by the name of King Vermudo the Second who left after him Don Alonso the Fifth and he again his son Don Vermudo the Third who marrying his sister Dona Sancha that was Heir unto Don Ferdinando the first Earl and then King of Castile who was second son to Don Sancho Mayor King of Navar as before hath been said he join'd by these means the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile together which were separate before and so ended the line of Don Pelayo first Christian King of Spain after the entrance of the Moors which had endured now three hundred years and the Bloud of Navar entred as you see and so continued therein until the entrance of those of Austria as before hath been said which was almost five hundred years together And thus much I thought good to note out of the Histories of Spain for this first descent of the Spanish Kings after the entrance of the Moors neither mean I to pass much further both for that it would be too long as also for that mine Author Morales who is the most diligent that hath written the Chronicles of that Nation endeth here his History with King Vermudo the Third and last of the Gothish Bloud Notwithstanding if I would go on further there would not want divers evident Examples also to the same purpose which Stephen Garabay another Chronicler of Spain doth touch in the continuation of this History whereof for Examples sake only I will name two or three among the rest And first about the year of Christ 1201. there was a Marriage made by King John of England for Dona Blancha his Neece that is to say the daughter of his Sister Dame Eleanor and of Don Alonso the Ninth of that name King and Queen of Spain which Blancha was to marry the Prince of France named â—uys Son and Heir to King Philip sirnamed Augustus which Luys was afterwards King of France by the name of Luys the VIII and was Father to Luys the IX sirnamed the Saint This Lady Blancha was Neece as I have said unto King John and to King Richard the First of England for that her Mother Lady Eleanor was their sister and daughter to King Henry the Second and King John made this Marriage thereby to make peace with the French and was content to give for her Dowry for that he could not tell how to recover them again all those Towns and Countreys which the said King Philip had taken from the English by this King 's evil Government in Normandy and Gascony and moreover promise was made that if the Prince Henry of Spain that was the only brother to the Lady Blanch should die without issue as after he did then this Lady should succeed in the Crown of Spain also But yet afterwards the State of Spain would not perform this but rather admitted her younger sister Dona Berenguela married to the Prince of Leon and excluded both Blanch and her son the King S. Luys of France against the evident Right of Succession and propinquity of Bloud and the only Reason they yielded hereof was not to admit Strangers to the Crown as Garabay testifieth This happened then and I do note by the way that this Dona Berenguela second Daughter of Queen Eleanor the English Woman was married as hath been said to the Prince of Leon and had by him Don Fernando the Third of that name King of Castilia sirnamed also the Saint So as the two Daughters of an English Queen had two Kings Saints for their sons at one time the elder of France and the younger of Spain After this again about threescore years the Prince of Spain named Don Alonso sirnamed de la cerda for that he was born with a great gristle-hair on his breast called Cerda in Spanish which Don Alonso was Nephew to the King Fernando the Saint and married with the Daughter of Saint Luys King of France named also Blancha as her Grand-mother was and had by her two Sons called Alonso and Hornando de la cerda as the Prince their Father was named which Father of theirs dying before the King the Grand-father left them commended to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown yet for that a certain Uncle of theirs named Don Sancho younger Brother to their Father which Don Sancho was sirnamed afterwards el bravo for his valour and was a great Warriour and more like to manage well the matters of War than they he was made Heir apparent of Spain and they put back in their Grand-fathers time and by his and the Realms consent their father as I have said being dead and this was done in a General Parliament holden at Segovia in the year 1276. And after this Don Sancho was made King in the year 1284 and the two Princes put into prison but afterwards at the suit of their Uncle King Philip the Third of France they were let out again and endued with certain Lands and so they remain unto this day and of these do come the Dukes of Medina Celi and all the rest of the House of Cerda which are of much Nobility in Spain at this time and King Philip that reigneth cometh of Don Sancho the younger Brother Not long after this again when Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel King of Castile was driven out and his bastard brother Henry the Second set up in his place as before hath been mentioned the Duke of Lancaster John of Gant having married Dona Constantia the said King Peter's daughter and Heir pretended by Succession the said Crown of Castile as indeed it appertained unto him but yet the State of Spain denied it flatly and defended it by Arms and they prevailed against John of Gant as did also the race of Henry the Bastard against his lawful Brother and the race of Don Sancho the Uncle against his lawful Nephews as hath been shewed and that of Dona Berenguela against her elder Sister all which Races do reign unto this day and these three Changes of the True Line happened within two Ages and in the Third and principal descent of the Spanish Kings when this matter of Succession was most assuredly and perfectly established and yet who will deny but that the Kings of Spain who hold by the latter Titles at this day are true and lawful Kings Well one Example will I give you more out of the Kingdom of Portugal and so will I make an end with these Countreys This King Henry the Bastard last named King of Spain had a son that succeeded him in the Crown of Spain named John the First who married the Daughter and Heir named Dona Beatrix of King Fernando the First of Portugal but yet after the death of the said King Fernando the States of Portugal would never agree to admit him for their King for not subjecting themselves by that means to the Castilians and for that cause they rather took for their King a Bastard
that course was altered again and Henry his Son admitted for King And thus much of the Sons of King Henry II. But of his Daughters by the same Lady Eleanor Heir of Gascony Belforest in his Story of France hath these words following King Henry had four Daughters by Eleanor of Aquitain the eldest whereof was married to Alonso the IX of that name King of Castile of which Marriage issued Queen Blanch Mother to S. Lewis King of France The second of these two Daughters was espoused to Alexis Emperour of Constantinople The third was married to the Duke of Saxony and the fourth was given to the Earl of Tholosa Thus being the French Stories of these Daughters Of the marriage of the eldest Daughter of these four whose name was Eleanor also as her Mothers was with King Alonso the IX of Castile there succeeded many Children but only one son that lived whose name was Henry who was King of Castile after his Father by the name of Henry the I and â—ied quickly without Issue and besides this Henry two Daughters also were born of the same marriage of which the eldest and Heir named Blanch was married by intercession of her Uncle King John of England with the foresaid Prince Lewis of France with this express condition as both Polydor in his English Story and Garibay the Chronicler of Spain do affirm that she should have for her Dowry all the States that King John had lost in France which were almost all that he had there and this to the end he might not seem to have lost them by force but to have given them with the marriage of his Neece and so this marriage was made and her Husband Lewis was afterward chosen also King of England by the Barons and sworn in London as before hath been said And hereby also the Infanta of Spain before mentioned that is descended lineally from both these Princes I mean as well from Queen Blanch as from Lewis is proved to have her pretence fortified to the Interest of England as afterwards shall be declared more at large in due place The second Daughter of King Alonso the IX by Queen Eleanor was named Berenguela and was married to the Prince of Leon in Spain and had by him a Son named Fernando who afterwards when King Henry her Brother was dead was admitted by the Castilians for their King by the name of Fernando the IV. as before the Civilian hath noted and Blanch with her Son S. Lewis though she were the elder was put by the Crown against all right of Succession as Garibay the Spanish Chronicler noteth and confesseth Hereby then some do gather that as the first Interest which the Crown of England had to the States of Gascony Guyenne and Poyters came by a woman so also did it come to France by the right of this foresaid Blanch whereof the favourers of the Infanta of Spain do say that she being now first and next in bloud of that House ought to inherit all these and such like States as are inheritable by women or came by women as the former States of Gascony and Guyenne did to King Henry the II by Queen Eleanor his wife and Normandy by Mathilda his mother and both of them to France by this former interest of Blanch. And more they say that this Lady Blanch mother to King S. Lewis whose Heir at this day the Infanta of Spain is should by right have inherited the Kingdom of England also after the murther of Duke Arthur and his Sister Eleanor for that she was the next of â—in unto them at that time which could be capable to succeed them for that King John himself was uncapable of their succession whom he had murthered and his Son Henry was not then born nor in divers years after and if he had been yet could he receive no Interest thereunto by his Father who had none himself of all which points there will be more particular occasion to speak hereafter Now then I come to speak of King Henry the third who was Son to this King John and from whom all the three Houses before mentioned of Britany Lancaster and York do seem to issue as a triple branch out of one Tree albeit the Royal Line of Britany is more ancient and was divided before even from William the Conquerors time as hath been shewed yet do they knit again in this King Henry for that of King Henry the third his eldest Son named Prince Edward the first descended Edward the second and of him Edward the third from whom properly riseth the House of York And of his second Son Edmond surnamed Crookback County Palatine of Lancaster issued the Dukes of Lancaster until in the third descent when the Lady Blanch Heir of that House matched with John of Gaunt third Son of King Edward the third from which marriage rose afterward the formal division of these two Houses of Lancaster and York and also two distinct branches of Lancaster Besides these two Sons King Henry the third had a Daughter named Lady Beatrix whom he married to John the second of that name Duke of Britany who after was slain at Lions in France by the fall of an old Wall at the Coronation of Pope Clement the 5th of that name in the year of Christ 1298. and for that the Friends of the Infanta of Spain do seek to strengthen her Title by this her descent also of the Royal bloud of England from Henry the third as afterward shall be declared I will briefly in this place continue the Pedegree of the House of Britany from that I left before even to our days I shewed before in this Chapter that Geoffry the third Son to King Henry the second and Duke of Britany by his wife being dead and his two Children Arthur and Eleanor put to death by their Uncle King John in England as before hath been said it fell out that Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britany married again to Guy Viscount of Tours and had by him two Daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany and married to Peter Brien Earl of Drusse and by him had John the first of that name Duke of Britany which John the first had issue John the second who married Lady Beatrix before-mentioned Daughter to King Henry the third and by her had the second Arthur Duke of Britany to whom succeeded his eldest Son by his first Wife named John the third who dying without Issue left the very same trouble and garboil in Britany about the succession between the two noble Houses of Blois and Monford the one maintained by France and the other by England as soon after upon the very like occasion happen'd in England between the Houses of Lancaster and York as after shall be shewed And not long after that again the like affliction also ensued in France though not for succession but upon other occasions between
same House as descended by the daughter of the first Brother Edward Duke of York and King of England and then the Earl of Huntington and his generation as also the Pools Barringtons and others before named are or may be Titlers of York as descended of George Duke of Clarence second Son of Richard Duke of York all which Issue yet seem to remain only within the compass of the House of York for that by the former Pedegree of the House of Lancaster it seemeth to the favourers of this House that none of these other Competitors are properly of the Line of Lancaster for that King Henry the 7th coming only of John of Gaunt by Catharine Swinford his third Wife could have no part in Lady Blanch that was only Inheritor of that House as to these men seemeth evident Only then it remaineth for the ending of this Chapter to explain somewhat more clearly the descent of King Henry the 7th and of his Issue For better understanding whereof you must consider that King Henry the 7th being of the House of Lancaster in the manner that you have heard and marrying Elizabeth the eldest daughter of the contrary House of York did seem to joyn both Houses together and make an end of that bloudy controversie though others now will say no But howsoever that was which after shall be examined clear it is that he had by that marriage one only Son that left Issue and two daughters his Son was King Henry the 8th who by three several Wives had three Children that have reigned after him to wit King Edward the 6th by Queen Jane Seymer Queen Mary by Queen Catharine of Spain and Queen Elizabeth by Queen Anne Bullen of all which three Children no Issue hath remained so as now we must return to consider the Issue of his daughters The eldest daughter of King Henoy the seventh named Margaret was married by her first mariage to James the fourth King of Scots who had Issue James the fifth and he again Lady Mary late Queen of Scots and Dowager of France put to death not long ago in England who left Issue James the sixth now King of Scots And by her second marriage the said Lady Margaret after the death of King James the fourth took for husband Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus in Scotland by whom she had one only daughter named Margaret which was married to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox and by him she had two Sons to wit Henry Lord Darly and Charles Steward Henry married the foresaid Lady Mary Queen of Scotland and was murthered in Edenbrough in the year 1566. as the World knoweth and Charles his Brother married Elizabeth the daughter of Sir William Candish in England by whom he had one only daughter yet living named Arabella another competitor of the Crown of England by the House of York and thus much of the first daughter of King Henry the seventh Mary the second daughter of King Henry the seventh and younger Sister to King Henry the eighth was married first to Lewis the XII King of France by whom she had no Issue and afterward to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk by whom she had two daughters to wit Frances and Eleanor the Lady Frances was married first to Henry Gray Marquess of Dorset and after Duke of Suffolk beheaded by Queen Mary and by him she had three daughters to wit Jane Catharine and Mary the Lady Jane eldest of the three was married to Lord Guilford Dudly Son to John Dudly late Duke of Northumberland with whom I mean with her Husband and Father in Law she was beheaded soon after for being proclaimes Queen upon the death of King Edward the sixth the Lady Catharine second daughter married first the Lord Henry Herbert Earl of Pembroke and left by him again she dyed afterward in the Tower where she was prisoner for having had two Children by Edward Seymer Earl of Hertford without sufficient proof that she was married unto him and the two Children are yet living to wit Henry Seymer commonly called Lord Beacham and Edward Seymer his Brother The Lady Mary the third Sister though she was betrothed to Arthur Lord Gray of Wilton and married after to Martin Keyes Gentleman-Porter yet hath she left no Issue as far as I understand This then is the end of the Issue of Lady Frances first of the two daughters of Queen Mary of France by Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk for albeit the said Lady Frances after the beheading of the said Henry Lord Gray Duke of Suffolk her first Husband married again one Adrian Stokes her Servant and had a Son by him yet it lived not but dyed very soon after Now then to speak of the younger daughter of the said French Queen and Duke named Eleanor she was married to Henry Clifford Earl of Cumberland who had by her a daughter named Margaret that was married to Lord Henry Stanley Earl of Darby by whom she hath a plentiful Issue as Ferdinand now Earl of Darby William Stanley Francis Stanley and others and this is all that needeth to be spoken of these descents of our English Kings Princes Peers or Competitors to the Crown for this place and therefore now it resteth only that we begin to examine what different pretentions are fram'd by divers Parties upon these descents and Genealogies which is the principal point of this our discourse CHAP. IV. Of the great and general controversie and contention between the two Houses Royal of Lancaster and York and which of them may seem to have had the better Right to the Crown by way of Succession ANd first of all before I do descend to treat in particular of the different pretences of several persons and families that have issued out of these two Royal lineages of Lancaster and York it shall perhaps not be amiss to discuss with some attention what is or hath or may be said on both sides for the general controversie that lyeth between them yet undecided in many mens opinions notwithstanding there hath been so much stir about the same and not only writing and disputing but also fighting and murthering for many years And truly if we look into divers Histories Records and Authors which have written of this matter we shall find that every one of them speaking commonly according to the time wherein they lived for that all such as wrote in the time of the three Henries fourth fifth and sixth Kings of the House of Lancaster they make the title of Lancaster very clear and undoubted but such others as wrote since that time while the House of York hath held the Scepter they have spoken in a far different manner as namely Polydor that wrote in King Henry the VIII his time and others that have followed him since to take all right from the House of Lancaster and give the same to the House of York wherefore the best way I suppose will be not so much to consider
in the House of York these men endeavour to shew all the contrary to wit that there was nothing else but suspition hatred and emulations among themselves and extreme cruelty of one against the other and so we see that as soon almost as Edward Duke of York came to be King George Duke of Clarence his younger Brother conspired against him and did help to drive him out again both from the Realm and Crown In recompence whereof his said elder Brother afterward notwithstanding all the reconciliation and many others that passed between them of new love and union caused him upon new grudges to be taken and murthered privily at Calis as all the World knoweth And after both their deaths Richard their third Brother murthered the two Sons of his said elder Brother and kept in prison whiles he lived the Son and Hâ—ir of his second Brother I mean the young Earl of Warwick though he were but a very Child whom King Henry the seventh afterward put to death But King Henry the eighth that succeeded them passed all the rest in cruelty toward his own kindred for he weeded out almost all that ever he could find of the Bloud Royal of York and this either for emulation or causes of meer suspicion only For first of all he beheaded Edmond de la Pole Duke of Suffolk Son of his own Aunt Lady Elizabeth that was Sister to King Edward the fourth which Edward was Grandfather to King Henry as is evident The like destruction King Henry went about to bring to Richard de la Pole Brother to the said Edmond if he had not escaped his hands by flying the Realm whom yet he never ceased to pursue until he was slain in the battel of Pavia in service of the King of France by whose death was extinguished the noble house of the de la Poles Again the said King Henry put to death Edward Duke of Buckingham high Constable of England the Son of his great Aunt Sister to the Queen Elizabeth his Grandmother and thereby overthrew also that worthy House of Buckingham and after again he put to death his Cousen-jerman Henry Câ—urtâ—â—y Marquess of Excester Son of the Lady Catherine his Aunt that was Daughter of King Edward the fourth and attained joyntly with him his Wife the Lady Gertrude taking from her all her goods lands and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only Son and Heir Lord Edward Courtney being then but a Child of seven years old which remained so there until many years after he was set at liberty and restored to his living by Queen Mary Moreover he put to death the Lady Margaret Plantagenet Countess of Salisbury Daughter of George Duke of Clarence that was Brother of his Grandfather King Edward the fourth and with her he put to death also her eldest Son and Heir Thomas Poole Lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soon after also he ended his life a little Infant named Henry Poole his Son and Heir and condemned to death by act of Parliament although absent Renald Poole Brother to the said Lord Montague Cardinal in Rome whereby he overthrew also the Noble House of Salisbury and Warwick neither need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixth put to death two of his own Uncles the Seymers or at least it was done by his authority and how that under her Majesty that now is the Queen of Scotland that was next in kin of any other living and the chief titler of the House of York hath been put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that there is no noble house standing at this day in England in the antient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it was in when the House of York entered to the Crown if it be above the State of a Barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the Houses of Lancaster and that all other great Houses that took part with the House of York and did help to ruine the House of Lancaster are either ceased since or extiâ—pated and overthrown by the same House of York it self which they assisted to get the Crown and so at this present they are either united to the Crown by confiscation or transferred to other lineages that are strangers to them who possessed them before As for example the ancient Houses of England that remain at this day and were standing when the House of York began their title are the House of Arundel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland and Shrewsbury for all others that are in England at this day above the dignity of Barons have been advanced since that time and all these five houses were these that principally did stick unto the House of Lancaster as is evident by all English Chronicles For that the Earl of Arundel brought in King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster and did help to place him in the Dignity-Royal coming out of France with him The Earl of Oxford and his Son the Lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of King Henry the sixth as they were both slain by King Edward the fourth and John Earl of Oxford was one of the principal assistants of Henry the seventh to take the Crown from Richard the third The House of Northumberland also was a principal aider to Henry the fourth in getting the Crown and two Earls of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slain in the quarrel of King Henry the sixth one in the battel of St. Albans and the other of Saxton and a third Earl named Henry the fourth fled into Scotland with the said King Henry the sixth The House of Westmerland also was chief advancer of Henry the fourth to the Crown and the second Earl of that House was slain in the party of Henry the sixth in the said battel of Saxton and John Earl of Shrewsbury was likewise slain in defence of the title of Lancaster in the battel of Nâ—rthampton And I omit many other great services and faithful endeavoure which many Princes of these five noble ancient houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian Kings which these men say that God hath rewarded wiâ—â— continuance of their houses unto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that all the old houses that principally assisted The title of York are now extinguished and that chiefly by the Kings themselves of that house as for example the principal Peers that assisted the family of York were Mâ—â—â—ray Duke of Norfolk de la Poole Duke of Suffolk the Earl of Saâ—isâ—uâ—y and the Earl of Warwiâ—k of all which the event was this John Moubray Duke of Nâ—rfolk the first considerate of the House of York died soon after the exaltation of Edward the fourth without Issue and so that name
