Dispute about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides in the Councell of Constance Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England here termed Brittain and France Scotland not at all
for a brace of notorious falshoods and see who will shed a tear to quench the fire As for the Apparition to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith seeing afterwards the Animadvertor twitteth me therewith we will till then defer our Answer thereunto Dr. Heylyn Less opposition meets the preaching of St. Ioseph of Arimathea though it meeteth some For notwithstanding that this Tradition be as generall as universally received as almost any other in the Christian Church yet our Author being resolved to let fly at all declares it for a piece of Novel superstition disguis'd with pretended Antiquity Better provided as it seems to dispute this point than the Ambassadours of Castile when they contended for precedency with those of England in the Council of Basil who had not any thing to object against this Tradition of Iosephs preaching to the Brittains although the English had provoked them by confuting their absurd pretences for St. Iames his preaching to the Spaniards Fuller I never denyed the Historicall ground-work but the Fabulous varnish of Arimathean Ioseph here preaching My words run thus Church-History Pag. 6. Part 12. Yet because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a Succession of many antient Charters bestowed on that Church by severall Saxon Kings as the Saxon Charters relate to Brittish Grants in Intuition to Joseph's being there We dare not wholly deny the substance of the Story though the Leaven of Monkery hath much swollen and puffed up the circumstance thereof And to the impartiall peruser of the connexion of my words Novell Superstition disguised with pretended Antiquity relate not to the substance of the Story but as it is presented unto us with fictitious embellishments And here I foretell the Reader what he shall see within few pages performed namely that after the Animadvertor hath flung and flounced and fluttered about to shew his own activity and opposition against what I though never so well and warily have written at last he will calmly come up and in this controversie close with my sense though not words using for the more credit his own expressions Dr. Heylyn For first our Author doth object in the way of scorn that fol. 6. The relation is as ill accoutred with tacklings as the Ship in which it is affirmed that St. Phillip St. Joseph and the rest were put by the Iews into a Vessell without Sails or Oars with intent to drown them and being tossed with tempests in the midland Sea at last safely landed at Marcelles in France and thence afterwards made for England No such strange piece of Errantry if we mark it well as to render the whole truth suspected Fuller Not by way of scorn Sir but by way of dislike and distrust The more I mark it the more strange piece of Errantry it seemeth so that I cannot meet with a stranger Dr. Heylyn For first we find it in the Monuments of elder times that Acrisius King of Argos exposed his daughter Danae with her young son Perseus in such a vessell as this was and as ill provided of all necessaries to the open Seas who notwithstanding by divine providence were safely wafted to those parts of Italy which we now call Puglia Fuller Monuments of elder times What be your Acts if these be your Monuments Ask my fellow if I be a thief ask a Poeticall Fable if a Monkish Legend be a lyar And what if Danae the self-same forsooth which had a golden shoure rained into her lap crossed from Argos in Peloponesus to Apulia now Puglia almost in a streight line and the narrowest part of the Adriatick This doth not parallel the improbability of Ioseph his voyage in an un-accoutred Ship from some Port in Palestine to Marselles the way being ten times as far full of flexures and making of severall points which costs our Sea-men some months in sailing though better accommodated I confess Gods power can bring any a greater distance with cordage of cobweb in a nut-shell but no wise man will make his belief so cheap to credit such a miracle except it be better attested Dr. Heylyn And secondly for the middle times we have the LIKE story in an Author above all exception even our Author himself who telleth us lib. 6. fol. 265. of our present History that King Athelstane put his brother Edwin into a little Wherry or Cock-boat without any tackling or furniture thereunto to the end that if the poor Prince perished his wickedness might be imputed to the waves Fuller Thanks for the jeer premised I am not the Author but bare Relater of that story obvious in all our English Chronicles Nor is the story LIKE to that of Ioseph's except he had been drowned in his Waftage to Marelles as this exposed Prince Edwin was in our Narrow Seas whether wilfully or casually not so certain his corps being taken up in Flanders The resemblance betwixt stories chiefly consists in similitude of success And what likeness betwixt a miserable death and a miraculous deliverance Dr. Heylyn Our Author objecteth in the next place that no writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest who mentioneth Joseph 's comming hither For answer whereunto it may first be said that where there is a constant uncontrolled Tradition there is most commonly the less care taken to commit it to Writing Fuller Less care implyeth some care whereas here no care but a pannick silence of all Authors Brittish Saxon and Christian for a thousand years together Secondly the Animadvertor might have done well to have instanced in any one Tradition seeing he saith it is most commonly done which is constant and uncontrolled yet attested by no creditable Author and then let him carry the cause Dr. Heylyn Secondly that the Charters of Glassenbury relating from the Norman to the Saxâ—n Kings and from the Saxons to the Brittains being all built upon St. Ioseph's comming hither and preaching here may serve instead of many Authors bearing witness to it And thirdly that Frier Bale as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome as our Author can desire to have him hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto that is to say Melkinus Avalonius and Gildas Albanus whose Writings or some fragments of them he may be believed to have seen though our Author hath not Fuller Nor the Animadvertor neither Bale doth not intimate that he ever saw any part of them and he useth to Cackle when lighting on such Eggs. But we collect from him and other Authors that no credit is to be given to such supposititious fragments Dr. Heylyn As for some circumstances in the story that is to say the dedicating of Iosephs first Church to the Virgin Mary the burying of his body in it and the inclosing of the same with a large Church-yard I look upon them as the products of Munkish ignorance accommodated unto the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in There is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar whose History would not be subject to the like
