away the Foundation upon which they argue than that Maxim in our Law received by all honest and learned Lawyers The King of England never dies For if so how is the Government laps'd And if it be not laps'd how can the Throne be said to be vacant And if the Throne be not vacant we are still a Body Politick consisting of Head and Members though much distemper'd and out of order by reason of the Infirmities of the Head. We still live tho we are not in good Health and our Case doth not require the Sexton to make our Grave but calls for the Physician to apply proper Remedies to cure our Disease If the King can dye 't is such a defect in our Government as doth strangely disparage it and further supposes that which hitherto we are all to learn the Crown is not Successive Now if it be successive it cannot be disposed of by the Will of the People but only by the Will of God who in that very moment calls the lawful Heir to the Crown wherein he is pleased to put a Period to the Life of his Predecessor If he be said that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God I believe that should this be granted it will not do their Business for I doubt not but that if the Pole was taken and the Question put to all People who are of Years of Discretion the Answer would be That they have still a King and that they are as willing to keep him as they are desirous to exclude Popery for ever that which hath made both him and them so unhappy This I do not much question would be the Answer if we should appeal to the sense of the People in general who yet if the Government be fallen to them must be allowed to have a right of Suffrage and a Liberty to speak their Minds as freely as other Commoners in this great Convention Further still If the King never dies by our Law how can he be lawfully depos'd For by Deposition the Throne necessarily becomes void for some time There must be some Interstice some space of time before they who depos'd a King can set up another and till the King in Designation be actually invested with the Regal Office there must of Necessity be an Interregnum that is The King contrary to the Mind of our Law may dye The Government of England always supposes a Monarch regulated by Law and therefore 't is presumed that he can do no wrong that is though he may err as well as other Mortals yet the Law of which he is the Guardian brings no Accusation against him but only against his evil Ministers If therefore the King hath err'd as doubtless he hath very much in God's Name let his Ministers be called to an account but why must the Government be dissolved and the King arraign'd condemn'd and depos'd to make way for any new Scheme of Government whatsoever whether French Italian or Dutch Our History indeed affords two Examples since William the First 's time that of Edward the Second and the other of Richard the Second but they did both of them actually resign and besides what they did or was done to them ought to preclude the right of no succeeding Prince These Examples ought no more to be urged than the stabbing King Henry the Fourth of France or the murthering King CHARLES the First of England The Historian in the Life of Richard the Second gives no very good Character of that Parliament which pass'd the Vote for this Deposition The Noblemen says he partly corrupted by Favour partly aw'd by Fear gave their Voices and the Commons commonly are like a Flock of Cranes as the first fly all the Followers do the like Continuat Dan. Hist. p. 46. Let it be here observed that I do not dispute whether the King together with his Parliament may not regulate and entail the Succession as shall by them be thought fit but only whether whilst the King lives whether the Throne can be vacant and the Government be truly said to be laps'd This we deny But however supposing that these things may be so who can make so fair a Claim and so generally satisfactory to the People as the next Heir by Proximity of Blood I mean if the Prince of Wales be proved supposititious that incomparable Lady the Princess of Orange These Reflections I have thought fit to make upon some new Notions of our present States-men by which we guess what they would be at In my Opinion I think it is but too evident that they are taking Advantage of our present Fears and Distractions to run us into those Extremes which the State as well as the Church of England hath always carefully avoided and taken particular care to provide against 4. In this Design can we in Honour and Conscience go along with them whom yet we cannot but highly esteem and value for their Learning and Parts and more especially for their happy and successful Labours in rescuing us from those gross Corruptions of Christian Religion and human Nature Popery and Slavery But shall we run into Popery and perhaps Slavery too when we have been so long striâ—ing against both and are now Thanks be to God in a great measure freed from the Danger of either And is not the Deposing a Popish Doctrine And is it not as Antichristian for any Assembly to put it into Practice as it was for the Council of Lateran at first to establish it And as for Slavery must not a standing Army be necessarily kept up to maintain a Title founded only upon the consent of the fickle and uncertain People granting that the major part of them are willing And in such a case must we not be beholden to the Goodness of the Prince rather than the Protection of our Laws if an Arbitrary and Despotick Power be not again introduced We have as yet no Law which wholly disables and excludes a Popish Successor from the Throne and till we have one which I question not but we shall have soon I do not see how we can disanul the King's Title or vacate his Regal Capacity howsoever his Power may be restrained Innovations without former Precedent are always dangerous especially those of this Nature It will be much more wise as well as safe to bear with some Inconveniencies than bring upon our selves those Mischiefs which such unparallel'd Proceedings may produce The Prince of Orange in his additional Declaration hath these Words We are confident that no Persons can have such hard Thoughts of us as to imagine that we have any other Design in this Undertaking than to procure a Settlement of the Religion and of the Liberties and Properties of the Subjects upon so sure a Foundation that there may be no danger of the Nations relapsing into the like Miseries at any time hereafter How far some Persons may extend this Clause that there may be no Danger of the Nations relapsing into the like Miseries
notwithstanding any want of thâ— Kings Writs or Writ of Summons or aâ—y defect whatsoever and as if the King had been present at the beginning of the Parliament this I take to be a full Judgment in full Parliament of the case in question and much stronger than the present case is and this Parliament continued till the 29 th of December next following and made in all thirty seven Acts as aboâ—e mentioned The 13 Caroli 2. chap. 7. a full Parliament called by the Kings Writ recites the other of 12 Caroli 2. and that after his Majesties return they were continued till the 29 th of December and then dissolved and that several Acts passed this is the plain Judgment of another Parliament 1. Because it says they were continued which shews they had a real being capable of being continued for a Confirmation of a void Grant has no effect and Confirmation shews a Grant only voidable so the continuance there shewed it at most but voidable and when the King came and confirm'd it all was good 2. The dissolving it then shews they had a being for as ex nihilo nihil sit so super nihil nil operatur as out of nothing nothing can be made so upon nothing nothing can operate Again the King Lords and Commons make the great Corporation or Body of the Kingdom and the Commons are legally taken for the Free-holders Inst. 4. p. 2. Now the Lords and Commons having Proclaimed the King the defect of this great Corporation is cured and all the Essential parts of this great Body Politique united and made compleat as plainly as when the Mayor of a Corporation dies and another is chosen the Corporation is again perfect and to say that which perfects the great Body Politique should in the same instant destroy it I mean the Parliament is to make contradictions true simul semel the perfection and destruction of this great Body at one instant and by the same Act. Then if necessity of Affairs was a forcible Argument in 1660 a time of great peace not only in England but throughout Europe and almost in all the World certainly 't is of a greater force now when England is scarce delivered from Popery and Slavery when Ireland has a mighty Army of Papists and that Kingdom in hazard of final destruction if not speedily prevented and when France has destroyed most of the Protestants there and threatens the ruin of the Low-Countries from whence God has sent the wonderful Assistance of our Gracious and therefore most Glorious King and