Succession or Right of Women which the Kingdom of France in it self doth not as is known and consequently a Woman may be Heir to the one without the other that is to say she may be Heir to some particular states of France inheritable by Women though not to the Crown it self and so do pretend to be the two Daughters of France that were Sisters to the late King Henry III. which Daughters were married the one to the King of Spain that now is who had Issue by her the Infanta of Spain yet unmarried and her younger Sister married to the Duke of Savoy and the other to wit the younger Daughter of the King of France was married to the Duke of Lorrain yet living by whom she had the Prince of Lorrain and other Children that live at this day This then being so clear as it is first that according to the common course of Succession in England and other Countries and according to the course of all Common Law the Infanâ—a of Spain should inherit the whole Kingdom of France and all other States thereunto belonging she being the Daughter and Heir of King Henry II. of France whose Issue-male of the direct line is wholly extinct but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique to exclude Women which we English have ever denied to be good until now hereby cometh it to pass that the King of Navarr pretendeth to enter and to be preferred before the said Infanta or her Sisters Children though Male by a Collateral Line But yet her favourers say I mean those of the Infanta that from the Dukedoms of Britany Aquitain and the like that came to the Crown of France by Women and are Inheritable by Women she cannot be in right debarred as neither from any Succession or Pretence to England if either by the Bloud-Royal of France Britany Aquitain or of England it self it may be proved that she hath any Interest thereunto as her favourers do affirm that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient Bloud-Royal of England even from the Conquest by the elder Daughter of William the Conquerour married to Allain Fergant Duke of Britany as hath been shewed before in the second Chapter and other places of this Conference And of this they infer three Consequences First when the Sons of the Conquerour died without Issue or were made uncapable of the Crown as it was presumed at least-wise of King Henry I. last Son of the Conquerour that he lost his Right for the violence used to his elder Brother Robert and unto William the said Robert's Son and Heir they say these men ought the said Dutchess of Britany to have entred as eldest Sister Secondly they say That when Duke Robert that both by right of Birth and by express Agreement with William Rufus and with the Realm of England should have succeeded next after the said Rufus came to die in Prison the said Lady Constance should have succeeded him for that his Brother Henry being culpable of his Death could not in right be his Heir And thirdly they say That at least wise after the death of the said King Henry I. she and her Son I mean Lady Constance and Conan Duke of Britany should have entred before King Stephen who was born of Adela the younger Daughter of William the Conquerour Secondly they do alledge That the Infanta of Spain descendeth also lineally from Lady Eleanor eldest Daughter of King Henry II. married to King Alonso the ninth of that name King of Castile whose eldest Daughter and Heir named Blanch for that their only Son Henry died without Issue married with the Prince Lewis VIII of France who was Father by her to King St. Lewis of France and so hath continued the Line of France unto this day and joyned the same afterwards to the House of Britany as hath been declared So as the Infanta cometh to be Heir general of both those Houses that is as well of Britany as France as hath been shewed And now by this her descent from Queen Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. her favourers do found divers Pretences and Titles not only to the States of Aquitain that came to her Father by a Woman but also to England in manner following First for Aquitain they say it came to King Henry II. by his Wife Eleanor Daughter of William Duke of Aquitain as before in the second Chapter at large hath been declared and for that the most part thereof was lost afterwards to the French in King John's time that was fourth Son to the aforesaid King Henry it was agreed between the said King John and the French-King Philip that all the States of Aquitain already lost to the French should be given in Dowry with the said Blanch to be married to Lewis VIII then Prince of France and so they were And moreover they do alledge That not long after this the same States with the residue that remained in King John's hands were all adjudged to be forfeited by the Parliament of Paris for the Death of Duke Arthur and consequently did fall also upon this Lady Blanch as next Heir capable of such Succession unto King John for that yet the said King John had no Son at all and for this cause and for that the said States are Inheritable by Women and came by Women as hath been often said these men affirm That at this day they do by Succession appertain unto the said Lady Infanta of Spain and not unto the Crown of France To the Succession of England also they make pretence by way of the said Lady Blanch married into France and that in divers manners First for that King John of England by the Murther of Duke Arthur of Britany his Nephew which divers Authors do affirm as Stow also witnesseth was done by King John's own hands he forfeited all his States though his right to them had been never so good and for that this Murther happened in the fifth year of his Reign and four years before his Son Henry was born none was so near to succeed at that time as was this Lady Blanch married into France for that she was Daughter and Heir unto King John's elder Sister Eleanor or the said Lady Eleanor her self Queen of Spain should have succeeded for that she yet lived and died not as appeareth by Stephen Garribay Chronicler of Spain until the year of Christ 1214. which was not until the fifteenth year of the Reign of King John and one year only before he died so as he having yet no Issue when this Murther was committed and losing by this forfeit all the right he had in the Kingdom of England it followeth that the same should have gone then to his said Sister and by her to this Lady Blanch her Heir and eldest Daughter married into France as hath been said which forfeit also of King John these men do confirm by his
Deprivation by the Pope that soon after ensued as also by another Deprivation made by the Barons of his Realm as after shall be touched Furthermore they say That when Arthur Duke of Britain whom to this effect they do hold to have been the only true Heir at that time to the Kingdom of England was in Prison in the Castle of Roan suspecting that he should be murthered by his said Unkle King John he nominated this Lady Blanch his Cousin-jerman to be his Heir perswading himself that he by the help of her Husband Prince Lewis of France and her Father the King of Spain should be better able to defend and recover his or her right to the Crown of England than Eleanor his own Sister should be who was also in the hands of his said Unkle for that he supposed that she should be made away by himself shortly after as indeed the French Chronicler affirmeth that she was And howsoever this matter of Duke Arthur's Testament was yet certain it is that when he and his Sister were put to death the next in Kin that could succeed them in their right to England was this Lady Blanch and her Mother Queen Eleanor that was Sister to Arthur's Father Geffrey Duke of Britany for that King John their Unkle was presumed by all men to be uncapable of their Inheritance by his putting of them to death and Child he had yet none And this is the second point that these men do deduce for the Lady Infanta of Spain by the title of Queen Eleanor and her Daughter Blanch to whom the Infanta is next Heir A third Interest also the same men do derive to the Infanta by the actual Deposition of King John by the Barons and States of this Realm in the 16 th year of his Reign and by the Election and actual Admission of Lewis Prince of France Husband of Lady Blanch whom they chose with one consent and admitted and swore him Fealty and Obedience in London for him and for his Heirs and Posterity in the year 1217. and gave him Possession of the said City and Tower of London and of many other chief places of the Realm and albeit afterwards the most part of the Realm changed their minds upon the sudden death of the said King John and chose and admitted his young Son Henry III. a Child of 9 years old yet do the favourers of the Infanta say That there remaineth to her as Heir unto the said Lewis until this day that Interest which by this Election Oath and Admission of the Realm remained unto this Prince Lewis which these men affirm to be the very like case as was that of Hugo Capetus in France who came to be King especially upon a certain Title that one of his Ancestors named Odo Earl of Paris had by being once elected King of France and admitted and sworn though afterwards he was deposed again and young Charles surnamed the Simple was admitted in his place as Henry III. was in England after the Election of Lewis But yet as the other ever continued his Right and Claim till it was restored to Hugo Capetus one of his Race so say these men may this Infanta continue and renew now the Demand of King Lewis her Ancestor for that Titles and Interests to Kingdoms once rightly gotten do never die but remain ever for the Posterity to effectuate when they can And thus much of this matter But after this again these men do shew how that the said Infanta of Spain doth descend also from Henry III. son of King John by the Dukes of Britany as before in the second Chapter hath been declared and in the Arbor and Genealogy following in the end of this Conference shall be seen for that King Henry besides his two Sons Edward and Edmond which were the beginners of the two Houses of York and Lancaster had also a Daughter named Beatrix married to John the second of that Name Duke of Britany and by him she had Arthur II. and so lineally from him have descended the Princes of that House until their Union with the Crown of France and from thence unto this Lady Infanta of Spain that now is who taketh her self for proper Heir of the said House of Britany and Heir general of France as hath been said By this Conjunction then of the House of Britany with the Bloud-Royal of England the Friends of the Infanta do argue in this manner That seeing she descendeth of the Sister of these two Brothers which were the Heads of the two opposite Houses of Lancaster and York and considering that each of these Houses hath often-times been Attainted and Excluded from the Succession by sundry Acts of Parliament and at this present are opposite and at contention among themselves why may not this right of both Houses say these men by way of Composition Peace and Comprize at least be passed over to the Issue of their Sister which resteth in the Infanta Again they say That all these three Branches of the Lines to wit by the Lady Constance Daughter of King William the Conquerour by the Lady Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. and by the Lady Beatrix Daughter of King Henry III. it is evident that this Lady the Infanta of Spain is of the true ancient Bloud-Royal of England and that divers ways she may have Claim to the same which being granted they infer That seeing matters are so doubtful at this day about the next lawful Succession and that divers of the Pretenders are excluded some for Bastardy some other for Religion some for unaptness to Govern and some for other Causes and seeing the Commonwealth hath such Authority to dispose in this Affair as before the Civil-Lawyer hath declared why may there not Consideration be had among other Pretenders of this noble Princess also say these men especially seeing she is unmarried and may thereby commodate many matters and salve many breaches and satisfie many hopes and give contentment to many desires as the world knoweth And this is in effect as much as I have heard alledged hitherto in favour of the Infanta of Spain but against this Pretence others do produce divers Arguments and Objections As first of all That these her Claims be very old and worn out and are but Collateral by Sisters Secondly That she is a Stranger and Alien born Thirdly That her Religion is contrary to the State Unto all which Objections the favourers aforesaid do make their Answers And to the first they say That Antiquity hurteth not the goodness of a Title when occasion is offered to advance the same especially â—n Titles belonging to Kingdoms which commonly are never presumed to die as hath been said and nullum tempus occurrit Regi saith our Law And as for Collateral Lines they say That they may lawfully be admitted to enter when the direct Lines do either fail or are excluded for other just respects as in our Case they hold that
were exasperated by the proceedings of their seventh King named Lucius Tarquinus surnamed the proud who for that as Livius saith he neglected the Laws of Government prescribed to him by the Commonwealth as namely in that he consulted not with the Senate in matters of great importance and for that he made War and Peace of his own head and for that he appointed to himself a Guard as though he had mistrusted the People and for that he did use Injustice to divers particular men and suffered his Children to be insolent he was Expelled with all his Posterity and the Government of Rome changed from a Kingdom unto the Regiment of Consuls after that the other had endured two hundred years And thus much for those Kingdoms of Italy and Greece And if likewise we will look upon other Kingdoms of Europe we shall see the very same to wit that every Kingdom and Country hath its Laws prescribed â—o their Kings by the Common-wealth both for their Government Authority and Succession in the same For if we behold the Roman Empire it self as it is at this day annexed to the German Electors though it be the first in dignity among Christian Princes yet shall we see it so restrained by particular Laws as the Emperor can do much less than other Kings in theirs for he can neither make War nor exact any contribution of Men or Money thereunto but by the free leave and consent of the German Dyet or Parliament and for his Children or next in Kin they have no Action Interest or Pretence at all to succeed in their Fathers Dignity but only by free Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay one of the chiefest points that the Emperor must swear at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this That he shall never go about to make the Dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his Family but leave it unto the seven Electors free in their power to chuse his Successor according to the Law made by Pope Gregory the fifth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalf The Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia do go much after the same fashion both for their restraint of Power and Succession to their Kings For first touching their Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellans neither may their Children or next of Bloud succed except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are far more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner For as touching Authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every Ordination of these two Kings is Law in it self without further approbation of the Commonwealth where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament But in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and Bishops and States of the Realm as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Counsels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own Son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworn by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practiced in our days towards three or four of King Philip's Children which have succeeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings Children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male. For which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were Son and Heir unto a Daughter of France whose three Brethren were Kings and left her sole Heir to her Father King Philip the fourth surnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown as also was the King of Navar at the same time who was Son and Heir unto this Womans eldest Brothers Daughter named Lewis Huttin King of France which King of Navar thereby seemed to be before King Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a Brothers Son of Philip the Fair was preferred to it by general Decree of the States of France and by Verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same Affair Neither did it avail that the two Kings aforesaid alledged That it was against Reason and Conscience and Custom of all Nations to exclude Women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained to them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as appeareth by Example of all other Nations and in the Old Testament among the People of God it self where we see Women have been admitted unto Kingdoms by Succession But all this I say prevailed not with the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by descent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest Child of the last Kings eldest Sister The like Exclusion is made against the Prince of Lorrain that now liveth though he be a Man and Nephew to the last King for that his Title is by a Woman to wit his Mother that was younger Sister unto the last King Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by virtue whereof they pretend to Exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confess and much less made by Pharamond their first King or in those ancient times as others without ground do afirm yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all Princes and Subjects of that Realm to observe the same and to alter the course of natural descent and nearness of Bloud as we have seen and that the King of Navar and some other of his Race by vertue of this only Law do pretend at this day to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearness of Bloud they be farther off by many degrees from the last King Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the Prince of Lorrain that now is who are Children of his
of Kin also to King Henry the eighth of England yet could he never get to be restored but passed his time miserably partly in Banishment and partly in Prison until he died But it shall be best perhaps to end this short Narration with an Example or two out of England it self for that no where else have I read more remarkable accidents touching this point than in England but for brevity sake I shall only touch two or three that have happened since the Conquest for that I will go no higher though I might as appeareth by the Example of King Edwin and others neither will I begin to stand much upon the Example of King John though well also I might for that by his evil Government he made himself both so odious at home and contemptible abroad having lost Normandy Gascoin Guyen and all the rest in effect which the Crown of England had in France as first of all he was both Excommunicated and Deposed by the Sentence of the Pope at the Suit of his own people and was forced to make his peace by resigning his Crown into the hands of Pandulf the Pope's Legaâ—e as Polidor recounteth and afterwards falling back again to his old defects and naughty Government albeit by his promise to the Pope to go and make War against the Turks if he might be quiet at home and that his Kingdom should be perpetually tributary to the See of Rome he procured him to be of his side for a time and against the Barons yet that stayed not them to proceed to his Deprivation which they did effectuate first at Canterbury and after at London in the 18 th and last year of King John's Reign and meant also to have disinherited his Son Henry which was afterwards named King Henry the 3 d. and at that time a Child of Eight years old only and all this in punishment of the Father if he had lived and for that cause they called into England Lodowick Prince of France Son to King Philip the second and Father to St. Lewis the ninth and chose him for their King and did swear him Fealty with general consent in London in the year of our Lord 1216. And but that the Death of King John that presently ensued alter'd the whole course of that defignment and moved them to turn their purposes and accept of his Son Henry before matters were fully established for King Lodowick it was most likely that France and England would have been joyned by these means under a Crown But in the end as he said King Henry the third was admitted and he proved a very worthy King after so evil as had gone before him and had been Deposed which is a circumstance that you must always note in this Narration and he reigned more years than ever King in England did before him for he reigned full Fifty three years and left his Son and Heir Edward the first not inferiour to himself in Manhood and Virtue who reigned 34 years and left a Son named Edward the second who falling into the same or worse defects of Government than King John his Great-Grand-father had done was after 19 years reign Deposed also by Act of Parliament holden at London in the year 1326. and his Body adjudg'd to perpetual Imprisonment he being Prisoner at that present in the Castle of Wallingford whither divers both Bishops Lords and Knights of the Parliament were sent unto him to denounce the Sentence of the Realm against him viz. How they had deprived him and chosen Edward his Son in his stead For which act of choosing his Son he thanked them heartily and with many tears acknowledged his own unworthiness whereupon he was degraded his Name of King first taken from him and he appointed to be called Edward of Carnarvan from that hour forward and then his Crown and Ring were taken away and the Steward of his House brake the Staff of his Office in his presence and discharged his Servants of their Service and all other people of their Obedience or Allegiance towards him And towards his maintenance he had only a hundred Marks a year allowed for his Expences and then was he delivered also into the hands of certain particular Keepers who led him Prisoner from thence by divers other places using him with extreme indignity in the way until at last they took his Life from him in the Castle of Barklay and his Son Edward the third reigned in his place who if we respect either Valour Prowess length of Reign Acts of Chivalry or the multitude of famous Princes his Children left behind him was one of the noblest Kings that ever England had though he were chosen in the place of a very evil one as you have seen But what shall we say Is this worthiness which God giveth commonly to the Successors at these changes perpetual or certain by Descent No truly noâ— the example of one Prince's punishment maketh another to bewares for the next Successor after this noble Edwardâ— which was King Richard the second though he were not his Son but his Sons Son to wit Son and Heir to the renowned Black Prince of Walâ—s This Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his Great-Grand-father for evil Government and the felicity and virtue of his Father and Grand-father for the contrary suffered himself to be abused and misled by evil Counsellors to the great hurt and disquiet of the Realm For which cause after he had reigned 22 years he was also Deposed by Act of Parliament holden in London in the year of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetual Imprisonment in the Castle of Pontefract where he was soon after put to death also and used as the other before had been And in this man's place by free Election was chosen for King the noble Knight Henry Duke of Lancaster who proved afterwards so notable a King as the World knoweth and was Father to King Henry the fifth commonly called the Alexander of England for that as Alexander the Great conquered the most part of Asia in the space of 9 or 10 years so did this Henry conquer France in less than the like time I might reckon also in this number of Princes Deposed for defect in Government though otherwise he were no evil man in life this King Henry the fourths Nephew I mean King Henry the sixth who after almost forty years Reign was Deposed and Imprisoned and put to death also together with his Son the Prince of Wales by Edward the fourth of the House of York and the sameâ— was confirmed by the Commons and especially by the people of London and afterwards also by publick Act of Parliament in respect not only of the Title which King Edward pretended but also and especially for that King Henry did suffer himself to be over-ruled by the Queen his Wife and had broken the Articles of Agreement made by the Parliament between