lawfull and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Add unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cook though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth exprâ—sly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Estates viz. the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons In which words we have not onely the opinion and testimony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority of the long Parliament also though against it selfe Those aged Bishops had been but little studied in their owne concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in challenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third Estate Fuller In this long discourse the Animadvertor hath given in the severall Particulars whereof I in my Church-History gave the Totall summe when saying that there were passages in the old Statutes which did countenance the Bishops sitting in Parliament in the Capacity of a THIRD ESTATE I have nothing to returne in Opposition and heartily wish that his Arguments to use the Sea-man's phrase may prove stanche and tight to hold water when some Common-Lawyer shall examine them But seeing the Animadvertor hath with his commendable paines goâ— so farre in this point I could wish he had gon a little further even to answer the two Common Objections against the THIRD-ESTATE SHIP of Bishops The First is this The Bishop not to speak of Bishops Suffragan of the Isle of Man is a Bishop for all purposes and intents of Jurisdiction and ordination yet hath he no place in Parliament because not holding per In egram Baroniam by an Intire Barony Now if Bishops sat in Parliament as a THIRD-ESTATE and not as so many Barons why hath not the Bishop of Man being in the Province of York a place in Parliament as well as the rest Secondly If the Bishops sit as a THIRD-ESTATE then Statutes made without them are manâ— and defective which in law will not be allowed seeing there were some Sessions of Parliament wherein Statutes did passe Excluso Clero at least wise Absente Clero which notwithstanding are acknowledged Obligatory to our Nation I also request him when his Hand is in to satisfie the Objection taken from a passage in the Parliament at Northampton under Henry the Second when the Bishops challenged their Peerage viz. Non sedemus hîc Episcopi sed Barones Nos Barones vos Barones Pares hîc sumus We sit not here as Bishops but as Barons We are Barons You are Barons here we are peers which is much inforced by Anti-Episcopists And whereas the Animadvertor translated it not as Bishops onely it is more then questionable that this interpolation ONLY will not be admitted by such who have a mind curiously to examine the matter I protest my integrity herein that I have not started these Objections of my selfe having had them urged against me and though I can give a bungling Answer unto them I desire that the Animadvertor being better skill'd in Law would be pleased if it ever comes again in his way to returne an Answer as short and clear as the Objections are and I and many more will be bound to returne him thanks Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds Fol. 196. The Conâ—ocation now not sitting and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not onely convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up of the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divines out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reason the Convocation should have been first warned to re-assemble with liberty and safe conducts given them c. Fuller The Animadvertor now enters the list with the WISDOMS in Parliament who are most able to justifie their owne Act. Mean time my folly may stand by in silence unconcerned to return any Answer Dr. Heylyn Fol. 198. It savours something oâ— a Prelaticall Spirit to be offended about Precedency I see our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it savour of a Prelaticall Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some â—ythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes and thus cometh home to our Author c. Fuller If it cometh home unto me I will endeavour God-willing to thrust it far from me by avoiding the odious sin of Pride And I hope the Presbyterians will herein make a reall and practicall refutation of this note in Evidencing more Humility hereafter seasonably remembring they are grafted on the Stock of the Bishops and are concerned not to be high-minded but feare lest if God spared not Episcopacy for what sins I am not to enquire peaceably possessed above a Thousand years of Power in the Church of England take heed that he spare not Presbytery also which is but a Probationer on its good behaviour especially if by their insolence they offend God and disoblige our Nation the generality whereof is not over-fond of their Goâ—ernment Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds Fol. 203. We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned the words in the Covenant six hundred sixty six c. I must confesse my selfe not to be so much a Pythagorean as to find Divinity in Numbers nor am taken with such Mysteries as some fancy in them And yet I cannot chuse but say that the Number of Six hundred sixty six words neither more nor less which are found in the Covenant though they conclude nothing yet they signifie something Our Author cannot chuse but know what pains were taken even in the times of Irenaeus to find out Antichrist by this number Some thinking then that they had found it in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with reference to the persecuting Roman Emperours Some Protestants think that they had found it in a Dedication to Pope Paul the fifth which was Paulo V to Vice-Deo the numerall letters whereof that is to say D.C.L.V.V.V.I. amount exactly unto six hundred sixty six which is the Number of the Beast in Revelation The Papists on the other side find it in the name of Luther but in what language or how speld I remember not And therefore whosoever he was which made this Observation upon the Covenant he deserves more to be commended for his wit then condemned for his idlenesse Fuller The Animadvertor might herein have allowed me the Liberty of Preterition a familiar figure in all Authors managed by them with Taceo praetermitto transeo we passe by listen not c. when relating things Either Parva of small moment Nota generally known Ingrata unwelcome to many Readers Under which of