England cannot promise safety from that Forreign Power when forty days delay which is the least can be for a new Parliament and considering we can never hope to have one more freely chosen because first it was so free from Court-influence or likelihood of all design that the Letters of Summons issued by him whom the great God in infinite Mercy raised to save us to the hazard of his Life and this done to protect the Protestant Religion and at a time when the people were all concerned for one Common interest of Religion and Liberty it would be vain when we have the best King and Queen the World affords a full house of Lords the most solemnly chosen Commons that ever were in the remembrance of any Man Living to spend Mony and lose time I had almost said to despise Providence and take great pains to destroy our selves If any object Acts of Parliament mentioning Writs and Summons c. I answer the Precedent in 1660 is after all those Acts. In private cases as much has been done in point of necessity a Bishop Provincial dies and sede vacant a Clerk is presented to a Benefice the Presentation to the Dean and Chapter is good in this case of Necessity and if in a Vacancy by the Death of a Bishop a Presentation shall be good to the Dean and Chapter rather than a prejudice should happen by the Church lying void Surely â fortiori Vacancy of the Throne may be supplied without the formality of a Writ and the great Convention turn'd to a Real Parliament A Summons in all points is of the same real force as a Writ for a Summons and a Writ differ no more than in name the thing is the same in all Substantial parts the Writ is Recorded in Chancery so are His Highnesses Letters the proper Officer Endorses the Return so he does here for the Coroner in defect of the Sheriff is the proper Officer the People Choose by virtue of the Writ so they did freely by Virtue of the Letters c. quae re concordant parum differunt they agree in Reality and then what difference is there between the one and the other Object A Writ must be in Actions at Common Law else all Pleadings after will not make it good but Judgment given may be Reversed by a Writ of Error Answ. The case differs first because Actions between party and party are Adversary Actions but Summons to Parliament are not so but are Mediums only to have an Election 2. In Actions at Law the Defendant may plead to the Writ but there is no plea to a Writ for electing Members to serve in Parliament and for this I have Littleton's Argument there never was such Plea therefore none lies Object That they have not taken the Test. Answ. They may take the Test yet and then all which they do will be good for the Test being the distinguishing Mark of a Protestant from a Papist when that is taken the end of the Law is performed Object That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy ought to be taken and that the new ones are not legal Answ. The Convention being the Supream Power have abolish'd the old Oaths and have made new ones and as to the making new Oaths the like was done in Alfreds time when they chose him King vide Mirror of Justice Chap. 1. for the Heptarchy being turn'd to a Monarchy the precedent Oaths of the seven Kings could not be the same King Alfred swore Many Precedents may be cited where Laws have been made in Parliament without the King 's Writ to summon them which for brevity's sake I forbear to mention For a farewel the Objections quarrel at our Happiness fight against our Safety and aim at that which may indanger Destruction The Amicable Reconciliation of the DISSENTERS to the CHURCH of ENGLAND being a Model or Draught for the Universal Accommodation in the Case of Religion and the Bringing in all Parties to Her Communion Humbly presented to the Consideration of Parliament WHereas there are several parties of Christians in the Nation who must and will ever differ in their Opinions about the Church and Discipline of it in the Question which is of Christ's Institution it is not our Disputes about the Church â—s Particular which are rather to be mutually forborn and every party left herein to their own Perswasion but a common Agreement in what we can agree and that
If the dissatisfied Party accuse the Convention for making the Prince of Orange King it is not my Duty to judge those above me therefore I shall only say that if they have done ill Quod fieri non debuit factum valet aâ—d they of the Clergy ought not to censure their Superiours but obey according to the Law and Doctrine of Passive Obedience FINIS The TWELFTH and Last Collection of Papers VOL. I. Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and Scotland VIZ. I. The Secret League with France proved II. The Reasons why the late King Iames would not stand to a Free and Legal Parliament III. The Reason of the Suddenness of the Change in England IV. The Judgment of the Court of France concerning the Misgovernment of King Iames the Second V. The Emperor of Germany his Account of the late King's Unhappiness in joining with the King of France VI. A full Relation of what was done between the Time the Prince of Orange came to London till the Proclaiming him King of England c. VII The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of England concerning their Grievances presented to King William and Queen Mary With their Malesties Answer VIII The Declaration of the States of Scotland concerning their Grievances IX The Manner of Proclaiming King William and Queen Mary at Whitehal and in the City of London Feb. 13. 1688. X. An Account of their Coronation at Westminster Apr. 11. 89. XI The Scots Proclamation declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland XII The manner of their taking the Scotish Coronation Oath at Whitehal May 11. XIII The Coronation Oaths of England and Scotland London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. The Secret League with France proved 1. BY the Treaty managed by the Dutchess of Orleans between Charles II. her Brother and Lewis XIV 1670 published by the Abbot Primi in his History of the War with Holland with the priviledg of the French King This Treaty expresly tells us That the French King did promise Charles II to subject his Parliament to him and to Establish the Romish Religion in his Kingdom But before this could be done the said Dutchess told him the Haughtiness and Power of the Hollander must be brought down 2. By the Current of the Design throughout all Coleman's Letters which contain nothing else but the Conspiracy of the Duke of York and the Jesuits against the Government and the Protestant Religion For you know says he in his Letter to Sir W. Throgmorton Feb. 1. 1674 5. when the Duke the late King Iames comes to be Master of our Affairs the King of France will have reason to promise himself all things that he can desire c. Both he and the two Royal Brothers being closly joined together to destroy the Northern Heresy as he in his Letter to Monsieur La Cheese assures us 3. Which Friendship with the French Court is further confirmed by a French Author who wrote the Life of Turene in which he brings in the Duke of York lamenting the Death of that great Marshal of France after this manner Alas says the Duke the loss is great to me in that I am greatly disappointed in those great Designs I have been long meditating upon if ever I come to the Crown of England For the sake of which Passage the then Secretary of State of England forbad the printing of that Book which was then translated and prepared for the Press 4. The French Ambassador at the Hague in a Memorial to the States General Sept. 9. 1618 peremptorily declares there was such an Alliance between the King his Master and King Iames II as to oblige him to succour him c. 5. Both King Charles II and King Iames II were so engaged with the great Nimrod of Francâ— that â—hough several Parliaments of England strugled hard to break the Friendship and gave a vast Sum of Mony in order thereunto yet all in vain And King Iames II was so eager to follow the French Measures that after the Defeat of Monmouth he declared to the Parliament that for the time to come he would make use of Popish Officers as well as keep up a standing Army contrary to Law. 6. We have had sufficient Evidences of his Designs by the care he took to fill his Army with Irish Papists at the same time that he disbanded all the Protestants that served him in Ireland that he might always have an Army at hand in that Kingdom ready to promote his Popish Designs in England which could not be done without a Secret League with France and without a very express assurance of being vigorously supported from thence when the nick of time should come 7. His flying to France and secret conspiring with the great Leviâ—tâ—an there and bringing French Aids with him into Ireland are no other than the putting the Secret League into Execution Many more Proofs may be produced but what has been said may convince any rational unprejudiced Protestant As for those Pharisees that