Lord 1582. when Don Philip now King of Spain re-united again unto that Crown the Kingdom of Portugal which was the last piece that remained seperated and this was almost 900 years after Spain was first lost But now to our purpose the Chronicler of Spain named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his Chronicle a certain Law written in the Gothish Tongue and left since the time of this Don Pelayo the first King after the universal Destruction of Spain and the Title of the Law is this Como se an de levantar Rey in Espua y como el ha de jurar los fueros that is to say How men must make their King in Spain and how he must swear to the Priviledges and Liberties of that Nation And then he putteth the Law whereof the first saith thus Before all things it is Established for a Law Liberty and Priviledge of Spain that the King is to be placed by voices and consent perpetually and this to the intent that no evil King may enter without consent of the people seeing they are to give him that which with their Bloud and Labours they have gained from the Moors Thus far goeth this first Article which is the more to be marked for that divers and those most ancient Spanish Authors do say That from this Don Pelayo the Succession of Kings descended ever by propinquity of Bloud and yet we see that Election was joyned therewithall in express terms The second part of the Law containeth the manner of Ceremonies used in these old days at the admission of their Kings which is expressed in these words Let the King be chosen and admitted in the Metropolitan City of this Kingdom or at least wise in some Cathedral Church and the night before he is exalted let him watch all night in the Church and the next day let him hear Mass and let him offer at Mass a piece of Scarlet and some of his own Money and after let him Communicate and when they come to lift him up let him step upon a Buckler or Target and the chief and principal men there present hold the Target and so lifting him up let them and the people cry with a lowd voice Real Real Real Then let the King command some of his own Money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundred shillings And to the end he may give all people to understand that none now is above him let himself tie on his own Sword in the form of a cross and let no Knight or other Man bear a Sword that day but only the King This was the old fashion of making Kings in Spain which in effect and substance remaineth still though the manner thereof be somewhat altered for that the Spanish Kings are not Crowned but have another Ceremony for their admission equal to Coronatron which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo Primate of all Spain as the other Coronations before-mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperour and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the King of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Prague to the King of Bohemia and the Archbishop of Braga to the King of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King of England and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the King of France of which Realm of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particular seeing it is so good a Kingdom and so near to England not only in Scituation but also in Laws Manners and Customs And as the Race of English Kings have come from them in divers manners since the Conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal Ceremonies and Circumstances of this Action of Coronation have been received in like manner from them First then touching the act of Coronation and Admission of the King of France even as before I have said of Spain so also in this Kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath endured in substance from their first Christian King named Clodoveus unto this day which is about 1100 years for that Clodoveus was christened in the year of our Lord 490 in the City of Rhemes by St Remigius Bishop of that City and Anointed also and Crowned King by same Bishop which manner and order of Anointing and Coronation endured for about 600 years unto the time of Henry the first and King Philip the first his Son both Kings of France At what time which is about 500 years ago both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do testifie that there was a peculiar Book in the Library of the Church of Bevais containing the particular Order of this Action which had endured from Clodoveus unto that time Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnity of Officers in the Coronation and other like Circumstances was far different at that time from that which is now for that in those days there were no Peers of France appointed to assist the same Coronation which now are the chief and the greatest part of that solemnity Yea Girard du Hailan Secretary of France in his third Book of the Affairs and State of that Kingdom saith That the Ceremonies of Crowning their old Kings was much after the fashion which I have noted a little before in this very Chapter out of the Law of Don Pelayo first King of Spain after the Moors for that they were lifted up and carried about upon a Target by the chief Subjects there present as the Spaniards were 〈…〉 But as touching the principal point of that action which is the substance of admitting the King unto his Royal Authority and Oath by him made of governing well and justly and of the reciprocal Oath of Obedience made to him again by his Subjects it was not much different from that which now is as shall appear by the Coronation of the aforesaid Philip the first who was Crowned in the life and presence of his Father King Henry after the fashion then used in the year of Christ 1059. and it was as Nâ—ngis and Tollet both Authors of great Authority among the French do recount it and Francis Belforest out of them both repeateth the same at large in manner following King Henry the first of this Name seeing himself very old and feeble made an assembly of all the States of France in the City of Paris in the year of Christ 1059. where bringing in his young Son and Heir Philip that was but nine years of age before them all he said as followeth Hitherto my dear Friends and Subjects I have been the Head of your Nobility and Men at Arms but now by mine Age and Indisposition of Body I must be separated from you and therefore I do desire you that if ever you have loved me you shew it now in giving your Consent and Approbation that this my Son may be admitted for your King and apparelled with the
Royal Ornaments of this Crown of France and that you will swear Fealty unto him and do him Homage Thus said the King and then having asked every one of the Assistance in particular for his consent and esterwards the whole Assembly in general whether they would swear Obedience to him or no and finding all to promise with a good will he passed over the Feast of the Ascension with great joy in Paris and after went to Rhemes with all the Court and Train to celebrate the Coronation upon the Feast of Whitsunday Thus far are the words of William de Nangis alledged in the History of France by Belforest And it is to be noted First how the King did request the Noblity and People to admit his Son and secondly how he did ask their consents apart for that these two points do evidently confirm that which I said at the beginning that only Succession is not sufficient but that Coronation ever requireth a new consent which also includeth a certain Election or new Approbation of the Subject This is proved also most manifestly by the very Order of Coronation which ensueth in Belforest taken word for word out of Tillet in his Treatise of Records in the Chapter of anointing the Kings of France in these words In the year of Grace 1059 and the 32 year of the Reign of King Henry the first of that Name of France and in the 4 th year of the Seat and Bishoprick of Rhemes and on the 23 d. day of May being Whitsunday King Philip I. was anointed by the said Archbishop Gervais in the great Church of Rhemes before the Altar of our Lady with the Order and Ceremony that ensueth The Mass being done when it came to the reading of the Epistle the said Lord Archbishop turning about unto Philip the Prince that was there present declared unto him what was the Catholick Faith and asked him Whether he did believe it and wheâ— he would defend it against all persons whatsoever who affirming that he would his Oath was brought unto him whereunto he must swear which he took and read with an audible voice and signed it with his own hand and the words of the Oath were these Je Philippe par le grace de Dieu prochain d'estre ordonné Roy de France promets au jour de mon sacré devant Dieu fes Sanctes c. That is in English for I will not repeat all the Oath in French by reason it is somewhat long I Philip by the grace of God near to be ordained King of France do promise in this day of my anointing before Almighty God and all his Saints That I will conserve unto all that Ecclesiastical Prelates all Canonical Priviledges and all Law and Justice due unto every one of you and I will defend you by the help of Godâ— as much as shall lie in my power and as every King ought to do and as by Right and Equity he is bound to defend every Bishop and Church to him committed within his Realm And furthermore I shall administer Justice unto all people given me in charge and shall preserve unto them the defence of Laws and Equity appertaining unto them so far forth as shall lie in my Authority So God shall help me and his holy Evangelists This Oath was read by the King holding his hands between the hands of the Archbishop of Rhemes and the Bishop of Syen and Bisanson Legats of the Pope standing by with a very great number of other Bishops of the Realm And the said Archbishop taking the Cross of St. Remigius in his hand he shewed first to all the audience the ancient Authority which the Archbishops of Rhemes had even from the time of St. Remigius that baptized their first Christian King Clodoveus to Anoint and Crown the Kings of France which he said was confirmed unto them by the Priviledge of Pope Hormisda that lived in the year of Christ 5 16. and after also by Pope Victor and this being done he then by license first asked of King Henry the Father there present did choose Philip for King II eslent le dit Philippe son fils en pour Roy de France which is word for word the Archbishop chose the said Philip King Henry 's Son in and for King of France which the Legates of the Pope presently confirmed and all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy with the Nobility and People in their order did the like crying out three times in these words Nous le approvouns nous le voulons soit fait nostre Roy that is We will have him let him be made our King And presently Te Deum Laudamus was sung in the Choir and the rest of the Ceremonies of Anointing and Coronation were done according to the ancient order of this Solemnity used in the time of King Philip 's Predecessors Kings of France Thus far do French stories recount the old and ancient manner of Anointing and Crowning their Kings of France which had endured as I have said for almost 600 years that is to say from Clodoveus unto this King Philip the First who was crowned in France seven Years before our William the Conquerour who also was present at this Coronation and had the third place among the Temporal Princes as Duke of Normandy entred into England but after this time the manner and ceremonies were somewhat altered and made more Majestical in outward shew and this especially by King Lewis sirnamed the Younger Nephew to the foresaid King Philip who leaving the substance of the Action as it was before caused divers external additions of Honour and Majesty to be adjoined thereunto especially for the Coronation of his son Philip the Second sirnamed Augustus whom he caused also to be crowned in his days as his Grand-father Philip had been and as himself had been also in his Fathers days This Man among other Royal ceremonies ordained the Officers of the twelve Peers of France six Ecclesiastical and six Temporal who are they which ever since have had the chiefest Places and Offices in this great Action for that the foresaid Arch-Bishop of Rhemes entituled also Duke of Rhemes hath the first and highest Place of all others and anointeth and crowneth the King The Bishop and Duke of â—aon bear the glass of Sacred Oyl The Bishop and Duke of Langres the Cross the Bishop and Earl of Bevais the mantle-Royal the Bishop and Earl of Noion the King's Girdle And last of all the Bishop and Earl of Chalons do carry the Ring And these are the six Ecclesiastical Peers of France with their Offices in the Coronation The Temporal Peers are the Duke of Burgundy Dean of the Order who in this day of Coronation holdeth the Crown the Duke of Gascony and Guyene the first Banner quartered the Duke of Normandy the second Banner quartered the Earl of Tolousa the Golden Spurs the Earl of Champany the Banner Royal or Standard of War
and the Earl of Flanders the Sword Royal so that there are three Dukes three Earls in every one of both Ranks of Spiritual and Temporal Lords and as Gerard noteth the King is apparelled on this day three times and in three several sorts The first as a Priest the second as a King and Warriour the third as a Judge And finally he saith that this Solemnity of Anointing and Crowning the King of France is the most magnificent Gorgeous and Majestical thing that may be seen in the world for which he referreth us not only to the particular Coronations of these two ancient Kings Philip the first and second but also to the late Coronation of Henry the second Father to the last Kings of France which is also in print and indeed is a very goodly and most notable thing to be read though indeed much more to be seen But to say a word or two more of Philip Augustus before I pass any further which happened in the Year 1179. and in the 25. of the reign of our King Henry the second of England who as the French Histories say was present also at this Coronation and had his Rank among the Peers as Duke of Normandy and held the Kings Crown in his hand and one of his Sons had his Rank also as Duke of Gascony and the form used in this Coronation was the very same which is used at this day in the Admission of the Kings of France in recounting whereof I will let pass all the particular ceremonies which are largely to be read in Francis Belforest in the place before-mentioned and I will repeat only the Kings Oath which the said Author recounteth in these words The Archbishop of Rhemes being vested in his Pontifical attire and come to the Altar to begin Mass where the King also was upon a high seat placed he turned to him and said these words in the name of all the Clergy and Churches of France Sirs that which we require at your hands this day is that you promise unto us that you will keep all Canonical Priviledges Law and Justice due to be kept and defended as a good King is bound to do in his Realm and to every Bishop and Church to him committed whereunto the King answered I do promise and avow to every one of you and to every Church to you committed That I will keep and maintain all Canonical Priviledges Law and Justice due to every man to the utmost of my Power And by Gods help shall defend you as a good King is bound to do in his Realm This being done the King did Swear and make his Oath laying his hands upon the Gospel in these Words following Au nom de Jesus Christ je jure promets au Peuple Christien a moy suject ces choses c. Which is in English In the name of Jesus Christ I do Swear and promise to all Christian People subject unto me these points ensuing First to procure that all my Subjects be kept in the union of the Church and I will defend them from all Excess Rapine Extortion and Iniquity Secondly I will take order that in all Judgments Justice shall be kept with Equity and Mercy to the end that God of his Mercy may conserve unto me with you my People his Holy grace and mercy Thirdly endeavour as much as possible shall lie in me to chase and drive out of my Realm and all my Dominions all such as the Church hath or shall declare for Hereticks as God shall help me and his Holy Gospels Thus Sweareth the King and then kisseth the Gospel and immediatly is Sung Te Deum Laudamus and after that are said many particular Prayers by the Archbishop and then is the King vested and the Ring Scepter Crown and the other Kingly Ornaments and Ensigns are brought and put upon him with Declaration first what they signifie and then particular Prayers are made to God that their signification may be by the King fulfilled And after all ended the Archbishop with the Bishops do bless him and say these words unto him God which reigneth in Heaven and governeth all Kingdoms bless you c. Be you stable and constant and hold your Place and Right from hence forth which here is committed and laid upon you by the authority of Almighty God and by this present tradition and delivery which we the Bishops and other Servants of God do make unto you of the same and remember you in place convenient to bear so much more respect and reverence unto the Clergy by how much nearer than other men you have seen them to approach to God's Altar to the end that Jesus Christ Mediator of God and Man may confirm and maintain you by the Clergy and People in this your Royal Seat and Throne who being Lord of Lords and King of Kings make you Reign with him and his Father in the Life and Glory everlasting Thus saith the Archbishop unto him and after this he is led by him and the other Peers unto the Seat Royal where the Crown is put upon his Head and many other large Ceremonies used which may be read in the Author aforesaid and are too long for this place And yet have I been the larger in this matter of France for that I do not think it to be improbable which this Author and others do not to wit that most Nations round about have taken their particular Forms of Anointing and Crowning their Kings from this ancient custom of France though the substance thereof I mean of their Sacring and Anointing be deduced from Examples of far more Antiquity to wit from the very first Kings among the people of Israel whom God caused to be anointed by his Priests and Prophets in token of his Election and as a singular Priviledge of Honour and Preheminence unto them whereof King David made so great account when he said to the Souldier that had killed Saul his Enemy in the War quare non timuisti mittere manum tuam in Christum Domini Why didst thou not fear to lay thy hands upon the Anointed of God and he put him to death for it notwithstanding that Saul had been long before deposed and rejected by God and that himself had lawfully born Arms against him for many days so much was that Ceremony of Anointing esteemed in those days and so hath it been ever since among Christian People also For that Kings hereby are made Sacred and do not only participate with Priests but also with Christ himself who hath his Name of this circumstance of Anointing as all the world knoweth Probable then I say it is that albeit the substance of this ceremony of Anointing Kings be much elder than the Christian Kingdom of France yet is this particular and Majestical manner of doing the same by way of Coronation the most antient in France above all other Kingdoms round about especially if it began with the
first Christian King Clodoveus not full 500. Years after Christ as French Authors do hold At what time also they recount a great miracle of Holy Oyl sent from Heaven by an Angel for anointing Clodoveus whereof they say they have still remaining for the anointing of their Kings at Rhemes which point I will not stand to treat or discourse in this place but rather will refer my Reader to the foresaid Chapter of Francis Belforest Chronicler of France who alledgeth divers Writers of almost 500. years antiquity that write of the same But howsoever that be very probable it seemeth that all the ceremonies of Coronation in Germany and Polonia before-recited which had their beginning long after the Reign of Clodoveus might be taken from thence and so the affinity and likeness of the one to the other doth seem to agree and Garribay also the Chronicler of Spain and of Navarre in his 22. Book talking of this Custom of Anointing and Crowning the Kings of Navarre saith that this excellent custom began there I mean in Navarre above 800 Years past and was brought in by certain Earls of Champayn of France named Theobaldes who coming to attain that Crown brought with them that Reverend Ceremony of Anointing and Crowning their Kings according to the use of the French which custom endureth until this day in that part of Navarre that is under the house of Vandome albeit in the other that is under the Spaniards which is far the greater it was left off in the Year 1513. when Ferdinand sirnamed the Catholick King of Spain entred thereupon for that the Spanish Kings are never anointed nor crowned but otherwise admitted by the Common-Wealth as before I have declared But among all other Kingdoms it seemeth that England hath most particularly taken this custom and ceremony from France not only for the reason before-alledged that divers of our English Kings have come out of France as William the Conquerour born in Normandy King Stephen son to the Earl of Blois and Bullen a Frenchman and King Henry the second born likewise in France and son to the Earl of Anjou but also for that in very deed the thing it self is all one in both Nations And albeit I have not seen any particular Book of this Action in England as in French there is yet it is easy to gather by Histories what is used in England about this affair For first of all that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury doth ordinarily do this ceremony in England as the Arch-Bishop of Rhemes doth it in France there is no doubt and with the same Solemnity and honour according to the condition and state of our Countrey and Polidor Virgil in his History noteth that Pope Alexander did interdict and suspend the Arch-bishop of York with his two assistants the Bishops of London and Salisbury for that in the absence of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury and without his Licence they did crown King Henry at his Fathers perswasion and divers do attribute the unfortunate success of the said King Henry the younger that rebelled against his Father to this disorderly and violent Coronation by his Father's appointment secondly that the first thing which the said Arch-bishop requireth at the new King's hands at his Coronation is about Religion Church matters and the Clergy as in France we have seen it appeareth evidently by these words which the same Arch-bishop Thomas sirnamed commonly the Martyr remaining in banishment wrote to the same King Henry the second which are these Memores sit is confessionis quam fecistis posuistis super altare apud Westmonasterium de servanda Ecclesiae liberiate quando consecrati fuistis uncti in Regem à praedecessore nostro Thebaldo Which is Do you call to your remembrance the Confession which you made and laid upon the Altar at Westminster for keeping and defending the liberty of the Church when you were consecrated and anointed King by Thebaldus our predecessor By which words appeareth that as the King of England was consecrated and anointed in those days by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury so did he swear and give up his Oath also in writing and for more solemnity and obligation laid it down or rather offered it up with his own hands upon the Altar so much as was required of him by the said Arch-bishop and Clergy for the special safety of Religion and these Ecclesiastical Liberties which is the self same point that we have seen before as well in the Oath of the Kings of France as also of Polonia and Spain and of the Emperours both Grecian and Gerusan The very like admonition in effect I find made by another Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury to another King Henry to wit by Thomas Arundel to King Henry the Fourth when in a Parliament holden at Coventry in the year 1404 the King was tempted by certain temporal men to take away the Temporalities from the Clergy whereunto when the said Arch-bishop Thomas had answered by divers reasons at last turning to the King he besought him saith Stow to remember the Oath which he voluntarily made that he would honour and defend the Church and Ministers thereof Wherefore he desired him to permit and suffer the Church to enjoy the Priviledges and Liberties which in time of his Predecessors it did enjoy and to fear that King which reigneth in Heaven and by whom all other Kings do reign Moreover he desired him to consider his promise also to all the Realm which was that he would preserve unto every man their Right and Title so far as in him lay By which speech of the Arch-bishop the King was so far moved as he would hear no more of that Bill of Laity but said that he would leave the Church in as good estate or better than he found it and so he did but yet hereby we come to learn what Oath the Kings of England do make at their Coronations touching the Church and Clergy The other conditions also of good Government are partly touched in the speech of the Arch-bishop and much more expressly set down in the King of Englands Oath recorded by ancient Writers for for that he sweareth as both Holinshead and others do testify in their English Histories in these very words to wit That he will during his Life bear reverence and honour unto Almighty God and to his Catholick Church and unto his Ministers and that he will administer Law and Justice equally to all and take away all unjust Laws Which after he had sworn laying his hands upon the Gospels then doth the Arch-bishop turning about to the people declare what the King hath promised and sworn and by the mouth of an Herauld at Arms asketh their Consents whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man as unto their King or no under the conditions proposed whereunto when they have yielded themselves then beginneth the Arch-bishop to put-upon him the Regal Ornaments
also in that of Polidor it may be noted that King Henry the Fifth was not called King until after his Coronation but only Prince though his Father King Henry the Fourth had been dead now almost a month before and secondly that the Parliament consulted de Rege creando more majorum as Polidor his words are that is of making a new King according to the antient custom of their Ancestors which argueth that he was not yet King though his Father were dead not that the manner of our old English Ancestors was to account him so before his Admission Thirdly That this demonstration of good-will of the Nobility to acknowledge him for King before his Coronation and Oath solemnized well and justly to Govern the Realm was very extraordinary and of meer good-will And Last of all That this was never done to any Prince before King Henry the Fifth All which Points do demonstrate that it is the Coronation and Admission that maketh a Perfect and True King whatsoever the Title by Succession be otherwise and that except the Admission of the Common-wealth be joyned to Succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful King and of the two the second is of far more importance to wit the Consent and Admission of the Realm than nearness of Bloud by Succession alone This I might prove by many Examples in England it self where Admission hath prevailed against Right of Succession as in William Rufus that succeeded the Conquerour and in King Henry the First his Brother in King Stephen King John and others who by only Admission of the Realm were Kings against the Order of Succession as after more at large I shall shew you in a particular speech of this point I shall make unto you and very specially it may be seen in the two Examples before-mentioned of the Admission of the two Kings Henry and Edward both sirnamed the Fourth whose entrances to the Crown if a man do well consider he shall find that both of them founded the best part and the surest of their Titles upon the Election Consent and Good-Will of the People yea both of them at their dying-days having some remorse of Conscience as it seemed for that they had caused so many men to die for maintainance of their several Rights and Titles had no better way to appease their own minds but by thinking that they were placed in that Room by the Voice of the Realm and consequently might lawfully defend the same and punish such as went about to deprive them Moreover you shall find if you look into the Doings of Princes in all Ages that such Kings as were most Politick and had any least doubt or suspicion of Troubles about the Title after their Deaths have caused their sons to be Crowned in their own days trusting more to this than to their Title by Succession though they were never so lawfully and lineally descended And of this I could alledge you many Examples out of divers Countreys but especially in France since the last line of Capetus came unto that Crown for this did Hugh Capetus himself to procure to be done to Robert his eldest Son in his own days and the like did King Robert procure for his younger son Henry the First as Gerard holdeth and excluded his Elder only by Crowning Henry in his own days Henry also did intreat the States of France as before you have heard to admit and Crown Philip the First his Eldest Son whilst himself reigned and this man's Son Luys le Cros did the same also unto two Sons of his First to Philip and after his death to Luys the younger which is the seventh of that name for more assuring of his Son named Philip the Second intreated the Realm to Admit and Crown him also in his own days with that great solemnity which in the former Chapter hath been declared And for this very same cause of Security it is not to be doubted but that always the Prince of Spain is sworn and admitted by the Realm during his Father's Reign as before hath been said The same consideration also moved King David to Crown his son Solomon in his own days as afterwards more in particular shall be declared and finally our King Henry also the second of England considering the alteration that the Realm had made in admitting King Stephen before him against the Order of Lineal Succession by propinquity of Bloud and fearing the like might happen also after him caused his eldest son named likewise Henry to be Crowned in his life time so as England had two King Henrys living at one time with equal Authority and this was done in the 16 year of his Reign and in the year of our Lord 1170. But his Device had no good success for that King Henry the Younger made War soon after upon King Henry the Elder and had both the Kings of France and Scotland and many Nobles of England and Normandy to take his part for which cause it is thought that this thing hath never been put in practice again since that time in England but yet hereby it is evident what the opinion of the world was in those days of the force of Coronation and Admission of the Commonwealth and how little Propinquity of Bloud prevaileth without that And for more ample proof hereof and fuller conclusion of all the whole matter I had thought to have laid down also in this place some number of the most notorious Examples that I have read for I have read many wherein the Common-wealth upon just Occasions hath extended her Authority to alter the natural course of Succession by Birth but for that the thing requireth some little study and looking over some Notes that I have taken out of Stories for help of Memory I shall deferr it until our next Meeting at what time I shall by God's Grace make this point very clear and so end my whole Discourse for I see that I have been much longer than at the beginning I purposed and now I desire much to give place unto our Temporal Lawyer here present who I doubt not hath matter to say of more delectation and pleasure than this though you of your courtesies have done me so much favour as to hear me hitherto with patience and attention Whereunto the whole company answered that not with patience but with great pleasure delight and contentation they had heard him and so they would do the Temporal Lawyer also in his turn But yet they desired him that nothing of this discourse might be omitted but wholly finished for that it gave very great satisfaction to all and opened many important Points unto them which they had never thought of before and with this they parted for that night every man unto his Lodging and Habitation CHAP. VII How the next in Succession by Propinquity of Bloud hath often-times been put back by the Cemmonwealth and other further off admitted in their
as also he left a little Infant newly born of his lawful Wife Adeltrude Daughter to King Alfred of England which infant was King of France afterwards by the name of Charles the Simple albeit not immediatly after the death of his Father for that the Nobles of France said that they had need of a Man to be King and not a Child as Gerard reporteth and therefore the whole State of France chose for their Kings the two foresaid Bastards Luys the third and Carlomon the First of that name jointly and they were Crowned most solemnly and divided the whole Realm between them in the year of Christ 881. and Queen Adelâ—rude with her child true Heir of France fled into England to her Father and there brought him up for divers years in which time she saw four or five Kings Reign in his place in France one after the other for briefly thus it passed Of these two Bastard Kings the Elder named Luys reigned but four years and died without issue the second that is Carlomon lived but one year after him and left a son called also Luys which succeeded in the Kingdom by the name of Luys the Fifth and sirnamed Faineant for his idle and slothful life For which as also for his vitious behaviour and in particular for taking out and marrying a Nun of the Aâ—bey of S. Baudour at Chels by Paris he was deprived and made a Monk in the Abbey of S. Denis where he died and in his place was chosen King of France and Crowned with great Solemnity Charles the Fourth Emperour of Rome sirnamed le Gros for that he was fat and corpulent he was Nephew to Charles the Bald before mentioned and therefore the French Stories say that he came to the Crown of France partly by Succession and partly by Election but for Succession we see that it was nothing worth for so so much as Charles the Simple the right Heir was alive in England whom it seemeth that the French men had quite forgotten seeing that now they had not only excluded him three times already as you have heard but afterwards also again when this Gross Charles was for his evil Government by them deposed and deprived not only of the Kingdom of France but also of his Empire which he had before he was King and was brought into such miserable penury as divers write that he perished for want At this time I say the States of France Would not yet admit Charles the Simple though hitherto his Simplicity did not appear but he seemed a goodly Prince but rather they chose for King one Odo Earl of Paris and Duke of Angiers and caused him to be Crowned But yet after a few years being weary of this man's Government and moved also somewhat with compassion towards the Youth that was in England they resolved to depose Odo and so they did whilst he was absent in Gascony and called Charles the Simple out of England to Paris and restored him to the Kingdom of France leaving only to Odo for Recompense the State of Aquitaine with Title of a Duke wherewith in â—ine he contented himself seeing that he could get no more But yet his Posterity by vertue of this Election pretended ever after a Title to the Crown of France and never left it off until at length by Hugo Capetus they got it for Hugh descended of this King and Duke Odo This King Charles then sirnamed the Simple an English Womans Son as you have heard being thus admitted to the Crown of France he took to Wife an English Woman named Elgina or Odin Daughter of King Edward the Elder by whom he had a Son named Lowys and himself being a Simple man as hath been said was allured to go to the Castle of Peronne in Picardy where he was made Prisoner and forced to resign his Kingdom unto Ralph King of Burgundy and soon after he dyed through Misery in the same Castle and his Queen Ogin fled into England with her little son Luys unto her Uncle King Adelstan as Queen Adeltrude had done before with her Son unto King Alfred and one of the Chief in this Action for putting down of the Simple was Counte Hugh sirnamed the Great Earle of Paris Father unto Hugo Capetus which after was King But this new King Ralph lived but three Years after and then the States of France considering the right Title of Luys the lawful child of King Charles the Simple which Luys was commonly called now in France by the name of d' Outremer that is beyond Sea for that he had been brought up in England the said States being also greatly and continually solicited hereunto by the Embassadours of King Adelstan of England and by William Duke of Normandy sirnamed Long Spear Great Grandfather to William the Conquerour who by the King of England was gained also to be of the young Princes part for these Considerations I say they resolved to call him into France out of England as his Father had been before him and to admit and Crown him King and so they did and he Reigned 27 Years and was a good Prince and dyed peaceably in his Bed in the Year of Christ 945. This King Luys d' Outremer left two Sons behind him the Eldest was called Lothaire the First who succeeded him in the Crown of France the Second was named Charles whom he made Duke of Loraine Lothaire dying left one onely Son named Luys as his Grandfather was who was King of France by the name of Luys the V. and dying without issue after two Years that he had Reigned the Crown was to have gone by Lineal Succession unto his Uncle Charles the Duke of Lorayne second Son to Luys d' Outremer as is evident but the States of France did put him by it for mislike they had of his Person and did chuse Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris and so ended the Second Line of Pepin and of Charles the Greâ—t and entred the Race of Hugo Capetus which endureth unto this day and the French Stories do say that this Sirname Capet was given to him when he was a boy for that he was wont to snatch away his Fellows Caps from their Heads whereof he was termed Snatch-Cap which some do interpret to be an Abodement that he should snatch also a Crown from the true Owners Head in time as afterwards we see it fell out though yet he had it by Election and Approbâ—tion of the Commonwealth as I have said And in this respect all the French Chroniclers who otherwise are most earnest Defenders of their Law of Succession do justify this Title of Hugo Capetus against Charles for which cause Francis Belforest doth alledge the saying of William Nangis an antient and diligent-Chronicler of the Abbey of S. Denys in France who defendeth King Capetus in these words We may not grant in any case that Hugh Capet may be esteemed an Invader or Vsurper
of the Crown of France seeing the Lords Prelates Princes and Governours of the Realm did call him to this Dignity and chase him for their King and Soveraign Lord Thus much Nangis Upon which words Belforest saith as followeth I have laid before you the Words and Censure of this Good Religious Man for that they seem to me to touch the Quick for in very Truth we can not by any other means defend the Title of Hugh Capet from Vsurpation and Felony than to justify his coming to the Crown by the consent and will of the Commonwealth and in this I may well excuse me from inconstancy and contradiction to my self that have so earnestly defended Succession before for he that will consider how and with what conditions I defended that shall easily see also that I am not here contrary to the same Thus much Belforest I think it not amiss also to put down here some part of the Oration or Speech which the Embassadour that was sent at that time from the State of France unto Charles of Loraine after their Election of Hugh Capet and Charles's exclusion did use unto him in their Names which Speech Gerard doth recount in these words Every man knoweth Lord Charles that the Succession of the Crown and Realm of France according to the ordinary Law and Rights of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King but yet the very same Laws which do give unto you this Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life and Manners according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Vse and Custom of your Countrey of France but rather have allyed your self with the German Nation our old Enemies and have acquainted your self with their vile and base manners Wherefore seeing you have forsaken and abandoned the Antient Vertue Sweetness and Amity of the French We have also abandoned and left You and have Chosen Hugh Capâ—t for Our King and have put You back and this without any Scruple or Prejudice of our Consciences at all esteeming it far better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the present Possessor of the Crown with enjoying the antient Vse of our Laws Customs Priviledges and Liberties than under You the Inheritor by nearness of Bloud in Oppression strange Customs and Cruelty For even as those which are to make a Voyage in a Ship upon a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot is to Guide the Stern be Owner of the Ship or not but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their Ways end or to drown them among the Waves even so our Principal Care is that we have a Good Prince to Lead and Guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politik Life which is the End why Princes were appointed for that this man is fitter to be our King This Message did the States of France send to Charles of Lorayne in defence of their Doings and with this he lost his Succession for ever and afterwards his Life also in Prison and the French men thought themselves Secure in Conscience as you see for doing the same which God hath also since seemed to confirm with the Succession and happy success of so many Noble and most Christian Kings as have issued out of this Line of Hugo Capetus unto this day And this spoken now of the Second Line of France I take to be sufficient for proof of our Purpose without going any further for that if we do but number these Kings already named that have Reigned in this second Race from King Pepin downwards unto Hugh Capet which are about 17 or 18 Kings in 238. Years we shall find that not some few but the most part of them did both enter and enjoy their Crowns and Dignities contrary to the Law of Lineal Descent and of next Succession by Bloud Whereof also there would not want divers Examples in the third and last Descent since Hugo Capetus's time if we would pass further to Examine the Stories thereof For not to go further down than to the very next Descent after Hugh which was King Robert his Son Gerard affirmeth in his Story that of his two Sons which he had named Robert and Henry Robert the Elder was put back and his younger Brother Henry made King of France and Reigned many Years by the name of Henry the First and this he saith happened partly for that Robert was but a Simple man in respect of Henry and partly also for that Henry was greatly favoured and assisted in this pretence by Duke Robert of Normandy Father to our William the Conquerour and in recompense hereof this King Henry afterwards assisted the said William Bastard son to Robert for the attaining of the Dukedom of Normandy after the death of the said Duke Robert his Father notwithstanding that Duke Robert had two lawful Brothers alive at that time whose names were Manger Archbishop of Rouan and William Earl of Argues in Normandy who pretended by Succession to be preferred But the States of Normandy at the request of Duke Robert when he went to the Holy Land in which Journey he dyed as also for avoiding of Dissension and Wars that otherwise might ensue were content to exclude the Uncles and admit the Bastard son who was also assisted by the Forces of the King of France as hath been said so as no Scruple it seemed there was in those days either to prefer King Henry to the Crown of France before his Elder Brother or Duke William the Bastard son to the Dutchy of Normandy before his lawful Uncles upon such slow Considerations as those States may be presumed to have had for their doings I read also that some years after to wit in the Year 1110. when Philip the First of France Son and Heir to this King Henry of whose solemn Coronation you have heard before in the seventh Chapter was deceased the People of France were so offended with his evil Life and Government as divers were of opinion to disinherit his Son Lowis the Sixth sirnamed le Gros for his sake and so was he like to have been indeed as may appear by the Chronicle of France if some of his Party had not caused him to be Crowned in hast and out of Order in Orleans for preventing the matter The like doth Philip Cominaeus in his Story of King Luys the Eleventh declare how that the State of France had once determined to have disinherited his Son Charles named after the VIII and to put him back from his Succession for their hatred to his Father if the said Father had not dyed while the other was very young as I noted before also that it happened in King Henry the Third of England who was once condemned by the Barons to be disinherited for the fault of King
John his Father and Lowys the Prince of France chosen in his place but that the death of King John did alter that Course intended by the English Nobility so as this matter is neither new nor unaccustomed in all foreign Countreys and now will I pass also a little to our English Stories to see whether the like may be found in them or no. And first of all that the Realm of England hath had as great Variety Changes and Diversity in the Races of their Kings as any one Realm in the World it seemeth evident for that first of all after the Britains it had Romans for their Governours for many years and then of them and their Roman Bloud they had Kings again of their own as appâ—areth by that Valiant King Aurelius Ambrosius who resisted so manfully and prudently the Saxons for a time after this they had Kings of the Saxon and English Bloud and after them of the Danes and then of the Normans and after them again of the French and last of all it seemeth to have returned to the Britains again in King Henry the Seventh for that his Father came of that Race and now you know there be Pretenders of divers Nations I mean both of Scotish Spanish and Italian Bloud so that England is like to participate with all their Neighbours round about them and I for my part do feel my self much of the French opinion before-alledged that so the Ship be well and happily guided I esteem it not much important of what Race or Nation the Pilot be but now to our purpose I mean to pass over the First and Antient Ranks of Kings as well of the British and Roman as also of the Saxon Races until King Egbert the first of this name King of the West Saxons and almost of all the rest of England besides who therefore is said to be properly the first Monarch of the Saxon Bloud and he that first of all commanded that Realm to be called England which ever since hath been observed This man Egbert being a young Gentleman of a Noble House in the West parts of England was had in jealousy by his King Britricus who was the sixteenth King from Cerdicius first King of the West Saxons as he was also the last of his Bloud And for that he suspected that this Egbert for his great Prowess might come in time to be chosen King he banish'd him into France where he lived divers years and was a Captain under the famous King Pepin that was Father to Charles the Great and hearing afterwards that King Britricus was dead he returned into England where Polydor saith omnium consensu Rex creatur that he was created or chosen King by consent and voice of all men though yet he were not next by Propinquity of Bloud Royal as is most evident and yet he proved the most Excellent King that ever the Saxons had before or perhaps after and his Election happened in the Year of Christ eight hundred and two when King Pepin the first of that Race reigned as hath been said in France so as this Monarchy of Egbert and that of Pepin whereof we have alledged so many Examples in the former Chapter began as it were together and both of them I mean both Pepin and Egbert came to their Crowns by Election of the People as here you see This King Egbert or Egbrich as others do write him left a lawful Son behind him named Elthelwolfe or Adelvulfe or Edolph for all is one who succeeded him in the Kingdom and was as Worthy a man as his Father and this Adelvulfe again had four lawful Sons who all in their turns succeeded by just and lawful Order in the Crown to wit Ethelbald Ethelbert Ethelred and Alfred for that none of the former Three had any Children and all the latter Three were most Excellent Princes especially Alfred or Alvred the Last of all Four whose Acts are wonderful and who among other his Renowned Gests drove Rollo that Famous Captain of the Danes from the Borders of England with all his Company into France where he got the Countrâ—y or Province named then Neustria and now Normandy and was the first Duke of that Province and Nation and from whom our William Conquerour came afterwards in the sixth Descent This man erected also the Vniversity of Oxford being very Learned himself builded divers goodly Monasteries and Churches and dying left as famous a Son behind him as himself which was Edward the First sirnamed the Senior or Elder This King Edward dying left two Sons lawfully begotten of his Wife Edigna the one named Prince Edmund and the other Eldred and a Third Illegitimate whose name was Adelstan whom he had by a Concubine But yet for that this man was esteemed to be of more valor than the other he was preferred to the Crown before the Two other Princes Legitimate for so testifieth Polidor in these words Adelstanus ex concubina Edwardi filius Rex à populo consalutatur atque ad Kingstonum oppidum more majorum ab Athelmo Canâ—uariensi Archiepiscopo coronatur which is Adelstan the Son of King Edward by a Concubin was made King by the People and was Crowned according to the old custom by Athelme Archbishop of Canterbury at the Town of Kingston Thus far Polidor and Stow addeth further these words His Coronation was celebrated in the Market-place upon a Stage erected on high that the King might better be seen of the Multitude he was a Prince of worthy memory valiant and wise in all his Acts and brought this Land into one perfect Monarchy for he expelled utterly the Danes and quieted the Welchmen Thus much Stow of the Success of Chusing this King Bastard to Reign To whose Acts might be added that he conquered Scotland and brought Constantine their King to do him homage and restored â—uy d' Outremer his Sisters son to the the Kingdom of France as before hath been signified This man dying without Issue his Lawful Brother Edmond put back before was admitted to the Crown who being of excellent expectation dyed after six years and left two Lawful Sons but yet for that they were young they were both put back by the Realm and their Uncle Eldred was preferred before them so saith Polidor Genuit Edmondus ex Egilda uxere Eduinum Edgarum qui cum aetate pueri essent post Eldredum deinde regnarunt King Edmond begat of his Wife Egilda two Sons named Edwin and Edgar who for that they were but children in years were put back and Reigned afterwards after their Vncle Eldred The like saith Stow and yieldeth the same reason in these words Eldred succeeded Edmond his Brother for that his Sons Edwin and Edgar were thought too young to take so great a Charge upon them This Eldred though he entred as you see against the Right of the Nephews yet lay Polidor and