wilfully shut their Eyes of whom we may say That seeing they see and do not peeceive because they are resolved not to yield to the most convincing Evidences that this Affair is capable of for the Parties concerned will hide it as much as they can I bewail their Condition and believe they are so obstinate that only the French Dragoons those booted Apostles can convince them when they come with the League in their Hands to put the Popish Penal Laws in Execution on their Backs from Neâ—gaâ—e to Tybâ—â—n The REASONS why the late K. James would not stand to a Free and Legal Parliament proposed to those that are fond to have him again WHEN the Prince of Orange now our Gracious King his Glorious Expedition was first made known to the late King he resolved to have a Parliament upon the Belief that he should have been intirely Master of the Lower House by Reason of the Regulations he had made in Corporations in order to his Popish Designs But when he was forced to take other Measures as he told the Dissenters when he sent for them in the time of his Distress in restoring the Charters the Bishop of London the Fellows of Magdalen-Colledg c. He dreaded nothing more than a Parliament on the old Foundations to which the Prince in his Declaration had referred all for he knew several things would have been done by such a Parliament that he chose rather to perish than submit to 1. The first thing is The Examination of the Birth of the Prince of Wales as he is call'd the questioning of which was a Stab at his Heart as appears by his last Letter And the Reflections on the Bishops Petition mentioning That as a Business not fit to be referred then to a Parliament 2. The next thing was That Justice would certainly have been demanded against the Evil
Divine Infatuation in it However certainly no rational Man will think that all the Princes of Europe would sit still and suffer the French King to conquer Britain under pretence of restoring Iames the Second to that Throne which he had abandon'd because he could not bring the Prince of Orange their Allie and all his Protestant Subjects to his own Terms And yet if none of them should interpose but the Hollanders alone the English and Dutch Fleets being united would render the landing a French Army so difficult and uncertain that it would be next door to madness to trust one to their Navy which is so much inferior to either of the others singly taken So that all things considered either Iames the Second ought to have stayed at home and have made as good terms as he could with the Prince of Orange and his own Subjects Or if he would have abandon'd his Kingdoms he ought to have despaired of any restitution and have betaken himself to a private Life as Christina Queen of Sweden did But we have now certain Intelligence that Iames the Second Landed the 12 th of March at Kingsale in Ireland so that now it cannot be doubted but that he hopes to recover England and Scotland by the help of the Irish as well as the French. His succeeding in this Design laying us at the Mercy of an Irish-French Roman Catholick Army whose Civility and Kindness to our Nation we may learn from our Country-men who after having lost all but their Lives have been forced to flee over to us for Shelter and Protection I shall not add any other consideration to perswade my Country-men to defend their King Queen and the whole Protestant Succession their Lives Liberties Priviledges and Religion because this alone is sufficient The Iudgment of the Court of France concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the Second THE Author who is a Papist that wrote that smart Treatise called A Letter from Monsieur to Monsieur concerning the Transactions of the Times c. writes thus concerning the late King Iames viz. King Iames ought to learn what he has to expeâ—t from France into whose Arms he has thrown himself France already knows all his Faults and publishes them For this Composure issuing immediately from that Court owns 1. His whole Conduct was very little judicious 2. That he has followed blind Counsels and such as are very pernicious to his own Repose and Security 3. That he has unadvisedly affected to pull down the Protestant Religion which was that of the State. 4. That he has used an imprudent Rigour as well to the Bishops as to the Universities 5. That he was unwise in going about to take off the Test and Penal Laws which the English look upon as the Sanctuary of the Kingdom 6. That his Gust and Fondness for the Court of Rome and the Monks whom he meant to restore was ridiculous and whimsical 7. That his going about to give Imploys to Catholicks by taking them away from Protestants gave but two much reason to all the Members of the State to complain This is exactly the Judgment passed by the Court of France upon the late K. Iames of England I leave him to think what Succours he is like to expect from a Court that values him so little and that without any more ado speaks of him at this rate would he have more It roundly declares to him That the restoring the King of England is not an Enterprise easy to be executed by a King how great soever he may be against whom all the Powers of Europe are preparing to make War. This is a Hint broad enough o' Conscience and King Iames ought to be satisfied that he knows the French Courts mind The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the King of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to King James viz. LEOPOLD c. WE have received your Majesties Letters dated from St. Germans the sixth of February last by the Earl of Carlingford your Envoy in our Court By them we have understood the Condition your Majesty is reduced to and that you being deserted after the landing of the Prince of Orange by your Army and even by your Domestick Servants and by those you most confided in and almost by all your Subjects you have been forced by a sudden Flight to provide for your own safety and to seek Shelter and Protection in France Lastly that you desire Assistance from us for the recovering your Kingdoms We do assure your Majesty that as soon as we heard of this severe turn of Affairs we were moved at it not only with the common sense of Humanity but with much deeper Impressions suitable to the sincere Affection which we have always born to you And we were heartily sorry that at last that was come to pass which though we hoped for better things yet our own sad thoughts had suggested to us would ensue If your Majesty had rather given Credit to the Friendly Remonstrances that were made you by our late Envoy the Count de Kaunitz in our Name than the deceitful Insinuations of the French whose chief aim was by fomenting continual Divisions between you and your People to gain ther by an Opportunity to insult the more securely over the rest of Christendom And if your Majesty had put a stop by your Force and Authority to their many Infractions of the Peace of which by the Treaty at Nimegen you are made the Guarantee and to that end entred into Consultations with us and such others as have the like just Sentiments in this matter We are verily perswaded that by this means you should have in a great measure quieted the Minds of your People which were so much exasperated through their aversion to our Religion and the publick Peace had been preserved as well in your Kingdoms as here in the Roman Empire But now we refer it even to your Majesty to judg what condition we can be in to afford you any Assistance we being not only engaged in a War with the Turks but finding our selves at the same time unjustly and barbarously Attacked by the French contrary to and against the Faith of Treaties they then reckoning themselves secure of England And this ought not to be concealed that the greatest Injuries which have been done to our Religion have flowed from no other than the French themselves who not only esteem it lawful for them to make Presidious Leagues with the sworn Enemies of the Holy Cross tending to the destruction both of us and of the whole Christian World in order to the checking our Endeavours which were undertaken for the Glory of God and to stop those Successes which it hath pleased Almighty God to give us hitherto but further have heaped one Treachery upon another even within the Empire it self The Cities of the Empire which were surrendered upon Articles signed by the Dolphin himself have been exhausted by excessive Impositions and