People and by help principally of Henry Newborow Earl of Warwick that dealt with the Nobility for him and Maurice Bishop of London with the Clergy for that Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury was in banishment Besides this also it did greatly help his cause that his elder Brother Robert to whom the Crown by right appertained was absent again this second time in the War of Jerusalem and so lost thereby his Kingdom as before Henry having no other Title in the World unto it but by Election and Admission of the People which yet he so defended afterwards against his said Brother Robert that came to claim it by the Sword and God did so prosper him therein as he toâ—k his said elder Brother Prisoner and so kept him for many Years until he dyed in Prison most pitifully But this King Henry dying left a Daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperour Henry the V. he dyed without issue and then was she married again the second time to Geffry Plantagenet Earl of Anjow in France to whom she bare a Son named Henry his Grandfather caused to be declared for Heir Apparent to the Crown in his Days but yet after his decease for that Stephen Earl of Bollogne born of Adela Daughter to William the Conquerour was thought by the State of England to be more fit to Govern and to defend the Land for that he was at Mans age then was Prince Henry a Child of Maude his Mother he was admitted and Henry put back and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester Brother to the said Stephen as also by the Solicitation of the Abbot of Glassenbury and others who thought belike they might do the same with good Conscience for the good of the Realm though the event proved not so well for that it drew all England into Factions and Divisions for avoiding and ending whereof the States some Years after in a Parliament at Walâ—ingford made an agreement that Stephen should be Lawful King during his Life only and that Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and that Prince William King Stephen's Son should be deprived of his Succession to the Crown and made only Earl of Norfolk thus did the State dispose of the Crown at that time which was in the Year of Christ 1153. To this Henry succeeded by Order his Eldest son then living named Richard and sirnamed Cordelyon for his Valor but after him again the Succession was broken For that John King Henry's youngest Son to wit younger Brother to Richard whom his Father the King had left so unprovided as in jest he was called by the French Jean sens terre as if you would say S r John Lacke Land This man I say was after the death of his Brother Admitted and Crowned by the States of England and Arthur Duke of Britain Son and Heir to Geffery that was elder brother to John was against the ordinary course of Succession excluded And albeit this Arthur did seek to remedy the matter by War yet it seemed that God did more defend this Election of the Commonwealth than the right Title of Arthur by Succession for that Arthur was overcome and taken by King John though he had the King of France on his side and he dyed pitifully in prison or rather as most Authors do hold he was put to death by King John his Uncles own hands in the Castle of Roan thereby to make his Title of Succession more clear which yet could not be for that as well Stow in his Chronicle as also Matthew of Westminster and others before him do write that Geffrey besides this Son left two Daughters also by the Lady Constance his Wife Countess and Heir of Britaine which by the Law of England should have succeeded before John but of this small account seemed to be made at that day Some years after when the Barons and States of England misliked utterly the Government and proceeding of this King John they rejected him again and chose Luys the Prince of France to be their King and did swear Fealty to him in London as before hath been said and they deprived also the young Prince Henry his Son that was at that time but eight years old but upon the death of his Father King John that shortly after insued they recalled again that sentence and admitted this Henry to the Crown by the name of King Henry the III. and disanulled the Oath and Allegiance made unto Luys Prince of France and so King Henry Reigned for the space of 53. years afterwards the longest Reign as I think that any before or after him hath had in England Moreover you may know that from this King Henry the third do take their first beginning the two branches of York and Lancaster which after fell to so great contention about the Crown Into which if we would enter we should see plainly as before hath been noted that the best of all their titles after the deposition of King Richard the second depended on this authority of the Commonwealth for that as the People were affected and the greater part prevailed so were their titles either allowed confirmed altered or disanulled by Parliaments and yet may not we well affirm but that either part when they were in possession and confirmed therein by these Parliaments were lawful Kings and that God concurred with them as with true Princes for Government of their People For if we should deny this point as before hath been noted great inconveniencis would follow and we should shake the States of most Princes in the World at this day as by examples which alreay I have alledged in part may appear And with this also I mean to conclude and end this discourse in like manner affirming that as on the one side propinquity of Bloud is a great preheminence towards the attaining of any Crown so yet doth it not ever bind the Commonwealth to yield thereunto if weightier Reasons should urge them to the contrary neither is the Commonwealth bound always to shut her Eyes and to admit at hap-hazard or of necessity every one that is next by Succession of Bloud as Belloy falsly and fondly affirmeth but rather she is bound to consider well and maturely the Person that is to enter Whether he be like to perform his duty and charge committed unto him or no for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemy or unfit is but to destroy the Common-wealth and him together This is my opinion and this seemeth to me to be conform to all Reason Law Religion Piety Wisdom and Policy and to the use and custom of all well governed Common-wealths in the World Neither do I mean hereby to prejudice any Princes pretence or Succession to any Crown or Dignity in the World but rather do hold that he ought to enjoy his Preheminence but yet so that he be not prejudiciae thereby to the whole
and Chartres in France and the other two Polidor said dyed before they were Married and so their names were not Recorded These are the Children of King William the Conqueror among whom after his death there was much strife about the Succession For first his eldest Son Duke Robert who by order of Ancestrie by birth should have succeeded him in all his Estates was put back first from the Kingdom of England by his third Brother William Rufus upon a pretence of the Conquerors Will and Testament for particular affection that he had to this his said third Son William though as Stow Writeth almost all the Nobility of England were against William's entrance But in the end agreement was made between the two Brothers with the condition that if William should dye without Issue then that Robert should succeed him and to this accord both the Princes themselves and twelve principal Peers of each side were Sworn but yet after when William dyed without Issue this was not observed but Henry the fourth Son entred and deprived Robert not only of this his Succession to England but also of his Dukedom of Normandy that he had enjoyed peaceably before all the time of his Brother Rufus and moreover he took him Prisoner and so carried him into England and there kept him till his death which happened in the Castle of Cardif in the year 1134. And whereas this Duke Robert had a goodly Prince to this Son named William who was Duke of Normandy by his Father and Earl of Flanders in the right of his grand Mother that was the Conquerors Wife and Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders as hath been said and was established in both these States by the help of Lewis the VI. surnamed Le Gros King of France and admitted to do homage to him for the said States his Uncle King Henry of England was so violent against him as first he drove him out of the state of Normandy and secondly he set up and maintained a Competitor or two against him in Flanders by whom finally he was slaine in the year of Christ 1128. before the Town of Alost by an Arrow after he had gotten the upper hand in the Field and so ended the race of the first Son of King William the Conquerour to wit oâ— Duke Robert which Robert lived after the Death of his said Son and Heir Duke William Six years in Prison in the Castle of Cardiff and pined away with sorrow and misery as both the French and English Histories do agree The second Son of the Conqueror named Richard dyed as before hath been said in his Fathers time and left no Issue at all as did neither the third Son William Rufus though he Reigned 13. years after his Father the Conqueror in which time he established the Succession of the Crown by consent of the States of England to his elder Brother Duke Roberts issue as hath been said though afterwards it was not observed This King Rufus came to the Crown principally by the help and favour of Lanfrancus Archbishop of Canterbury who greatly repented himself afterward of the error which in that point he had committed upon hopes of his good Government which proved extream evil But this King William Rufus being slayn afterward by the Arrow of a Cross-bow in Newforrest as is well known and this at such time as the foresaid Duke Robert his elder Brother to whom the Crown by Succession apperteined was absent in the War of the Holy Land where according as most Authors do Write he was chosen King of Hierusalem but refused it upon hope of the Kingdom of England But he returning home found that his fourth Brother Henry partly by fair promises and partly by force had invaded the Crown in the year 1110. and so he Reigned 35. years and had Issue divers Sons and Daughters but all were either drounded in the Seas coming out of Normandy or else dyed otherwise before their Father except only Mathildis who was first Married to Henry the Emperour fifth of that name and after his death without Issue to Geffrey Plantagenet Duke of Anjow Touraine and Maine in France by whom she had Henry which Reigned after King Stephen by the name of Henry the II. And thus much of the Sons of William the Conqueror Of his two Daughters that lived to be Married and had Issue the elder named Constance was Married to Alayn Fergant Duke of Britain who was Son to Hoel Earl of Nants and was made Duke of Britain by William the Conquerors means in manner Following Duke Robert of Normanyd Father to the Conqueror when he went on Pilgrimage unto the Holy Land in which Voyage he dyed left for Governour of Normandy under the protection of King Henry the first of France Duke Alayne the first of Britain which Allayn had Issue Conan the first who being a stirring Prince of about 24. years old when Duke William began to treat of passing over into England he shewed himself not to favour much that enterprise which Duke William fearing caused him to be Poysoned with a pair of perfumed Gloves as the French stories do report and caused to be set up in his place and made Duke one Hoel Earl of Nantes who to gratifie William sent his Son Alaine surnamed Fergaâ—t with 5000. Souldiers to pass over into England with him and so he did and William afterward in recompence thereof gave him his eldest Daughter Constantia in Marriage with the Earldom oâ— Richmond by whom he had Issue Conan the second surnamed le Gross who had Issue a Son and a Daughter The Son was called Hoel as his Grand-Father was and the Daughters name was Bertha Married to Eudo Earl of Porhet in Normandy and for that this Duke Conan liked better his Daughter and his Son in-law her Husband then he did Hoel his own Son he disavowed him on his Death Bead and made his said Daughter his Heir who had by the said Eudo a Son named Conan surnamed the younger which was the third Duke of that name and this man had one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Constance who was Married to the third Son of King Henry the second named Geffrey and elder Brother to King John that after came to Reign and by this Lord Geffrey she had Issue Arthur the second Duke of Britain whom King John his Uncle put back from the Crown of England and caused to be put to death as after shall be shewed and he dying without Issue his Mother Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britain Married again with a Prince of her own House whom after we shall name in the prosecution of this Line and by him she had Issue that hath endured until this day the last whereof hitherto is the Lady Isabella infant of Spain and that other of Savoy her Sister whom by this means we see to have descended from King William the Conqueror by his eldest Daughter Lady
Constance as also by divers other participations of the Bloud-Royal of England as afterwards will appear Now then to come to the second Daughter of King William the Conquerour or rather the third for that the first of all was a Nun as before hath been noted her name was Adela or Alice as hath been said and she was Married in France to Stephen Count Palatine of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a Son called also Stephen who by his Grand Mother was Earl also of Bullaine in Picardy and after the death of his Uncle King Henry of England was by the favour of the English Nobility and especially by the help of his own Brother the Lord Henry of Blâ—is that was Bishop of Winchester and Jointly Abbot of Glastenbury made King of England and this both in respect that Mathilda Daughter of King Henry the first was a Woman and her Son Henry Duke of Anjou a very child and one degree farther off from the Conqueror and from King Rufus then Stephen was as also for that this King Henry the first as hath been signified before was judged by many to have entred wrongfully unto the Crown and thereby to have made both himself and his posterity incapable of Succession by the violence which he used against both his elder Brother Robert and his Nephew Duke William that was Son and Heir to Robert who by nature and Law were both of them hold for Soverains to John by those that favoured them and their pretentions But yet howsoever this were we see that the Duke of Britainy that lived at that day should evidently have succeeded before Stephen for that he was descended of the elder Daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the younger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the nearness of his Port and Haven of Bullain into England as the French stories do say for Calis was of no importance at that time and by the friendship and familiarity he had goten in England during the Reign of his two Uncles King Rufus and King Herny and especially by the heâ—p of his Brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath been said he got the start of all the rest and the states of England admitted him This man although he had two Sons namely Eâ—stachius Duke of Normandy and William Earl of Norfolk yet left they no Issue And his Daughter Mary was Married to Matthew of Flanders of whom if any Issue remains it fell afterwards upon the House of Austria that succeeded in those States To King Stephen who left no Issue succeeded by composition after much War Henry Duke of Anjou Son and Heir to Mathilda before named Daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second took to his Wife Eleanor Daughter and Heir of William Duke of Aquitain and Earl of Poytiers which Eleanor had been Married before to the King of France Lewis the VII and bare him two Daughters but upon dislike conceaved by the one against the other they were Divorced under pretence of being within the fourth degree of Consanguinity and so by second Marriage Eleanor was Wife to this said Henry who afterwards was King of England by name of King Henry the II. that procured the death of Thomas Backet Archbishop of Canterbury and both before and after the greatest Enemy that ever Lewis the King of France had in the World and much the greater for his Marriage by which Henry was made far stronger for by this Woman he came to be Duke of all Aquitain that is of Gascony and Guiene and Earl of all the Country of Poytiers whereas before also by his Fathers inheritance he was Duke both of Anjou Touraine and Maine and his Mother Mathilda King Henries Daughter of England he came to be King of Enland and Duke of Normandy and his own industry he got also to be Lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland under his homage so as he enlarged the Kingdom of England most of any other King before or after him This King Henry the II. as Stow recounteth had by Lady Eleanor five Sons and three Daughters His eldest Son was named William that dyed young his second was Henry whom he caused to be crowned in his own Life time whereby he received much trouble but in the end this Son dyed before his Father without issue His third Son was Richard sirnamed for his valour Cor de Leon who reigned after his Father by the name of Richard the I. and dyed without issue in the Year of Christ 1199. His fourth Son named Geffrey married Lady Constance Daughter and Heir of Britany as before hath been said and dying left a son by her named Arthur which was Duke of Britany after him and pretended also to be King of England but was put by it by his Uncle John that took him also Prisoner and kept him also in the Castle first of Fallaise in Normandy and then in Rouan until he caused him to be put to death or slew him with his own hands as French Stories write in the Year 1204 This Duke Arthur left behind him two Sisters as Stow writeth in his Chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I find but one named by the French Stories which was Eleanor whom they say King John also caused to be murthered in England a little before her Brother the Duke was put to death in Normandy and this was the end of the Issue of Geffrey whose Wife Constance Dutchess of of Britany married again after this Murther of her Children unto one Guy Vicount of Touars and had by him two daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany by whom the Race hath been continued unto our time The Fifth Son of King Henry the II. was named John who after the death of his Brother Richard by help of his Mother Eleanor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawn thereunto by his said Mother got to be King and put back his Nephew Arthur whom King Richard before his departure to the War of the Holy Land had caused to be declared Heir apparent but John prevailed and made away both Nephew and Neece as before hath been said for which Fact he was detested of many in the World abroad and in France by Act of Parliament deprived of all the States he had in those parts Soon after also the Pope gave sentence of Deprivation against him and his own Barons took Arms to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his young Son Henry being then but a Child of eight years old and this in the eighteenth year of his Reign and in the Year of Christ 1215. and Lewis the VIII of that name Prince at that time but afterwards King of France was chosen King of England and sworn in London and placed in the Tower though soon after by the sudden death of King John
what Historiographers do say according to their affections or Interests as what reasons and proofs be alledged of every side for that by this we shall more easily come to judge where the right or wrong doth lie First therefore the defenders of the House of York do alledge that their title is plain and evident for that as in the former chapter hath been declared Richard Duke of York first pretender of this House whose Father was Son to Edmond Langley Duke of York fourth Son of King Edward the third and his Mother Anne Mortimer that was Neece once removed and sole Heir to Leonel Duke of Clarence second Son of the said King Edward this Richard I say Duke of York pretended that for so much as he had two titles joyned together in himself and was lawful Heir as well to Duke Leonel the second Brother as to Duke Edmond the fourth that he was to be preferred in Succession of the Crown after the death of King Richard the second Heir of the first Son of King Edward before the Issue of John of Gaunt that was but third Son to the said King Edward and consequently that Henry Bolenbrok John of Gaunts Son Duke of Lancaster called afterwards King Henry the fourth entred the Crown by tyranny and violonce first for deposing the true and Lawful King Richard and secondly for taking the Kingdom upon himself which Kingdom after the death of the foresaid King Richard which happened in the year 1399. belonging to Edmond Mortimer Earl of March then living and after his death to Anne Mortimer his Sister married to Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard pretendent Duke of York as hath been said for that this Edmond and Anne Mortimer were Children to Roger Mortimer Son of Philip that was daughter to Duke Leonel which Leonel was elder Uncle to King Richard and before John of Gaunt the younger Brother whose Son took the Crown upon him For the better understanding of which pretence and allegation of the House of York against Lancaster we must note the story following to wit That King Edward the III. seeing in his old age that Prince Edward his eldest Son whom of all his Children he loved most dearly was dead though there wanted not much doubt in some mens heads as after shall be shewed who ought to succeed yet the old man for the exceeding great affection he bare to the dead Prince would hear nothing in that behalf but appointed Richard the said Prince Edwards only Son and Heir to succeed him in the Kingdom and made the same to be confirmed by Act of Parliament and inforced all his Children then alive to swear to the same which were John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his third and eldest Son that then lived for Leonel his second Son Duke of Clarence was dead before and Edmond Langley and Thomas Woodstock Earls at that time but after Dukes of York and Glocester and so King Richard Reigned with good obedience of his Uncles and their Children for 20 years together but in the end when he grew insolent and had put to death his Uncle the Duke of Glocester together with the Earl of Arundel and banished many others of the Nobility and among them the Archbishop of Canterbury as also his own Cousin-German Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt and had made many wickedd Statutes as well against the Church and State Ecclesiastical as also to intangle the Realm and Nobility with fained crimes of Treason against his Regality as then he termed them the principal men of the Realm seeing a sit occasion offered by the Kings absence in Ireland called home out of France the foresaid Henry Duke of Lancaster with the Archbishop of Canterbury Earls of Arundel and Warwick and others which were in banishment and by common consent gathered upon the suddain such an Army to assist them in England as they took the King brought him to London and there in a Parliament laying together the intolerable faults of his Government they deprived him of all Regal Dignity as before they had done to his great Grandfather K. Edward the second and then by universal consent of the Parliament and people there present they chose and admitted the said Henry Duke of Lancaster to be their King who continued so all the days of his life and left the Crown unto his Son and Sons Son after him by the space of threescore years until this Richard before named Duke of York made challenge of the same in manner and form as before hath been shewed Now then the story being thus the question is first whether Richard the second were justly deposed or no and secondly whether after his deposition the House of York or House of Lancaster should have entred and thirdly if the House of Lancaster did commit any wrong or injustice at their first entrance to the Crown yet whether the continuance of so many years in possession with so many approbations and confirmations thereof by the Commonwealth were not sufficient to legitimate their right Concerning which points many things are alledged by the favourers of both Families and in the first point touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of King Richards deposition three Articles especially do seem most considerable to wit about the thing in it self whether a lawful King may be deposed upon just causes and secondly about these causes in King Richards deposition to wit whether they were just or sufficient for deposition of the said King and lastly about the manner of doing iâ— whether the same were good and orderly or not And touching the first of these three points which is that a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree and the Civil Lawyer seems to me to have proved it so evidently before throughout his whole dicourse as I think very little may be said against the same For he hath declared if you remember both by reason authority and examples of all Nations Christian that this may and hath and ought to be done when urgent occasions are offered And first by reason he sheweth it for that all Kingly authority is given them only by the Commonwealth and that with this express condition that they shall Govern according to Law and equity that this is the cause of their exaltation above other men that this is the end of their Government the butt of their authority the star and pole by which they ought to direct their stern to wit the good of the people by the weal of their Subjects by the benefit of the Realm which end being taken away or perverted the King becometh a Tyrant a Tyger a fierce Lion a ravening Wolf a publick enemy and a bloudy murtherer which were against all reason both natural and moral that a Common-wealth could not deliver it self from so eminent a destruction By authority also
Richard had still great jealousie of his Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and of his off-spring considering how doubtful the question was among the Wise and Learned of those days For more declaration whereof I think it not amiss to alledge the very words of the foresaid Chronicler with the examples by him recited thus then he writeth About this time saith he there did arise a great and doubtful question in the World whether Uncles or Nephews that is to say the younger Brother or else the Children of the elder should Succeed unto Realms and Kingdoms which controversie put all Christianity into great broils and troubles for first Charles the second King of Naplis begat of Mary his Wife Queen and Heir of Hungary divers Children but namely three Sons Marâ—el Robert and Philip Martel dying before his Father left a Son named Charles which in his Grand-mothers right was King also of Hungary but about the Kingdom of Naples the question was when King Charles was dead who should Succeed him either Charles his Nephew King of Hungary or Robert his second Son but Robert was preferred and Reigned in Naples and enjoyed the Earldom of Provence in France also for the space of 33. years with great renown of Valor and Wisdom And this is own example that Girard recounteth which example is reported by the famous Lawyer Bartholus in his Commentaries touching the Succession of the Kingdom of Cicilia and he saith that this Succession of the Uncle before the Nephew was averred also for rightful by the Learned of that time and confirmed for just by the judicial sentence of Pope Boniface and that for the reasons which afterward shall be shewed when we shall treat of this question more in particular Another example also reporteth Girard which ensued immediately after in the same place for that the foresaid King Robert having a Son named Charles which died before him he left a daughter and Heir named Joan Neece unto King Robert which Joan was married to Andrew the younger Son of the foresaid Charles King of Hungary but King Robert being dead there stept up one Lewis Prince of Tarranto a place of the same Kingdom of Naples who was Son to Philip before mentioned younger Brother to King Robert which Lewis pretending his right to be better then that of Joan for that he was a man and one degree nearer to King Charles his Grand-father then Joan was for that he was Nephew and she Neece once removed he prevailed in like manner and thus far Girard Historiographer of France And no doubt but if we consider examples that fell out even in this very age only concerning this controversie between the Uncle and Nephew we shall find store of them for in Spain not long before this time to wit in the year of Christ 1276. was that great and famous determination made by Don Alonso the wise eleventh King of that name and of all his Realm and Nobility in their Courts or Parliament of Segovia mentioned before by the Civilian wherein they disâ—inherited the Children of the Prince Don Alonso de la Cerda that died as our Prince Edward did before his Father and made Heir apparent Don Sancho Bravo younger Brother to the said Don Alonso and Uncle to his Children the two young Cerda's Which sentence standeth even unto this day and King Philip enjoyed the Crown of Spain thereby and the Dukes of Medina Celi and their race that are descendents of the said two Cerda's which were put back are Subjects by that sentence and not Soveraigns as all the World knoweth The like controversie fell out but very little after to wit in the time of King Edward the third in France though not about the Kingdom but about the Earldom of Artoys but yet it was decided by a solemn sentence of two Kings of France and of the whole Parliament of Paris in favour of the Aunt against her Nephew which albeit it cost great troubles yet was it defended and King Philip of Spain holdeth the County of Artoys by it at this day Polydor reporteth the story in this manner Robert Earl of Artoys a man famous for his Chivalry had two Children Philip a Son and Maude a daughter this Maude was married to Otho Earl of Burgundy and Philip dying before his Father left a Son named Robert the second whose Father Robert the first being dead the question was who should Suâ—â—eed either Maude the daughter or Robert the Nephew and the matter being remitted unto Philip le Bel King of France as chief Lord at that time of that State he adjudged it to Maude as to the next in bloud but when Robert repined at this sentence the matter was referred to the Parliament of Paris which confirmed the sentence of King Philip whereupon Robert making his way with Philip de Valoys that soon after came to be King of France he assisted the said Philip earnestly to bring him to the Crown against King Edward of England that opposed himself thereunto and by this hoped that King Philip would have revoked the same sentence but he being once established in the Crown answered that a sentence of such importance and so maturely given could not be revoked Whereupon the said Robert fled to the King of Englands part against France Thus far Polydor. The very like sentence recounteth the same Author to have been given in England at the same time and in the same controversie of the Uncle against the Nephew for the Succession to the Dukedom of Britany as before I have related wherein John Breno Earl of Monford was preferred before the daughter and Heir of his elder Brother Guy though he were but of the half bloud to the last Duke and she of the whole For that John the third Duke of Britany had two Brothers first Guy of the whole bloud by Father and Mother and then John Breno his younger Brother by the Fathers side only Guy dying left a daughter and Heir named Jane married to the Earl of Bloys Nephew to the King of France who after the death of Duke John pretended in the right of his Wife as daughter and Heir to Guy the elder Brother but King Edward the third with the State of England gave sentence for John Breno Earl of Monford her Uncle as for him that was next in consanguinity to the dead Duke and with their Arms the State of England did put him in possession who slew the Earl of Bloys as before hath been declared and thereby got possession of that Realm and held it ever after and so do his Heirs at this day And not long before this again the like resolution prevailed in Scotland between the House of Balliol and Bruse who were competitors to that Crown by this occasion that now I will declare William King of Scots had Issue two Sons Alexander that Succeeded in the Crown and David Earl of Huntington Alexander had Issue another Alexander and a daughter
married to the King of Norway all which Issue and Line ended about the year 1290. David younger Brother to King William had Issue two daughters Margaret and Isabel Margaret was married to Alain Earl of Galloway and had Issue by him a daughter that married John Balliol Lord of Harcourt in Normandy who had Issue by her this John Balliol Founder of Balliol Colledge in Oxford that now pretended to the Crown as descended from the eldest daughter of David in the third descent Isabel the second daughter of David was married to Robert Bruse Earl of Cleveland in England who had Issue by her this Robert Bruse Earl of Carick the other competitor Now then the question between these two competitors was which of them should Succeed either John Balliol that was Nephew to the elder daughter or Robert Bruse that was Son to the younger daughter and so one degree more near to the Stock or Stem then the other And albeit King Edward the first of England whose power was dreadful at that day in Scotland having the matter referred to his arbitrement gave sentence for John Balliol and Robert Bruse obeyed for the time in respect partly of fear and partly of his Oath that he had made to stand to that Judgment yet was that sentence held to be unjust in Scotland and so was the Crown restor'd afterward to Robert Bruse his Son and his posterity doth hold it unto this day In England also it self they alledge the examples of K. Henry the first preferred before his Nephew William Son and Heir to his elder Brother Robert as also the example of K. John preferred before his Nephew Arthur Duke of Britany for that King Henry the second had four Sons Henry Richard Geffery and John Henry died before his Father without Issue Richard Reigned after him and died also without Issue Geffery also died before his Father but left a Son named Arthur Duke of Britany by right of his Mother But after the death of King Richard the question was who should Succeed to wit either Arthur the Nephew or John the Uncle but the matter in England was soon desided for that John the Uncle was preferred before the Nephew Arthur by reason he was more near to his Brother dead by a degree then was Arthur And albeit the King of France and some other Princes abroad opposed themselves for stomack against this Succession of King John yet say these favourers of the House of Lancaster that the English inclined still to acknowledge and admit his right before his Nephew and so they proclaimed this King John for King of England while he was yet in Normandy I mean Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury Eleanor the Queen this Mother Geffery Fitz-peter chief Judge of England who knew also what law meant therein and others the Nobles and Barons of the Realm without making any doubt or scruple of his title to the Succession And whereas those of the House of York do alledge that King Richard in his life time when he was to go to the holy Land caused his Nephew Arthur to be declared Heir apparent to the Crown and thereby did shew that his title was the better they of Lancaster do answer first that this declaration of King Richard was not made by act of Parliament of England for that King Richard was in Normandy when he made this declaration as plainly appeareth both by Polidor and Hollingshed Secondly that this declaration was made the sooner by King Richard at that time thereby to repress and keep down the ambitious humor of his Brother John whom he feared least in his absence if he had been declared for Heir apparent might invade the Crown as indeed without that he was like to have done as may appear by that which happened in his said Brothers absence Thirdly they shew that this declaration of King Richard was never admitted in England neither would Duke John suffer it to be admitted but rather caused the Bishop of Ely that was left Governour by King Richard with consent of the Nobility to renounce the said declaration of King Richard in favour of Arthur and to take a contrary Oath to admit the said John if King Richard his Brother should die without Issue and the like Oath did the said Bishop of Ely together with the Archbishop of Roan that was left in equal Authority with him exact and take of the Citizens of London when they gave them their Priviledges and Liberties of Commonalty as Hollingshed recordeth And lastly the said Hollinshed writeth how that King Richard being now come home again from the War of Jerusalem and void of that jealousie of his Brother which before I have mentioned he made his last Will and Testament and ordained in the same that his Brother John should be his successor and caused all the Nobles there present to swear Fealty unto him as to his next in bloud for which cause Thomas Walsingham in his story writeth these words Johannis filius junior Henrici 2. Anglorum regis Alienorae Ducissae Aquitaniae non modo jure propinquitatis sed etiam testamento fratris sui Richardi designatus est successo post mortem ipsius which is John younger Son of Henry the second King of England and of Eleanor Dutchess of Aquitain was declared successor of the Crown not only by Law and right of nearness of bloud but also by the Will and Testament of Richard his Brother Thus much this ancient Chronicler speaketh in the testifying of King John's Title By all which examples that fell out almost within one age in divers Nations over the World letting pass many others which the Civilian touched in his discourse before for that they are of more ancient times these favourers of the House of Lancaster do infer that the right of the Uncle before the Nephew was no new or strange matter in those days of King Edward the third and that if we will deny the same now we must call in question the succession and right of all the Kingdoms and States before-mentioned of Naples Sicily Spain Britany Flanders Scotland and England whose Kings and Princes do evidently hold their Crowns at this day by that very Title as hath been shewed Moreover they say that touching Law in this point albeit the most famous Civil Lawyers of the World be somewhat divided in the same matter some of them favouring the Uncle and some other the Nephew and that for different reasons as Baldus Oldratus Panormitanus and divers others alledged by Gulielmâ—â— Benedictus in his Repetitions in favour of the Nephew against the Uncle And on the other side for the Uncle before the Nephew Bartolus Alexander Decius Altiatus Cujatius and many other their followers are recounted in the same place by the same man yet in the end Baldus that is held for head of the contrary side for the Nephew after all reasons weighed to and fro he cometh to conclude
crime Secondly they say that the House of York did enter only by violence and by infinite bloudshed and by wilful murthering not only of divers of the Nobility both Spiritual and Temporal but also of both King Henry the sixth himself and of Prince Edward his Son and by a certain popular and mutinous election of a certain few Souldiers in Smithfield at London and this was the entrance of the House of York to the Crown whereas King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster entred without bloudshed as hath been shewed being called home by the requests and letters of the people and Noblity and his election and admission to the Crown was orderly and authorized by general consent of Parliament in the doing thereof Thirdly they alledge that King Henry the sixth put down by the House of York was a good and holy King and had Reigned peaceably 40. years and never committed any act worthy deposition whereas King Richard the second had many ways deserved the same as himself came to acknowledge and thereupon made a personal solemn and publick resignation of the said Crown unto his Cousen Henry of Lancaster the which justified much the said Henry's entrance Fourthly they alledge that the House of Lancaster had been in possession of the Crown upon the point of 60â— years before the House of York did raise trouble unto them for the same in which time their Title was confirmed by many Parliaments Oaths approbations and publick Acts of the Commonwealth and by the Nobles Peers and people thereof and by the States both Spiritual and Temporal and with the consent of all foreign Nations so that if there had been any fault in their first entrance yet was this sufficient to authorize the same as we see it was in the title of King William the Conqueror and of his two Sons King William Rufus and King Henry the first that entred before their elder Brether and of King John that entred before his Nephew and of his Son King Henry the third that entred after his Fathers deprivation and after the election of Prince Lewis of France as also of Edward the third that entred by deposition of his own Father of all which Titles yet might there have been doubt made at the beginning but by time and durance of possession and by confirmation of the Commonwealth they were made lawful and without controversie Fifthly they say that if we consider the four King Henrys that have been of the House of Lancaster to wit the 4 5 6 and 7 and do compare them with the other four that have been of the House of York to wit Edward the fourth Richard the third Henry the eighth and Edward the sixth and all their acts both at home and abroad what quietness or troubles have passed and what the Commonwealth of England hath gotten or lost under each of them we shall find that God hath seemed to prosper and allow much more of those of Lancaster then of those of York for that under those of Lancaster the Realm hath enjoyed much more peace and gaining far greater honour and enlarged more the dominions of the Crown then under those of York and that it had done also much more if the seditions rebellions and troubles raised and brought in by the Princes of the House of York had not hindered the same as say these men it was evidently seen in the time of King Henry the sixth when their contention against the Princes of the House of Lancaster was the principal cause why all the English States in France were lost and what garboils and troubles at home have ensued afterwards and how infinite murthers and men slaughters with change of Nobility have been caused hereby and increased afterward under the Government and rule of the Princes of York needeth not say these men to be declared One thing only they note in particular which I will not omit and let it be the sixth note and that is that the Princes of York have not only been rigorous and very bloudy unto their adversaires but also among themselves and to their kindred which these men take to be a just punishment of God upon them And for proof hereof they alledge first the Testimony of Polydor who albeit he were a great advocate of the House of York as before hath been noted for that he lived and wrote his story under King Henry the eighth yet in one place he breaketh forth into these words of the Princes of this House Cum non haberent jam inimicos in quos saevitiam explerent saturarent in semetipsos crudelitatem exercuerunt proprioque sanguine sâ—as pollure manus When these Princes now had brought to destruction all those of the House of Lancaster so as they had no more enemies upon whom to fill and satiate their cruelty then began they to exercise their fierceness upon themselves and to imbrew their hands with their own bloud Thus far Polydor. Secondly they do shew the same by the deeds of both sides for that the love union trust confidence faithfulness kindness and Loyalty of the Princes of Lancaster the one towards the other is singular and notorious as may appear by the acts and studious endeavours of the Lord Henry Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and of the Lord Thomas Duke of Exceter and Marquis of Dorset Brothers of King Henry the fourth to whom and to his Children they were most faithful friendly and loyal as also by the noble proceedings of the Lords Thomas Duke of Clarence John Duke of Bedford and Humphry Duke of Glocester Sons of the forâ—said Henry the fourth and brothers of King Henry the fifth the first of which three gave his bloud in his service and the other two spent their whole lives in defence of the dignity of the English Crown the one as Regent of France the other as Protector of England by the worthy acts also and renowned faithfulness of the Dukes of Somerset Cousen-jeâ—â—ans to the said King Henry the fourth and to his Children and the proper Ancestors of King Henry the VII all which Dukes of Somerset of the House of Lancaster being five or six in number did not only as Polydor saith assist and help their Soveraign and the whole Realm Vigiliis curis periculis that is to say with watchfulness carâ—s and offering themselves to dangers but also four of them one after another to wit Edmond with his three Sons Henry Edmond and John whereof two successively after him were Dukes of Somerset and the Marquess of Dorset were all four I say as so many Maccabees slain in the defence of their Country and Family by the other faction of the House of York which thing say these men shewed evidently both a marvelous confidence that these men had in their quarrel as also a great blessing of God towards that Family that they had such love and union among themselves But now