Massacre of the English in it If thus all the several Branches of our Constitution are dissolved it might be at least expected that one 〈◊〉 should be left entire and that is the Regal Dignity But â—â—â—cerâ—â—ng the Birth of the supposed Prince of Wales no Proofs â—â—re ever given either to the Princess of Denmark or to any othâ—â— Protestant Ladies in whom we ought to repose any Conâ—â—â—â—â—ce that the Queen was ever with Child that whole Matter bâ—â—â—g managed with so much Mysteriousness that there were violent and publick Suspicions of it before But the whole Contrivance of the Birth the sending away the Princess of Denmark the sudden shortning of the Reckoning the Queen 's sudden going to St. Iames's her no less sudden pretended Delivery the hurrying the Child into another Room without shewing it to those present and without their hearing it cry and the mysterious Conduct of all since that time no Satisfaction being given to the Princess of Denmark upon her Return from the Bath nor to any other Protestant Ladies of the Queen's having been really brought to Bed. These are all such evident Indications of an Imposture in this Matter that as the Nation has the justest Reason in the World to doubt of it so they have all possible Reason to be at no quiet till they see a Legal and Free Parliament assembled which may impartially and without either Fear or Corruption examine that whole Matter If all these Matters are true in Fact then I suppose no Man will doubt that the whole Foundations of this Government and all the most sacred Parts of it are overturned And as to the Truth of all these Suppositions that is left to every Englishman's Judgment and Sense An ANSWER to a PAPER intituled Reflections on the Prince of ORANGE's Declaration IT seems a strange piece of Arrogance that any Man should reflect on a Declaration because it does not begin as he would have it that is with a Manifestation of our Clandestine League with France whereby an Army of Frenchmen together with our Papists Irish and other Mercenaries might establish Popery in England The Reflector ought to have consider'd that a Clandestine League tho' it may be very notorious to its Existence and Effects may likewise be very difficult to prove according to the meaning of the word Clandestine But that there is such a one we have the Testimony of the King of France in a Memorial delivered to the States of Holland and though it has been since disowned by our Court and Mr. Skelton upon it committed to the Tower his short Confinement and sudden Advancement to a Regiment shews that his Disgrace was but a trick of State It is also an inconsequential way of Arguing that because the Prince does not begin his Declaration with it therefore there is no such League things of that high consequence being easier and better carried on by secret Messages than Writings under Hand and Seal 2. In his second Reflection he tells us the Prince had needed less Apology if he had pretended only to have come to deliver the King from Evil Counsellours and to ingage him further in the Interest of Europe forgetting the Prince does declare to us he comes for that end tho' not singly and brought over his Army to secure him from the Rage and Fury of those Evil Counsellours His next Quarrel is that the Prince uses the Stile Of We and Vs within His Majesties Dominions a thing I believe ordinary enough in Great Princes when they speak or write to their Inferiours The Prince of Orange is General of a great numerous Army Admiral of a vast Fleet State-holder to a High and Mighty Common-wealth and consequently too great to speak in the Stile of a Private Person so that Rewarding Punishing Commanding Advancing may very naturally fall within his Power Nor is it any Crime to endeavour the calling of a Free Parliament and settling the Nation tho by ways and methods unusual in our days nothing being more frequent in our Histories than for our Barons with Arms in their Hands to compel their Kings to call and hearken to their Parliaments But now there being a standing Army of fourty thousand Mercenaries in the Land it was grown a Crime to petition for a Parliament and a Folly to expect a free one new Charters and Corporations and a general Nomination of incompetent Magistrates having taken the Election of Members for Parliament out of those Hands the Laws of the Land and Memorial Custom had intrusted with them According to the new Scheme designed by those Upstart and Popish Counsellours no Man was to Elect or be Elected for Parliament that would not ingage as far as in them lay to take away the Penal Laws and Test nay those wicked Counsellors prevailed yet farther upon his Majesty and he that pardoned so many of his Enemies was not suffered to forgive his best Friends and most Loyal Subjects a Refusal or Excuse in that particular That the Prince will send back his Army seems to some a strong presumption that he will not stay behind since even our own lawful King thinks himself not safe without an Army of Mercenaries in his own Kingdom From a strain'd Phrase or two Of We and Vs Require and Command sometimes used in his Declaration to infer That the Prince of Orange intends to make himself King of England seems to all rational Men a very captious and unsatisfactory way of arguing and a very unjust Calumny cast upon so great a Prince since more than once in express terms he declares he has no design upon his Majesty's Crown or Person so that all that Reproach falls to the Ground 3. In his third Reflection he tells us the Prince wants a clear Call and that a Son against a Father a Nephew against and Unkle a Neighbour against a Neighbour cannot be such That he is a Son-in-Law and a Nephew to his Present Majesty gives the Prince a fair and just pretence to interpose in our Affairs had he been a Foreigner as our Reflector terms him it might have look'd like an intended Conquest had he not been a Neighbour it had been Impossible for him to have afforded us this seasonable Assistance But some think that where Attempts are made to introduce the Catholick Religion by a Conspiracy against the Laws that secure and establish the Protestant Religion and the Test that only can keep the Papists out of the Government And to carry on this Conspiracy the better the old Charters are taken away under pretence of Forfeiture and Surrender new ones granted such as might bring Elections within the Power of those Evil Counsellors Papists upon the Bench a Jesuit in the Council and whole Troops of them in the Army 'T was high time for a Protestant Prince that had so near relation to the Crown of England to look about him and choose rather to be censured by our Reflector and such as he for entering upon the Stage a little before
hopes of being a Plague and a Terror to us But it will be said The transporting so much Wealth out of the Nation will too much impoverish us This ought well to be considered and a true Estimate made both of the Estates and Debts of the Roman Catholicks and of the Methods of returning their Effects beyond the Seas and then perhaps it would rather increase our Trade than abate our Wealth And as for the weakning us by the taking off so many of our People this I am sure is a meer Chimera two or three thousand Persons would be the utmost that we should lose And those who bought their Estates would be better Subjects and Neighbours than ever they will be as long as they continue Roman Catholicks It is not to be imagin'd that all or any considerable Part of this Wealth will be transported in English Mony in specie but in Merchandise Bills of Exchange c. So that I am confident we have more sent away to the Iesuits Colledg beyond the Seas in seven Years than would be carried out in specie on such an occasion and hereby we should at once rid our selves of one of the greatest Plagues that any Nation ever struggled so long with Nor would it be only Profitable but Iust. They have given us the greatest Provocation that ever was given by Men to Men. Did ever 40000 Men in any other part of the World ever before endeavour to do what they themselves had proved to be impossible Did ever such an handful of Men before by Fraud and Violence design to enslave a Free to impoverish a Rich to subdue a Valiant and Generous Nation What could they mean by the Force they in Print and in common Discourse intimated that was to compel us to give up our Laws if fair Means would not do but a Massacre or a French Invasion Let them consider how they have treated thofe of our Religion in France and Piedmont and then tell me and all the World if we have treated them in the same manner when we have sent them away with all they can justly call their own only that we might not be forced to ruin them by a flower Prosecution The Facility is equal to the Justice of this Method they are few in number hated by all the rest of the Nation and besides all their former Misdemeanours have by the late Attempts upon the Religion and Liberties of England so far encreased the Aversion of all degrees of Men amongst us that they will find very few to pity them and not many to speak for them The only Objections I can foresee are first That it will impoverish England to suffer them to carry away their Estates and look too like Popish Cruelty to turn them out despoiled of what they have or of a great part of their Fortunes Now this Objection must be considered in Parliament because no one Man can make any thing near a true Estimate what the value will be their Debts being deducted till a true Account is given of their Estates and Debts and then I verily believe it will be found much less than it seems at first The second Objection is That it will weaken us and strengthen our Enemies to lose so many of our People To this I say it is apparently otherwise For if those Estates were in the Hands of Protestants they would much more contribute to the Union and Strength of England than the Persons of these Roman Catholicks do of whom we can make little or no use in Civil or Military Affairs at Home or Abroad in Peace or War. And if they were added to any other Country the Peace and Union they would leave us in would infinitely over-ballance the loss of their Persons and as I believe of their Estates too But now on the contrary if they be continued still amongst us we must still struggle with all those Inconveniences which have necessitated our Ancestors to make so many Laws against them and the Severities which must be used to keep them under will by degrees when the Memory of the late Transactions is worn off beget compassion and that will grow greater as they grow fewer and less dangerous and yet at last one single Iesuit may destroy the best of our Princes and two or three Gentlemen of Estate may disquiet and enjealous a whole County and when all is done no hopes is left that any lasâ—ing Peace can be made with them so that as long as there is any of that Religion in England there is a Ferment in the Veins of the Nation which will cause dreadful Paroxims Their Emissaries will also sow Dissentions between us and the Dissenters and exasperate the Parties against each other so that the good Correspendence which is now between us and them will in short time be turn'd into Hatred on both sides if all the Care imaginable be not taken on both Sides of these Incendiaries which will never be wanting whilst we have a Popisâ— Nobility and Gentry how small soever it is in Number The Seminaries at St. Omers Doway c. are kept up by the Nobility and Gentry of that Communion and tend very much to the imbroiling and weakning England and the advancing the Interest of France but would soonâ—d windle away if they had no Supplies from England as they could have little if we had no Popish Nobility or Gentry and the Lands of England were only in the Hands of Protestants The retiring of His late Majesty into France is another strong Inducement as long as He or the Child is living they will have a pretence to Plot and cut Throats and they will have some to pity and others to applaud them so that if there were no other Reason this alone were sufficient to determine the Question unless we are resolved to shew our selves as careless of a Protestant Prince as we have been over-fond of a Roman Catholick which will be an ill Recompence for our Deliverance The Present CONVENTION A PARLIAMENT I. THat the Formality of the King 's Writ of Summons is not so essential to an English Parliament but that the Peers of the Realm and the Commons by their Representatives duly elected may legally act as the great Council and representative Body of the Nation though not summon'd by the the King especially when the Circumstances of the time are such that such Summons cannot be had will I hope appear by these following Observations First The Saxon Government was transplanted hither out of Germany where the meeting of the Saxons in such Assemblies was at certain fixed times viz. at the new and full Moon But after their Transmigration hither Religion changing other things changed with it and the times for their publick Assemblies in Conformity to the great Solemnities celebrated by Christians came to be changed to the Feasts of Easter Pentecost and the Nativity The lower we come down in Story the seldomer we find these general Assemblies to have been held and
to return to his Government under such legal Restraints as shall give security to the most jealous Persons for the preservation of their Laws Liberties and Religion iâ— horribly decryed c. yet the only Reason against it is because it is vain Now Sir that Reason is so very good that it may perhaps justily that dreadful Consequence you so shrink at for though I do not doubt but you are a wonderful Legislator yet if Twenty wiser Men than you were joined with you to frame these new Laws yet let but a Popish Prince have the Supreme Executive Power and the Legal Prerogatives and he will break through all your Restrictions with wonderful Facility as we have seen by Experience But then if you leave him the Name and take away the Power of a King you set up a Common-wealth immediately which will not end with your Popish Prince but there will be stickling to keep all things in the same State in the following Reign of what Religion soever the Prince is which was the Reason why the Limitations offered by Charles II. in 1679 were rejected And let it be remember'd also how well that Prince that was supposed to be a Protestant kept his Word and the Solemn League and Covenant which he solemnly with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven swore to observe in Scotland c. Well but we would have thought our selves very secure if the King would hâ—ve called a Free Parliament Yes Sir if he would have call'd it Freely so that it had been the production of his Will without Force but Sir it is notorious he was resolved the Parliament should either not be free or not meet and if your Memory will not serve you to recall the virulent Reflection on the humble Petition presented by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the 17th of November last in which the Author tells us That the summoning a Parliament 〈◊〉 is so far from being the only way to preseâ—ve His Majesty and the Kingdom that it will be one of the principal causes of much Misery to the Kingdom c. and nothing would do then but driving the Prince of Orange out of the Kingdom with Force and Arms. Now I say Sir If you cannot remember this you shall never be trusted to frame Laws if I can help it There is another and a better Reason to refuse a Treaty than the fearing the King should comply Suppose that he should grant all that you can ask bating White-Hall the Reveâ—â—e the Title of King and the Right of calling Parliaments and making Peace and War What Security have we that he will acquiesce in this low restrained Estate Oaths Laws and Promises we had before but what did they signify Who shall be Guarantee what shall we do if he break out again In short quis eustodiet Custodes So that the many who desire a Treaty are desired to read the Enquiry into the presenâ— State of Affairs that they may not come into the Discipline of the severe Lady who has taught the Protestants in France and Piedmont a Lesson which England too must have gone through with if God and H. W. P. O. had not saved us But if the Convention should refuse to treat and Depose the King it would act without a Legal Power § 8. Why Sir here is no occasion to talk of a Deposition the King is gone of his own accord freely and they are only to consider whether we shall perish in a State of Anarchy reâ—al him and suffer over again all that is past and all that was intended but prevented or whether they shall recognize the next immediate Heir and enquire who that is Well but the next Heir it seems shall have small joy of it his whole Authority depending on a Convention that has no Authority In good time Will the Authority of this Prince when acknowledged depend on the Authority of the Convention Did Queen Elizabeth or King Iames I owe all their Authority to the Parliaments which recognized their respective Rights But no Man will think himself bound in Conscience to obey this Heir Have you Sir the keeping of all Mens Consciences or the knowledg of their Thoughts I can assure you mine is not in your custody § 9. All those who think themselves bound still by their Oath of Allegiance to defend the King's Person his Crown and Dignity c. will be greatly discontented Why Sir then they may go over into France and be admitted into his Guards and perhaps the generous Allowance given him by the French King will maintain them if their Heresie do not over-ballance their Loyalty and turn it into a Crime as it happened to the Hâ—gonots Well but they will never own any other whilst their own King lives Assuredly this is a wonderful Man if he could but as certainly inform us of the number as he can of the Thoughts and future Actions of these Loyalist's Well but if they should happen to be Persons of known Prudence Abilities Integrity Honesty though they were never so few and never so tame it would give a terrible stroke to this Toâ—tâ—ring Government Why Sir all or the greatest part of such Men in the Nation were a dreadful Body tho they were and ever will be few but Sir there must be a considerable Body of such Men first satisfied in the Convention a number without Doors are already satisfied and more will when the States have passed their Resolves and the remainder of the Men of this High Character who will still remain Discontented if they are any thing Peaceable though not over Tame will never be able to shock the most Tâ—â—tering Government in the World by their Examples how well soever he thinks of them Yet § 10. He endeavours to shew the number will not be small because many who joyned with the Prince are ashamed of what they have done and ask God pardon for is and are ready â—o undo it as far as they can Well Sir how many such do you know besides your self A List of these Men were worth the having and may perhaps be easily taken if one knew how to separate them from the rest however I should not fear greatly the terrible Shock of these wonderful Men till I had better information of their Numbers than you can possibly give us They were not willing to part with the King tho they were horribly afraid of Popery Why Sir has the King changed his Religion in France or are those Gentlemen so fond of the King that they would now be contented to suffer all that Popery threatned so lately Or are they become as weary of their Delivery as they were before of Popery Or will they sacrifice their Laws Religion old Foundations and Free Parliaments to their Allegiance to their King If you say Yes I have done if no then you would have what was not to be had and will not be contented with what may be hâ—d and if the Number of these Men is great farewel