the other reasons of exclusion which men do lay against the House of Scotland whereof one is urged much by the House of Suffolk and grounded upon a certain Testament of King Henry the eighth as before hath been touched by which Testament the said House of Suffolk that is to say the Heirs of the Lady Frances and of the Lady Eleanor Neeces to King Henry the eighth by his second Sister Mary are appointed to succeed in the Crown of England before the Heirs of Margaret the first Sister married in Scotland if King Henry's own Children should come to die without Issue as now they are all like to do and this Testament had both the Kings hand or stamp unto it and divers Witnesses names besides and was enrolled in the Chancery and was authorized by two Acts of Parliament two wit in the 28. and 35. years of King Henry in which Parliaments authority was given to the said King to dispose and ordain of this point of succession as he and his learned Councel should think best for the weal publick This is the effect of this Argument which albeit the former Books of Mr. Morgan and the Bishop of Ross and some other of the Scottish favourers do seek to refut by divers means and ways as before in the first chapter of this discourse is set down and especially by the Testimony of the Lord Paget and Sir Edward Montague that said the stamp was put unto it after the King was past sense yet they of of the House of Suffolk are not satisfied without that answer for that they say that at least howsoever that matter of the late sealing be yet seeing the King willed it to be done drawn out and sealed it appeareth hereby that this was the last Will and judgment of King Henry and not revoaked by him which is sufficient say these men to answer the intent and meaning of the Realm and the authority committed to him by the foresaid two Acts of Parliament for the disposing of the succession which two Acts say these men containing the whole authority of the Commonwealth so seriously and diliberately given in so weighty an affair may not in reason be deluded or overthrown now by the saying of one or two men who for pleasing or contenting of the time wherein they speak might say or guess that the Kings memory was past when the stamp was put unto his Testament which if it were so yet if he commanded as hath been said the thing to be done while he had memory as it may appear he did both by the Witnesses that subscribed and by the enrollment thereof in the Chancery no man can deny but that this was the King's last Will which is enough for satisfying the Parliaments intention as these men do affirm A fourth argument is made against the King of Scots Succession by all the other competitors jointly and it seemeth to them to be an argument that hath no solution or reply for that it is grounded upon a plain fresh Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 27 year if I erre not of her Majesty that now is wherein it is enacted and decreed that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire attempt or procure the death of the Queen or to be privy or accessary to the same shall lose all right title pretence claim or action that the same parties or their Heirs have or may have to the Crown of England Upon which Statute seeing that afterward the Lady Mary late Queen of Scotland Mother of this King was condemned and executed by the authority of the said Parliament it seeemeth evident unto these men that this King who pretendeth all his right to the Crown of England by his said Mother can have none at all And these are the reasons proofs and arguments which divers men do alledge against the right of succession pretended by the King of Scots But now if we leave this point which concerneth the very right it self of his succession by bloud and will come to examine other reasons and considerations of State and those in particular which before I have mentioned that his favourers do alledge utility and common good that may be presumed will rise to the Realm of England by his admission to our Crown as also the other point also of establishment of Religion by them mentioned then I say these other men that are against his entrance do produce many other reasons and considerations also of great conveniencies as to them they seem against this point of admission and their reasons are these that follow First touching the publick good of the English Commonwealth by the uniting of both Realms of England and Scotland together these men do say that it is very doubtful and disputable whether the state of England shall receive good or harm thereby if the said union could be brought to pass First for that the state and condition of Scotland well considered it seemeth that it can bring no other commodity to England then increase of Subjects and those rather to participate the commodities and riches of England then to import any from Scotland And then secondly the aversion and natural alienation of that people from the English and their ancient inclination to joyn with the French and Irish against us maketh it very probable that that subjection of theirs to the Crown of England would not long endure as by experience we have seen since the time of King Edward the first when after the death of their King Alexander the third without Issue they chose King Edward to be their King delivered their Towns and Fortresses into his hands did swear him Fealty received his Deputy or Vice-Roy as Polydor at large declareth And yet all this served afterward to no other effect but only Slaughter Bloud-shed and infinite Losses and Charges of England Thirdly they say That if the King of Scots should come to possess the Crown of England he cannot chuse at least for many years but to stand in great jealousie of so many other Competitors of the English Bloud-Royal as he shall find in England against whom he must needs fortifie himself by those other Foreign Nations that may be presumed to be most sure unto him though most contrary by natural inclination and least tollerable in Government to English-men as are the Scots of whom he is born and Danes wiâ—h whom he is allied and French of whom he is descended and of the uncivil Part of Ireland with whom one great part of his Realm hath most Conjunction the Authority and sway of which four Nations in England and over English-men what trouble it may work every wise man may easily conjecture Besides that the Scotch-men themselves especially those of the Nobility do openly profess That they desire not this Conjunction and Subordination unto England which in no wise they can bear both for the aversion they have to all English Government over them as also for that their Liberties are
succeeded by Right of the House of Lancaster immediately after King Henry the sixth And the Lady Margaret alledgeth That she was descended from John Earl of Somerset that was a man and therefore â—o be preferred And King Alfonsus alledged That he being in equal degree of nearness of Bloud with the same Countess for that both were Nephews was to be preferred before her for that he was a man and of the whole Bloud to the last Kings of the House of Lancaster and that she was a woman and but of the half Bloud so that three Prerogatives he pretended before her First That he was a man and she a woman Secondly That he descended of the lawful and elder Daughter and she of the younger Brother legitimated And thirdly That he was of whole Bloud and she but of half And for better fortifying of this proof of his Title these men do alledge a certain Case determined by the Learned of our days as they say wherein for the first of these three Causes only the Succession to a Crown was adjudged unto King Philip of Spain to wit the Succession to the Kingdom of Portugal which Case was in all respects correspondent to this of ours For that Emmanuel King of Portugal had three Children for sâ— much as appertaineth to this Affair for afterward I shall treat more particularly of his Issue that is to say two Sons and one Daughter in this order John Elizabeth and Edward even as John of Gaunt had Henry Lady Philippa and John Prince John of Portugal first Child of King Emmanuel had Issue another John and he had Sebastine in whom â—he Line â—f John the first Child was extinguished But Joâ—n's Sister Elizabeth was married to Charâ—â—s the Emperour and had Issue King Philip of Spain that now liveth Edward also younger Brother to Elizabeth or Isabel had Issue two Daughters the one married to the Duke of Parma and the other to the Duke of Bargansa so as King Philip was in equal degree with these Ladies in respect of King Emmanuel for that he was Son to his eldest Daughter and the two Dutchesses were Daughters to his younger Son And upon this rested the Question Which of these should succeed and â—â— was decided That it appertaineth unto King Philip for that he was a man and his Mother was the elder Sister though if King Philip's Mother and the two Dutchesses Father I mean Lord Edward of Portugal had been alive together no doubt but that he being a man should have born it away which these men say holdeth not in our Case but it is much more to our advantage for that it hath been shewed before that if Queen Philippa had been alive with John Earl of Somerset at the death of King Henry the sixth she should have been preferred as legitimate by Birth and therefore much more ought her Nephew King Alfonsus to have been preferred afterward in that he was a man before the Neece of the said John Earl of Somerset that was but a Woman Thus far they And besides all this they do add as often before I have mentioned that King Alfonsus was of the whole Bloud unto all the three King Henries of the House of Lancaster and the Countess of Richmond was but of the half bloud And for more strengthening of this Argument they do say further that besides that Interest or Right to the Crown which King Henry the fourth who was the first King of the House of Lancaster had by his Father John of Gaunt in that the said John was third Son of King Edward the third the said King Henry had divers other interests also which came of himself only and not from his said Father as were for example his being called into the Realm by general voice of all the people his right gotten by Arms upon the evil Government of the former King the personal resignation and delivery of the Kingdom by solemn instrument made unto him by King Richard his Election also by Parliament and Coronation by the Realm and finally the quiet Possession of him and his Posterity for almost sixty years with many Confirmations of the whole Realm by divers Acts of Parliament Oaths and and other Assurances as the World knoweth So many I mean and so authentical as could possibly be devised or given And besides all this that when King Richard was dead he was next in degree of Propinquity unto him of any man living for that the Sons of Roger Mortimer were two degrees further off than he as hath been shewed before All which particular Rights and Interests were peculiar to Henry the fourth's person and were not in his Father John of Gaunt and therefore cannot possibly descend from him to the Issue of John Earl of Somerset but must pass rather to the Issue of King Henry s true Sister the Queen Philippa of Portugal And this though it be supposed that otherwise it might be granted as they say it may not that John Earl of Somorset and his Successors might succeed to John of Gaunt before Lady Philippa which thing say these men if it should be granted yet cannot he succeed to King Henries the fourth fifth and sixth that descended of Blanch. And this is in effect all that I have heard disputed about this point what Line is true Heir to the House of Lancaster to wit whether that of John Earl of Somerset born of Katharine Swinford from whom descendeth King Henry the seventh and his Posterity or else that of Queen Philippa of Portugal born of Lady Blanch from whom are come the foresaid Princes of Portugal But now it remaineth to examine somewhat in this place also what and who are these Princes of the House of Portugal so often named before and what pretence of Succession they and every of them have or may have unto the Crown of England For better understanding whereof it shall be needful to explain somewhat more at large the foresaid Pedigree of King Emmanuel of Portugal who albeit by divers Wives he had many Children yet six only that he had by one Wife of whom there remaineth hitherto Issue are those which may appertain unto our purpose to speak of in respect of any pretence that may be made by them towards England supposing always which is most true that the said King Emmanuel was descended lineally as true and direct Heir from the foresaid Lady Philippa Queen of Portugal that was Daughter of John of Gaunt by his first Wife Lady Blanch Dutchess and Heir of the Dukedom of Lancaster and Sister to King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster so as by her doth or may pretend the whole Posterity of the said King Emmanuel unto whatsoever the said Phillippa might Inherit from her Father or Mother or from her said Brother King of England or his Posterity The six Children then of King Emmanuel were these following and each of them born as here they are set down first Prince
which was not a little for the advancement of King Philip's Title before them both as presently shall be shewâ—d It was replied against this answer in the behalf of the Duke of Parma that the last King Sebastian entred the Crown by way of Representation and not by propinquity of Blood for that he was a degree further off in propinquity of Blood from King John the III. whom he succeeded than was the Cardinal for that he was but his Nephew to wit his Sons Son and the Cardinal was his Brother and yet was the said Sebastian admitted before the Cardinal for that he represented the Place and Right of his Father Prince John that dyed before he inherited and so we see that in this case Representation was admitted said they and in like manner ought it to be now To this it was said that Sebastian was not so much preferred before his great Uncle the Cardinal by vertue of Representation as for that he was of the right Descendant line of King John and the Cardinal was but of the collateral or transversal Line and that all Law alloweth that the right Line shall first be served and preferred before the Collateral shall be admitted so that hereby Representation is nothing furthered This exclusion of Representation did greatly further and advance the pretence of King Philip for the excluding of both these Ladies and their Issues for that supposing as this answer avoucheth that there is no Representation of Father or Mother or Predecessors to be admitted but that every pretender is to be considered only in his own person then it followeth said these men which plead for the King that King Philip being in equal degree of propinquity of Blood with the two Ladies in respect as well of King Henry yet living for that they were all three children of Brother and Sister it followeth that he was to be preferred before them both as well in respect that he was Man and they both Women as also for that he was elder in age and born before them both And albeit the Duke of Parma alledged that he was one degree further off from the foresaid Kings than was King Philip so as not respecting Representation of their Parents that is to say not considering at all that King Philip descended of a Woman and the two Dutchesses of a man but only especting their own persons as hath been declared these mâ—n avouched that King Philip's person was evidently to be preferred for that he was a degree nearer in Blood than the Duke of Parma and superior in sâ—x and age to the Lady Catharine of Bragansa Moreover the Lawyers of King Philip's side affirmed that he was nearer also in propinqâ—ity of blood to King Sebastian the last King than was the very King Cardinal himself and much more than any of the other two pretenders for that he was Brother to the said King Sebastian's Mother and the Cardinal was but Brother to his Grandfather And besides this they alledged that Portugal did belong to the Crown of Castil by divers other means of old as for that it could not be given away by Kings of Castil in Marriage of their Daughters as the principal parts thereof had been as also for that when King John the I that was a Bastard was made King of Portugal by Election of the People the Inheritance thereof did evidently appertain to King John of Castile that had to Wife the Lady Beatrix Daughter and Heir of Ferdinand King of Portugal from which Inheritance of that Crown by open injury both she and her Posterity whose Right is in King Philip at this day were debarred by the intrusion of the said John Master of Avis bastard brother of the foresaid King Ferdinand Thesâ— Reasons alledged divers Lawyers in the behalf of King Philip and those not only Spaniards but also of divers other Countries and Nations as my authors before-named do avow and many books wâ—â—â— written of this matter and when the contention was at the hotest then died the King Cardinal before he could decide the same controversy upon which occasion the King of Spain being perswaded that his Right was best and that he being a Monarch and under no temporal Judge was not bound to expect any other judgment in this Affair nor to subject himself to any other Tribunal but that he might by Force put himself in possession of that which he took to be his own if otherwise he could not have it delivered unto him for so write these Authors by me named seeing also Don Antonio to pretend the said Kingdom by only Favour of some popular party that he had in Lisbon the said King Philip entred upon Portugal by Force of Arms as all the World knoweth and holdeth the same peaceably unto the day And I have been the longer in setting down this contention about the Succession to the Crown of Portugal for that it includeth also the very same pretence and contention for the Crown of England For that all these Princes before-named may in like manner pretend the Succession of that Interest to the House of Lancaster and by that to the Crown of England which doth descend from Queen Philippa eldest Daughter of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster and Sister of King Henry the IV. as hath largely been declared And albeit that some men will sâ—y that this matter is now decided which of these Princes of the House of Portugal entreth also thereby to the other Right of Succession of England yet others will say no for that the Laws of Succession in Portugal and England be different For that in England Representation taketh places so as the children of the Son â—hough they be Women shall never be preferred before the Children of the Daughter though they be Men whereof these men do infer that seeing the Lady Philips Right before-mentioned to the Dukedom of Lancaster and thereby also to the Crown of England is to be preferred according to the Laws of England and not by the Laws of other Foreign Countries it followeth that the self same Right of Succession that is pretended at this day by the Princes of Portugal for succeeding the said Lady Philippa should be determined only by the Laws of England where Representation taketh place and not by the Laws of any other Nation Thus say they But against this others do alledge that the question is not here by what Law this pretence of the Blood Royal of Portugal to the Crown of England is to be tried but rather who is the true and next Heir and Successor unto King John the I. and to his Wife Queen Lady Philippa Heir of the House of Lancaster which two Princes were King and Queen of Portugal and their true Heir at this day hath the forenamed pretence to the Crown of England true and next Hâ—â—r being once known it little importeth by what Lâ—w he pretendeth his said Right to England whether by that of England or by
the Reasons that were on both Parties for this matter and so much the more for that it seemed to Fall very fit to the purpose of these pretences of Foreign Princes for which cause they entreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his whole discourse of the Titles which hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himself a little upon this matter which though for a time he made great difficulty to do yet in the end being so importuned by them he promised that at their Meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that time they departed very well contented but yet as they said with their Heads full of Titles and Titlers to the Crown CHAP. IX Whether it be better to be under a Foreign or Home born Prince and whether under a great and mighty Monarch or under a little Prince or King THe Company being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to hear the point discussed about Foreign Government whereof mention had been made the day before the Lawyer began to say That for so much as they would needs have him to enter into that matter which of it self was full of prejudice in most mens ears and minds for that no Nation commonly could abide to hear of being under strange Governours and Governments he meant to acquit himself in this their Request as he had done in other matters before which was to lay down only the Opinions and Reasons of other men that had disputed this Affair on both sides before him and of his own to affirm or deny nothing And first of all against the Dominions of Strangers and Foreigners he said that he might discourse without end and fill up whole Books and Volumes with the Reasons and Arguments or at least wise with the dislikes and aversions that all men commonly had to be under strangers or to have any Aliens to bear Rule or Charge over them be they of what Condition State or Degree soever and in this he said that as well Philosophers Lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that we see both by their Words Writings and Facts that they abhorr to subject themselves to strange Governments so as in all the eight Books of Aristotles's Politicks you shall still see that in all the different Forms of Commonwealths that he setteth down he presupposeth ever that the Government shall be by People of the self same Nation and the same thing do presume in like manner all those Law-makers that he there mentioneth to wit Minois Solon Lycurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shall read the Famous Invectives of Demosthenes against the pretentions of King Philip of Macedonia that desired to incroach upon the Athenians and other States of Greece as also his Orations against Aeschinos his Adversary that was thought secretly to Favour the said Foreign Prince shall see what Hatred that noble Orator had against Foreign Government and he that shall read the Books of our time either of the Italians when they spake of their Subjection in times past to the Lombardes German or French Nations or to the Spaniards at this day or shall consider what the French do presently write and inveigh against the Power of the House of Guyse and Lorayne in France for that they take them to be Strangers shall easily see how deeply this aversion against Strangers is rooted in their Hearts and this for Testimony of words But now if we will consider the Facts that have ensued about this matter and how much Blood hath been â—hed and what desperate Attempts have been taken in hand by divers Nations for avoiding their subjection to strangers or for delivering themselves from the same again if once they have faln into it you shall behold more plainly the very Impression of Nature her self in this Affair for of divers barbarous Nations Realms and Cities we read in Histories we read that they rather chose to slay and murder themselves than to be under the Dominion of Stranger others have adventured strange Attempts and Bloody Stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the self same hour at the time of Evening Sâ—ng slew all the French-men that were within the Island whom yet themselves had called and invited thither not long before And the like is recorded in our English Histories of killing the Danes by English men at one time in most ruful manner And the like was oftentimes thought on also by the English against the Normans when they Oppressed us and by the French against the English whiles we had Dominion in Franâ—e though neither the one nor the other of these latter designments could be effectuated for want of Forces and Commodity by reason of the watchfulness of the contrary part But yet to speak only of France the Rage and Fury of the French was generally so great and implacable against the English that Governed there in the Reign of King Henry the VI. as both Polydor and other Histories do note â—t what time partly by the dissensions of the Houses of York and Lancaster in England and partly by the valour of their own new King Charles the VII they had hope to be rid of the English Dominion as no Perswasion or Reason no Fear of Punishment no Force of Arms no Promise or Threat no Danger no Pity no Religion no Respect of God nor Man could repress or stay them from rising and revolting every where against the English Government and Governours murthering those of the English Nation in all parts and corners wheresoever they found them without remorse or compassion until they were utterly delivered of their Dominion So as this matter is taught us say these men even by Nature her self that Strangers Government is not to be admitted and moreover the reasons before alledged against the King of Scotlands pretence together with the example and judgments of the Realms of Spain and Portugal who resolved rather to alter the true Order and Course of their Succession than to admit Strangers over them do plainly Confirm the same And last of all say these men the Authority of Holy Scripture is evident in this behalf for that whenâ— God in Deuteronomy did fortel by Moses that the Jews in time would come to change their Government and to desire a King as other Nations round about them had he added yet this express Condition that he should be only of their own Nation for he saith Constitues eum quem Deus tuus elâ—gerit de numero fratrum tuorum non poteris altertus gentis hominem Regem facere qui non sit frater tuus that is Thou shalt make a King at that time such a one as thy Lord God shall chuse for that dignity out of the number of thy Brethren but thou mayst not make a King of any other Nation but of thy own Brethren