in the case of the Lawful Heirs whom every good Englishman and Protestant to their utmost Danger and Peril are ready to defend and maintain to take such Measures for our future Security and lawful Establishment as shall not by any Humane Art or Endeavour be liable to Interruption But as Precedents are least satisfactory or least confronting to obstinate Opposers where they make only for one party A Popish Sigismund deposed for Male-Administration in a Protestant Kingdom may not perhaps be allowed to carry its sufficient Justification with the Romanists and therefore the Tables ought to be turn'd and the Ballance made by Parallels of their own side the most prudent way of combating and securing a Victory in this matter being to lay the Scene of War in the Enemies Country To confute therefore and silence all the Romish Pretensions of Disgust and Murmur against the Injustice of such a Deprivation from Examples of Popish Deposals of Male-administring Protestants we 'll begin with Henry of Navarre afterwards Henry the Fourth of France The famous Holy League enter'd into by the Pope himself and so many potent Allies together with all the Romish Subjects of Franâ—e against that undoubted Heir of the Crown of France and at that time by succession the rightful King is so notoriously known to the World that all the tedious Particulars of the History would be impertinent Let it suffice here was a Prince the unquestion'd Inheritor of the Crown of France actually by all Open and Hostile Means and all such Hostility avowed and abetted and his very Birth-right fore-closed by the Pope himself opposed and denied his Accession to the Throne for no other Unqualifications but be a Hugonot that is of a Perswasion contrary to the Establish'd and Regnant Romish Religion in France being in all other Respects acknowledged a most excellent Prince Insomuch that after all other ineffectual Endeavours of recovering his Birth-right he had no means left to repeal his Exclusion and Debarment from the Throne but by his Abjuration of the Reformed Religion and return to the Romish Worship This Case of Henry the Fourth instead of a Parallel to ours does not come up to half the Justification of the present Measures of England For here was a Soveraign Prince under Deprivation for no other Default but his meer Religion for this Henry the Fourth being then but in his Entrance to the Empire if truly that was consequently yet at least whatever they might fear under no Dilemmas of the least breach of Compact with his People no Forfeitures for Male-Administration or Violation of the Laws of the Land or Rights of his Subjects their Dangers as then being only Apprehensions If therefore the meer private Opinion of a Crowned Head different from the Establish'd Religion of the Land has been of weight enough it self alone in their own Scales to oversway the Birth-Right of Princes and make a Bar to Empire and that too so solemnly confirmed and ratified even by the Sanction Apostolick the Decretals of Rome it self What Objections or Allegations can our Romish Disputants whether Foreign or Domestick make against the like Bar in Empire after so notorious an actual Male-Administration in the present Case of England such too visible Ruptures of the Laws of the Land and in defiance of all Obligations of Engagements Covenant Word Honour or OATHS themselves The next Example I shall point them to is that of the late Portuguese King who by the Ordinance of the States of Portugal ratified by the Pope's Assent was dethroned and his Brother invested with the Soveraignty and not only that but his Queen too taken from him Divorced and by a Dispensation married to his Brother The Grounds of this Deposal being only this that the King was sometimes taken with Delirious Fits. If such a Personal Infirmity was ground sufficient to displace the Crown Have not the Peopâ—e or Community of England in Convention asseâ—bled as much Right on their Side for the Deposal of a King for a far greater Infirmity of the two a more violent Madness his loâ—g tried and radicated Incapacity of being held either by the Bonds or Ties of Honour Laws or Oaths There being this infinite Difference between the Outrages of the one and the other as that a Prince so bigotted resolved for the Introduction right or wrong of his own Religion is the more Dangerous Frantick For his Superstitious Frency may push him to Violences that will hurt whole Nations whereas the Outrages of the other can be only Personal And if the Hands of the Lunatick Portuguese were thought Just to be tied up with no less Shackles than taking both his Kingdom and Queen away from him who shall Arraign the Wisdom of the English for depriving their King of his Kingdom much good may do him with his Queen under an infinite larger Capacity and more dangerous propensity to Mischief And for so doing what Warrant shall they want when the present unforced Desertion of the King and quitting the Helm has put the Power of Decision in that Point into their own Hands and lost him all Right of Appeal against the Alienation I shall venter to add one last Consideration viz. The Bull of Pope Pius Quintus against Queen Elizabeth by which the Pope deprives her of all Title to the Imperial Crown and all Dominion Dignity and Priviledg whatever declaring that all the Nobility Subjects and People of England and all others which have in any sort sworn unto her to be for ever absolved from any such Oath and all manner of Duty of Dominion Allegiance and Obedience c. and all forbidden to obey her or her Motions Mandates or Laws upon pain of Anathema Vide Bishop of Lincoln's Brutum Fulmen p. 6. I recite this unjust Deposal of a Lawful Queen by the pretended Authority of the Pope no other than to let the World know that the Romish Party have the least Reason in Nature to complain of the Deprivation of Princes They whose Infallible Guides can so insolently and arbitrarily place or displace Crown'd Heads not to mention the Illegality of the Pope's Interposition in the Affair in any kind for only acting by Law in Matters of Religious Changes for such were all Ecclesiastick Alterations of that Queen by the unquestion'd Authority of Acts of Parliament can be but ill furnish'd with Arguments against the present Deprivation enacted by the whole Community of England for such violent Measures and Foundations already form'd and begun for the subversion of Church and State against all Law. Reasons humbly offer'd for placing his Highness the Prince of Orange singly in the Throne during his Life I. IT will be a clear Assertion of the Peoples Right Firm Evidence of a Contract Broken and a sure Precedent to all Ages when after a most Solemn Debate the Estates of England Declare That the King having Abdicated the Government and the Throne thereby Legally Vacant They think fit to Fill it again with One who is
than all other Princes do on the like occasions and when the King after this was taken and brought back by force he was no longer then bound to consider him as one that was but as one that had been King of England and in that capacity he treated him with great Respect and Civility how much soever the King complained of it who did not enough consider what he had done to draw upon himself that usage But when all is said that can be said there may possibly be some Men to whom may be applied the Saying of Ioab Thou lovest thine Enemies and hatest thy Friends for thou hast declared this day that thou regardest neither Princes nor Servants for this Day I perceive that if Absolom had lived and all we had died this Day then it had pleased thee well Had the Protestant Religion the English Liberties the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation been all made an Holocaust to their Reputations and Humours their Scruples and School-niceties and the Prince of Orange perished or returned Ruin'd or Inglorious into Holland we should then have had the Honour of cutting up our Religion our Laws and our Civil Rights with our own Swords and we should have been the only Church under Heaven that had refused a Deliverance and Religiously and Loyally had Destroyed it self In truth the Men would have purchased Popery and Slavery so dear ought to have enjoyed both to the End of the World. The REASONS of the Suddenness of the Change in England THE true Reasons of the Swiftness of this Change may easily be assigned by shewing the Temper and Designs of Iames the Second the Temper of William the Third our Present Soveraign and the Nature of the English Nation and of the Times all concurring with Wonderful Harmony to produce this wonderful Effect For had Iames the Second undertook any thing but the subjecting England to Popery and the Exercise of Arbitrary Power to that end his vast Revenue his great Army and the Reputation he had gained at Home and Abroad by the defeat of the Monmouth-Invasion would have gone near to have effected it and after all this if he had in the beginning of October frankly granted all the Ten Proposals made by the Bishops and suffered a Parliament to have met and given up a considerable Number of his Ministers to Justice and suffered the pretended Prince of Wales his Birth to be freely debated and determin'd in Parliament It would in all probability have prevented or defeated the then intended Invasion But whilst he thought to save the Pretended Succession the Dispensing and Suspending Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission to carry on his former Design with when he had baffl'd the Prince of Orange the Nation saw through the Project and he lost all Had a Prince of less Secresy Prudence Courage and Interest than the Prince of Orange undertaken this business it might probably have miscarriâ—d but as his Cause was better so his Reputation Conduct and Patience infinitely exceeded theirs he would not stir till he saw the French Forces set down before Philipsbourgh and then he was sure France and Germany were irrevocably ingaged in a War and consequently he should have no other opposition than what the Irish and English Roman Catholicks could make against him For no English Protestant would fight his Country into Vassalage and Slavery to Popish Priests and Italian Women when a Parliament sooner or later must at last have determin'd all the things in Controversy except we resolved once for all to give up our Religion Laws Liberties and Estates to the will of our King and submit for ever to a French Government A Nation of less sense than the English might have been imposed upon of less bravery and valour might have been frighted of a more servile temper might have neglected its Liberties till it had been too late to have ever recovered them again But none but a parcel of Iesuits bred in a Cloister and unacquainted with our Temper as well as Constitution would ever have hoped to have carried two such things as Popery and Abitrary Power both at once upon so jealous a Nation as the English is which hates them above any other People in the World. The cruel slaughter they had made of the poor wretches they took after the defeat at Bridg-water ought to have made them for ever despair of gaining any credit with the Dissenters who rarely forgive but never forget any ill treatment Yet these little Politico's had so little sense as to build all their hopes on the Gratitude and Insensibility of these Men as if they should for Liberty of Conscience arbitrarily and illegally granted and consequently revocable at the will of the Granter have sold themselves to everlasting Slavery They were equally mistaken in their carriage towards the Church of England party for when some of them had pursued both Clergy and Laity with the utmost obloquy hatred oppression and contempt to the very moment they found the Dutch storm would fall upon them Then all at once they passed to the other extream the Bishops are presently sent for the Government intirely to be put into their hands and all Places Presses and Papers fill'd with the Encomiums of the Church of England's Loyalty and Fidelity who but three days before were Male-contents if not Rebels and Traytors for opposing the Kings Dispensing Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission And which was the height of folly the same Pen which had been hired to defame and blacken the Church of England the Author of the Publick Occurrences truly stated was ordered to magnify its Loyalty By which they gained nothing but the intire and absolute disobliging the whole Protestant party in the Nation so that for the future no Body would serve or trust them To compleat their folly and madness they perswaded the King to throw up the Government and retire into France pretending we would never be able to agree amongst our selveâ— but would in a short time be forced to recal him and yield to all those things we had so violently opposed or if not he might yet at least force us to submit by the Succours he might gain in France without ever considering how possible it was we might agree and how difficult it would be to force us by a French Army which was equally contrary to the Interest of England and all Europe besides and to all intents and purposes destructive of the Interest of that Prince they pretended thus to exalt and re-establish Had France been now in Peace there might yet have been same colour for this but when all Europe was under a necessity to unite against him for its own preservation then to perswade the King of Great Britain to desert his Throne and fly thither for succour upon hopes of recovering his Kingdoms again by the assistance of the French the mortal and hereditary Enemies of the English this was so silly a Project that there seems to have been something of a
it will make an Annal suspected and seem a Fable to Posterity For who will believe that a King who had he acted agreeably to the true Interest of Himself and People might have been almost the Balance of Christendom who was prepared with a standing Army and always Remarkable for his Conduct in War should be invaded by a near Neighbour Son and Nephew and now in a Months time so generally deserted by his Nobility Gentry and Military Forces as to choose before the Sword was drawn to fly for Refuge to a Prince whose Title he and his Ancestors had long disputed This I say as the Learned Dr. Burnet Argues at large was the Lords doing and ought to be marvellous in our Eyes Diss. It was indeed an unparall'd Act of Providence but now our Deliverance is so far Compleated what are you Churchmen willing to do towards an Accommodation and to the Healing of those Differences which in a great measure have contributed to the Growth of Popery Ch. Though it be far above my Character to dictate what is fittest to be done at so great and difficult a Conjuncture yet my humble Wishes are that the Guardians and Supporters of our Church may resolve upon such Condescentions as may satisfy reasonable Men and prevent any longer Dissensions amongst us Yet this I would advise you and your Party i. e. to stay till you are Invited and not to thrust your selves into our Church We are now in the hopeful Crisis of our Fever and therefore you ought to take care left by tampering too much you disturb Nature in those methods she has took to digest her Humours and so ruine all I am not ignorant that at the beginning of the Reformation when a Church was to be made out of a Church several Ceremonies were retained in Compliance to that Age which a violent Alteration would have too much surprized but now the Humours of Men being changed may justly be laid aside On the other hand I am perswaded with the Author of Foxes and Firebrands that Rome has all along been industrious to foment our Divisions by sending us Emissaries who could artificially dissemble a tender Conscience and make credulous People believe that all the Decencies of our Worship were nothing but â—oppery Superstition and the Remainders of Popery Therefore I say my Wishes are that a Free and Unbyass'd Parliament will tread the middle path bearing an equal Respect to the Decenies of our Church and the tender Consciences of reasonable Men. Diss. Well Neighbour I am heartily glad to see these happy effects of our Calamities and as I think there can be no Government so perfectly appointed as to satisfy all yet I approve so well of your Temper and Wishes that I hope we may all Unite upon such or the like terms Ch. Therefore to end our Dispute I shall only now detain you with my hearty Prayers that the Result of this ensuing Convention on Ian. 22. may be happily to settle the Crown and that in the succeeding Parliament the management of these Difficulties may fall into the Hands of such Wise and Unbyass'd Persons that Peace and Truth may be established upon everlasting Foundations and no sinister Interest interrupt so great a Design Diss. Sir you have infinitely encouraged me to wait upon you oftner we being I think now either both Churchmen or both Dissenters Ch. Sir The Design of this Conference was to tell you freely my Sentiments and I intend ere long to make it more publick being willing to provoke some more learned and judicious Pen to perfect what I have here weakly attempted Farewel His Majesties Letter to the Lords and Others of his Privy Councel JAMES R. MY Lords When we saw that it was no longer safe for Us to remain within Our Kingdom of England and that thereupon We had taken Our Resolutions to withdraw for some time We left to be communicated to you and to all Our Subjects the Reasons of Our withdrawing And were likewise resolved at the same time to leave such Orders behind Us to you of our Privy Councel as might best suit with the present state of Affairs But that being altogether unsafe for Us at that time We now think fit to let you know that though it has been Our constant care since Our first Accession to the Crown to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that Our People who could not be destroy'd but by themselves might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine To prevent so great Mischief and to take away not only all just Causes but even Pretences of Discontent We freely and of our own accord redressed all those things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion And that we might be informed by the Councel and Advice of our Subjects themselves which way we might give them a further and a full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament And in order to it We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament in restoring the City of London and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out for the Parliaments meeting on the 15 th of Ianuary But the Prince of Orange seeing all the Ends of his Declaration answered the People beginning to be undeceived and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance and well fore-seeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed such a Settlement in all Probability would be made both in Church and State as would totally defeat his ambitious and unjust Designs resolved by all means possible to prevent the meeting of the Parliament And to do this the most effectual way he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament where there is any force on either of the Houses so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely where the Soveraign by whose Authority they Meet and Sit and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction is under actual Confinement The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London whose returning Loyalty We could no longer trust and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by Us and in that barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat because they are We doubt not by this time very well known and may we hope if enough considered and reflected upon together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England which by this Invasion he pretended to restore be sufficient to open the Eyes of all our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find-from him if
at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Soveraign Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the sense of these Indignities and the just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murther Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more injurious than the destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when He was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in His Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our selves by all means possible from that unjust Confinement and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of our own Person then that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand no change of Fortune shall ever make Us forget Our Selves so far as to condescend to any thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Us So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjâ—cts nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the true Interest of the English Nation which We ever did and ever must look upon as Our own Our Will and Pleasure thereof is That you of Our Privy Councel take the most effectual care to make these Our Gratious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about Our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general and to assure them that We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may have the best Opportunity of undeceiving Our People and shewing the Sincerity of those Protestations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law establish'd with such Indulgence for those that dissent from Her as We have always thought Our selves in Justice and Care of the general Welfare of Our People bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy Councel who can judg better by being upon the place are to send Us your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our returning and the accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require you in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid you heartily Farewel Given at St. Germans on Laye the 4 4 Ianuary 1688 9. And of Our Reign the fourth Year By his Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and Others of our Privy Councel of Our Kingdom of England Some Remarks on the late Kings pretended Letter to the LORDS and Others of his Privy Council IT begins thus My Lords When we saw that it was no longer safe for us to remain within our Kingdom of England c. His Majesty would have given great Satisfaction to the World in discovering where the Danger lay in tarrying here from whom and for what cause He is pleased to say farther We now think fit to let you know that though it has been our constant care since our first Accession to the Crown to govern our People with that Iustice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint c. I do not understand why his Majesty would not let us know these his Gracious Intentions before when they might have done Himself and Us Good. But quid verba audiam cum facta videam to what purpose are Words when we see Facts And as to his Moderation I appeal to the Pope himself or the French King who chiefly blame him for his Rashness and want of Temper and as for his Justice among a thousand publick Instances to the contrary he should remember his discountenancing and turning out of their Employments all such as would not enter into his Idolatrous Worship and comply with his illegal and arbitrary Designs Besides what Justice can Hereticks expect from a Prince who is not only a Papist but wholly devoted to the Order of the Jesuits and values himself for being a Member of those Reverend Cut-throats Yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that our People who could not be destroyed but by themselves The Design was to preserve the Nation from falling under the cruel Dominion of the French and to keep our selves from being dragg'd by the Hair of the Head to Mass and from undergoing all those Miseries which those of the same Religion and for the same Cause have endured now lately in France and Savoy To prevent so great a Mischief that is to say destroying our selves and to take away not only all just Causes but even Pretences of Discontent We freely and of our own accord redrest all those things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion I appeal to the common Faith of Mankind touching the Insinserity of these Words whether if this Invasion had not been these and worse Grievances had not followed And that we might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of our Subjects themselves which way we might give them a further and full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament c. The late Kings of England have been as desirous of a Parliament as Popes of a Free and General Council there being nothing they have more studiously avoided and greatlier feared But the Prince of Orange seeing all the Ends of his Declaration answered the People beginning to be undeceived and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance resolved by all possible means to prevent the meeting of the Parliament c. How far the Prince of Orange has been from preventing the meeting of a Parliament we need only consult our senses The hurrying us under a Guard from our City of London whose returning Loyalty we could no longer trust and the other Indignities we suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by us and in that barbarous Confinement of our own Person we shall not here repeat Do's any Man think the Prince of Orange would have had the same gentle Treatment from the King had he been in like manner under his Power And as to the