of all the Roman Emperours and in the Life of one of them that was an excellent Governour named Antonius Pius the said Knight hath this discourse ensuing There was in this mans Governments said he great Contentment and Joy on all hands great Peace and Quietness and very great Justice and truely it is a thing worthy in this place to be considered what was the humane Power and how infinite the Forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great was the Liberty Quietness Security Wealth and Contentment of the Subjects that lived under that Government when good Princes had the managing thereof as was this Antoninus and his Son Aurelius that followed him and as were Adrian Trajan and divers others What a thing was it to see their Courts frequented freely by all the Noble Valiant and Learned men of the World to see the union and friendly dealing of diffierent Nations together when all served one Prince so as a man might have gone over the whole World or most and best parts thereof with all security and without all fear all Nations and Countries being their Friends Neighbours or Subjects neither was there need at that time of any Pasports or safe Conducts nor of so often change of Coyn to travel as now there is neither yet were there new Laws every foot as now be found in different Countries neither was there danger of Enemies or to be taken prisoners and captives nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one Countrey and flee into another thereby to be free from punishment and he that was born in the very Orcades or furthest part of Europe was at home though he were in Africa or Asia and as free a Denizen as if he had been born there Merchants also might pass at that day from Countrey to Countrey with their Merchandise without particular Licences or fear of Forfeits and finally the temporal state of a Subject was wonderful happy at that time Thus far discourseth that learned Knight and no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded on great Reason and he that will leave at this day the many commodities of being under a Great and Potent Prince if it lie in his own hands to chuse for this only circumstance that he is not born in the same Countrey with him is a man of small judgment and capacity in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publick utility with a false weight of fond affection And thus much may be said of the first way of being under Strangers and Foreign Government which is that which vulgar men do most abhor and inveigh against to wit to be under a foreign Prince that liveth absent and ruleth by his Governours But besides this there is another manner of being under a Foreign Prince as when an Alien Prince cometh to dwell among us and this by either of two ways to wit that either this Prince cometh without Forces as did King Stephen and King Henry the II. that were French-men as hath been said and came to live and govern in England but without external Forces and as King Philip of Spain came afterwards when by Marriage of Queen Mary he became King of England and as the last King Henry the III of France went into Polonia by the free Election and Invitation of that Nation and as his Brother Monsieur Francis Duke of Alenson should have entred afterward to have been King of England if the Marriage pretended between her Majesty and him had gone forward and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and another is that this Prince do bring Forces with him for his own assurance and these either present as the Danish Kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also used I mean not only William the Conquerour himself but also his two Sons William Rufus and Henry the I who either by help of the Normans already in England or by others brought in by them afterwards wrought their will or else that this Prince so entring have Foreign Forces so at hand as he may call and use them when he will for that they have no Sea to pass which is the case of the King of Scots and of both these wayes these men do give their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former way when a Foreign Prince entreth without any Forces at all and with intention to live among us they hold that there is no danger nor yet any inconvenience can justly be feared for that in this case he subjecteth himself rather to the Realm and Nation than they to him and if he live and marry in England both himself and his Children will become English in a little space And for his own assurance he must be inforced to favour and cherish and make much of the English Nation and be liberal gentle and friendly to all for gaining their good wills and friendship And in one very great and important point his condition is different and better for the English than any English Kings can be which is that he entreth with indifferent mind towards all men hath no kindred or alliance within the Land to whom he is bound nor enemy against whom he may be inticed to use cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each man must move him to favour or disfavour which is a great Foundation say these men of good and equal Government Again they say that in respect of the State present of England and as now it standeth and for the publick good not only of the common Subjects but also of the Nobility and especially and above others of the English Competitors and Pretenders that cannot all speed no way were so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this time should be admitted upon such Compositions and Agreements as both the Realm should remain with her ancient Liberties and perhaps much more than now it enjoyeth for such Princes commonly and upon such occasions of Preferment would yield to much more in those Cases than a home-born Prince would and the other Pretenders at home also should remain with more security than they can well hope to do under any English Competitor if he come to the Crown who shall be continually egged on by his own kindred and by the aversion emulation and hatred that he has taken already by contention against the other opposite Houses to pull them down and to make them away and so we have seen it by continual Examples for many years though no occasion say these men hath ever been offered to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home English Bloud be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kind of being under Foreign Princes To the third they confess that it standeth subject to much danger and inconvenience to admit a foreign Prince
in England to favour him and his pretence or else in respect of his own particular Family Friends and Allies both at home and abroad And for that the Party of Religion is like to weigh most and to bear the greatest sway and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Civilian hath proved at large in the last of his Discourses therefore shall I also quoth the Lawyer first of all then treat of this point of Religion in this my last Speech It is well known said he that in the Realm of England at this day there are three different and opposite Bodies of Religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three Bodies are known commonly in England by the names of Protestants Puritans and Papists though the latter two do not acknowledge these Names and for the same cause would not I use them neither if it were not only for clearness and brevities sake for that as often I have protested my meaning is not to give offence to any Side or Party These three Bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect all the Force of England and do make so general a division and separation throughout the whole Land in the hearts and minds of their Friends Favourers and followers as if I be not deceived no one thing is like so much to be respected in each Pretender for his advancement or depression as his Religion or inclination therein by them that must assist him at that day and are of different Religions themselves And more I am of opinion said he that albeit in other changes heretofore in England as in the entrance of King Edward and Queen Mary and of this Queens Majesty that now is divers men of different Religions did for other respects concurr and joyn together for these Princes advancement notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seen in that for King Edward all the Realm without exception did concurr and for Queen Mary it is known that divers Protestants did by name and among other points it is also known that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a fervent Protestant in those days being of King Edward's Privy Chamber did not only advise her of the sickness and decay of King Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an express Messenger to advise her of her Brother's death and what the two Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk did contrive against her and that with such celerity that King Edward dying but on Thursday night the 10 th of July the Lady Mary was most certainly advised thereof by Saturday morning next and that very early in Kenning-hall-Castle of Norfolk 80. Miles off and divers other Protestants did assist her also in that her Entry as in like manner all those of the Roman Religion without exception did assist her Majesty that now reigneth after the decease of the said Queen Mary and this was then But I am of opinion that matters will fall out far otherwise at the next Change and this partly peradventure for that the titles of Succession in the Pretenders are not so clear but rather much more doubtful now than they were then and partly or rather principally for that men in time are come to be of more resolution and determination in matters of Religion and by contention and pursuing one the other are become more opposite and enemies and more desirous of revenge and further also than this those that be of milder and better condition and have not these passions in them yet by Reason and Experience they do see the great absurdity and inconvenience that ensueth by that a man of one Religion should give aid to the advancement of a Prince of a contrary Religion to that which himself doth esteem and hold for only truth which in him that so doth cannot be denied but that it is a point of little zeal at the least if not contempt of God and of Religion or of plain atheism as others will call it And moreover I remember that the Civilian before in the end of his Speech inveighed also much against this point and shewed that besides lack of Conscience and Religion it was in like manner against all humane wisdom and policy to favour a pretender of a different Religion from himself and this for divers reasons that he laid down which reasons I confess prevailed much with me and I do allow greatly of that his opinion and assertion which averred that the first respect of all others ought to be GOD and Religion in this great Affair of making a King or Queen and that without this no Title whatsoever ought to prevail or be admitted by Christian men and that the Cities of France at this day do not amiss but justly and religiously so long as they are of that Religion that they are to stand against the King of Navarr though otherwise by descent they do confess his Title to be clear and evident for that he is of contrary Religion to them Wherefore seeing that the very same Case is like or rather certain to ensue one day in England and that it is most probable that each Party of the Realm will stand most upon this Point that is to say upon the defence and advancement of their Religion and of such a King as shall be known to favour the same that themselves be of let us examin a little if you please quoth he what force ability each of these three Bodies of Religion now mentioned is like to be of at that day in England for effectuating or promoting this purpose of a new King And first to begin with the Protestant as with him that hath the sway of Authority and present Power of the State in his favour no doubt but that his force will be also great at that day said he and especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her Majesty untill he may be able to put his Affairs in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different judgments and affections which are not thought to be wanting in the Court Council and Princes Chamber it self whereof we saw the effect as before I told you at the death of King Edward which was as much endeavoured to be kept as ever any was and as much it imported the Concealers and yet within not many hours after had the Lady Mary most certain notice thereof â—y those that were opposite to her in Religion as I have shewed before so ardent are mens minds in such occasions and so capable of new impressions designments and desires are all kind of subjects upon such great changes A chief Member of the Protestant Body as you know for Wealth and Force is the Clergy of England especially the Bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical Dignity which are like to be a great Back to this Party at that
Polit. Diversity of Government in divers Countries and Times Rome Africa and Greece Italy Dukes for Kings and Kings for Dukes Spain Bohemia Polonia England The Jews lib. Genes Lib. Exo. Lib. Job Lib. Jud. Lib. 1. Reg. Lib. Machab The Realm chuseth her Form of Government The Commonwealth limiteth the Governours Authority A Natural Prince A Monarchy the best Government Arist. lib. 4. pol. a. c. 9. Seneca Plutarch The Antiquity of Monarchy 1 Reg. 8. Dionys. Haly l. 5. Cornel. Tacit. l. 3. Cicero l. 1. Offic. Hierom. l. 2. epist. 12. Chrisost. ho. 23. 1 Pet. 2. Two Points to be noted How St. Peter calleth a King most excellent Utilites of a Kingdom and conveniences of other Governments Cicero l. 1. offic Democratia Miseries of Popular Government in Italy Tit. liv l. 30. Eutrop. l. 3. Oros. l. 5. 6. The cause why Laws be added to Kings Arist. l. 3 pol. c. vitâ— A notable Saying Arist. l. 3â— pol. c. 12. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 2. Divers â—â—â—nes and properties of Laws Cic. lib. 2. Offic. Law is the Discipline of a weal publick Psal. 2. The Counsels of Princes a great help Arist. l. 4. Pol. c. 10. The Monarchy of England temper'd The restraints of Kingly power in all Estates Roman Kings Liv. lib. 1. dâ—c 1. Greâ—ian Kings Arist. lib. 2. c. 8. polit Plutarch in Lycurg Cic. l. â— Offic. Why Kiâ—â— were restrained Laws Cic. l. 3. de legibuâ— Why Kinâ—â—ly Goverâ—â—ment we left in Rome Titus Livâ—â—â—us l. 1. dec 8. Livius ibidem Restrain's of Kingdoms in Europe Sleydon lib. 8. Aâ— 1532. Blond Dâ—â—cad 2. l. Crant li. cap. 25. Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia Her l. 9. Hist. Polonia Cromerus l. 3. Hist. Polon Kings of Spain France and England Concil blet 4. c. 74. concil s. c. 3. Peculiar manner of Succession An. 1340. Paul Anil Hist. Franc. l. 2. Gerard du Hailan l. 4. Hist. Franc. Fran. Belfor l. 5. c. 1 An. 1327. Reason for Succession of Women The Infanta of Spain and Prince of Lorrain Gerard dâ— Hailain lib. 13. Hiâ—â— Franc. c An. 1317 lib. 14 An. 132â— lib. 3. dâ— l'Estat de frunce Kings lawfully possessed may be deprived A markable circumstance Against Rebillions People and contemnorâ— of Princes 2 Pet. 2.10 Jude 8. Titles of Princes once settled not to be examined by private men Against flatterers that yield too much power to Princes Absurd flateries uttered by Belloy and others Belloy in apolog Cath. apolog pro Rege The purpose of the next Chapter Two points to be proved Nothing hear spoken against due respect to Princes ☜ Deprivations of Kings recounted in Scripture ☜ 1 Reg. 31. 4 Reg. 21.44 King Josias 2 Paralip 34. 2 Paralip 35. King David Xenophon in Cyropaed Ni. Machâ— l. 2. c 2. â— Tit. Liviâ— August l. de Gran. The wisdome and piety of King David 1 Paralipâ— 15. 1 Psal. 22â— 25. The Arms King David His Valour in Chivalry King David ' s Victories 2 Reg. 8. 1 Paral. 18 2 Reg. 23. Joseph l. 7. antiq c. 10 2 Reg. 7. His Humiliâ—y Charity and Devotion Kings put down among the Romans and what Successors they had Halicar l. 1 Tertul. l. de praescrip contra haeres Justin. martyr apolog T it liv l. 1 dec 1. Eutrop. l. 1 Caesar Augustus Dion in Caesa. Sueton in Câ—esa Nero Vespatian Cornel. Tacit. lib. 10 81. Egesip l. 5 Entrop in vita Caesa. Heliogabalus An. Domâ— 124. Alius lamp in vita Heliog Alexander Severus Herod in vit Sever Maxentius Constantin The bhange of the East Empire Charles the Great An. 800. Two chanâ—gs in France Belfori l. â— Girard l. â— Aemil. l. 2 Clem. Caudin en la Chroâ—nique des Roys de France Reasons Deprivation Hugo Capet Anno 988. Examples of Spain Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros. moral l. 11 cap. 17. Isidor in Hist. Hispan Estevan â— Garibay 13. de la â— Hist. de â—spa c. 1 Tabulae Astron. Alfonsinae King Don Alonso deposed Don Pedrâ— Crâ—el deposed Garibay l. 14. c. 40.41 In Portugal King Don Sancho 2. deposed Garibay lib. 4. de Hist. Portug c. 19. Lib. 6. dâ—â—â—cret tit de suppleâ— da cap. Grand 1. Garibay in Hist. dâ— Portug 〈◊〉 34. cap. 2. The Emperrors of Greece Galicas in Annal. part 4. Zon. Annal co 3. in vita Michael Calapha In Polonia In literis reip Polon ad Henr. Valesium pag. 182.184 Vide Gagneum part 1. de rebus Polon In Suetia Poilin 1.32 Histor de Franc. An. 1568. In Denmark Sleydanâ— l. 4. Hisâ— An. 133â— Munst. 〈◊〉 Cosmogâ— descript Davide Paulus â— vius in ris illust Example of England King Joâ—â— Deposed Polid. hiâ—â— Ang. l. 1â— An. 121. An. 1216. An. 1216. King Henry the third King Edward the second deposed Polyd. l. 18 Hist Ang. An. 1386. Stow in the Life of K. Edward the second The manner of Deprivation of a King See Stow and Hollings in this man's Life King Edward the third King Richard the second Deposed Polyd. l. 20. Hist. Aug. 1399. King Henry the 6th Deposed Polyd. lib. 23. Hist. Anglic. K. Richâ— the thiâ—â— deposedpunc An. 1â— A poâ—â— much noted The reply of the Temporal Lawer Belloy apolog Cathol c. part 2. Paragraph 9. Apol. pro. Regâ—â— cap. 9. An objection out of the Prophet Samuel 1. Reg. 8. The Power of a King or rather of a Tyrant Belloy polog pâ— 2. Paraâ— Apolâ— rege câ— 2.4 c Great aâ—surditieâ— flateriesâ— Cic. lib. 2. offic Another absurdity Institut imperial l. 2. Tit. 1. Division of goods by Civil Law Slaves and Freemen Arist. l. â— pol. c. 4 â— Arist. l. â— c. 3. Mark the Reason Divers evident reasons against Belloy 3 Reg. 21. Cap. inovamus 10. de cauebus c. super quibusdam 26. §. de verborum signif An Answer to the Objection out of the Prophet Samuel Arist. l. pol. c. 1â— Joseph l. â— antiq c. â— Deut. 1â— 3 Reg. 10. Psal. 2. By what Law Princes are punished The difference beween a private man and a Common-wealth The Prince Authority but subdelegat In reguliâ— utrinque juris vide in sine sexti Decret reg 75.69 When an Oath bindeth not Cicero li. 1. Offic. A clear Example Math. 24. Regul 68. in sine 6. Decret Decret Greg. l. Tit. 24. Decret part 2. caâ— sa 22. quâ— 4. c. 5. â— quâ— 5. perâ—â—totuâ— Two principle cases when Oath hold not â—â—wards a Prince Aemil. l. 2. Hist. Franc. Belfor in vita Childer Girad lib. 3. The Speech of the Fren. Embassador for deprivation of their King The conclusion how when Oaths do not bind Subjects The difference between a King and a Tyrant Plat. dial 1. de repub Arist. li. 2. Pol. c. 5. Bart. li. de Tyrannide Cicero li. 3. de legibus God l. 1. Tit. 14 §. digna Suet. c. 23. in Calig Zoo tom 2 in Trainâ— See in the Chapter following The Speech of a Souldier The occasion of the next Chapter The
Queen of Spain Garib l. 13. cap. 10. An. 12â—7 An English Queen Grand-mother to two King Saints at once Another breach of Succession The Cord is put back from the Crown 1276. Garabay l. 15. c. 1. an 1363. Many alterations of Lineal descent Don John the first bastard King of Portugal Garib l. 15. c. 22 l. 34. c. 39. Of the State of France An 419. An. 751. An. 988. Examples of the two Ranks of French Kings King Pepin by Election An. 751. King 〈…〉 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—lan 〈◊〉 an â—8 Eginard Belfor li. 2 cap. 5. The Uncle preferred before the Nephew Paul Mili hist. Franc. King Luys de bonnaire An. 814. Gerard. l. 5. An. 834 An. 840. An. 878. Baudin en la Chronique pag. 119. Gerard l. 1 An. 879. Two Bastards preferred An. 881. Luys Faineant King of Foance An. 886. Charles 4. le Gros King of France Gerard. li. 5. An. 888 Odo a King and after Duke of whom came Hugo Capetus Ralph I. King of France An. 927. An. 929. Luys IV. d' Outremer The true Heir of France excluded Hugh Capet otherwise Snatchcape 988. Belfor li. 3. cap. 1. An. 988. Defence of Hugh Kapetus Title The Embassage of the States of France unto Charles of Loraine Gerard l. 6. an 988. Note this comparison Example out of the third time of France Gerard. li. 6. an 1032. King Henry preferred before his elder Brother William Conquerour how he came to be Duke of Normandy Gerard l. 6. anno 1032. 1037. Sons excluded for the Fathers offences Gerard l. 7. ann 1110 Belfor l. 4. c. 1. l. 5. Commaeus in commentar l 1. in vita Ludovic 11. Examples of the Realm of England Divers Races of English Kings The name of England and English King Egbert the first Monarch of England Polidor hist. Aug. li 4. in fine An. 802. King Pepin of France King Adelwolfe An. 829. King Alfred 872. King Edward Elder An. 900 King Aleston the Bastard preferred An 〈◊〉 〈…〉 hist. Angl. Stow pag. 130. An. 924. King Edmond I. An. 940. The 〈◊〉 preferred before the Nephews 946. Polid. l. 6. Stâ—w in 〈…〉 〈…〉 King Edward martyrized King Etheldred 978. Polid. l. 7. hist. Aug. King Edmond Ironside Queen Emma Mother to King Edward the Confessor Many breaches of Lineal Succession Sons of King Edmond Ironside King Canutus the First 1018 King Harald the Bastard 1038. Polyd. l 8. hist. Angl. King Hardiâ—anutus Anno 1041. Alfred the younger Brother preferred King Edward the Confessor made King against Right of Succession Prince Edward the Outlaw and his Children put back Polyd. l. 8. Harald second King by Election 1066. Polid. ubi sâ—p 〈…〉 of England An. 1066. by Election Gerard. li. 6. An. 1065 Chron. 〈◊〉 l. 3. cap. â—4 Antoninus part 2. Chron. tit 16. cap. 5. §. 1. Examples after the conquest Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. William Rufus King An. 1087. Henry I. An. 1100. Mathild the Empress King Stephen entred against Succession An Act of Parliament about Succession 1153. King Richard and King John 1190. Prince Arthur put back Two Sisters of Prince Arthur Duke of Britain King John and his Son rejected 1216. The Titles of York and Lancaster The conclusion of this Chapter Causes of Excluding Princes Who must be Judge of the lawful cause of Exclusion Open injustice to be resisted What are the chief points to be regarded in â— Princes admission Whence the Reasons of admitting or rejecting a Prince are to be taken Gerard. li. 3. de l' Estat pag. 242. Three principal Points to be considered Why â—e resolveth to treat of Religion principally The chief end of a common-wealth supernatural Philosophers and Law-makers what end they had of their Doings The commonwealth of Beasts The natural end of Mans commonwealth Sacrifices and Oblations by Nature Gen. 8. Job 1. The chief end of a common-wealth and Magistrates is Religion Genebrard l. 1. Chronol de l. aetate Genes 25. 29. Deut. 21. 2 Parali 21. Regard of Religion among Gentiles Cicero li. 1 quaest Tus. de natuâ—a Deorum lib. 1. Plâ—tâ—rch adverses 〈◊〉 Aristo l. 7. Polâ—ti c. 8. The aâ—sâ—rd 〈…〉 Politicks See before the Oaths made by Princes at their Coronations in the IV. Chapter The Oath to Governours for defence of Religion Collat. 2. Novella constit Justin. 8. tit 3. Note the form of this Oath written An. Dom. 560. How great a defect is want of Religion in a Magistrate Lack of Religion the chiefest cause to exclude a Pretender Vide Digest li. 2â— tit 1. leg 8. 10. Matth. 1â— Marc. 10. 1 Cor. 7. Lib. 4. deceret Greg. tit 19. c. 7. Whether difference in Religion be infidelity Act. 23. 1 Cor. 8. 2 Cor. 5. 1 Pet. 3. Matth. 18 How he that doth against his own conscience Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 14. 10. See upon this place of S. Paul S. Chrysost. hom 36. in hanc epistolam Orig. l. 10. Theodor. in hunc locum How dangerous to favour a Pretender of a contrary reli Against Wisdom and Policy to prefer a Prince of a contrary Religion The conclusion of the whole Speech A protestation of the Lawyer Why they will not determin of any one Title The Book of Hales and Sir Nicholas Bacon The but of â—â—lâ—s his â—â—â—k 〈◊〉 Râ—â—son 〈…〉 The Book of M. Morgan and Judge Brown Answer to the I. Reason To the II. Reason Highinton's book George Lilly in fine Epit. chronic Anglic Sundry important Points Divers other Nots and Pamphlets Sir Richard Shelly Francis Peto A Treatise in the behalf of 〈◊〉 Infanta of Spain Discent of William the Conqueror The Children of the Conqueror Polid. l. 9. in fine Stow in vita Guliel The miseries of Duke Robert and his Son Stow in vit Gul. Conquest William Son of Duke Robert Belfor l 3. cap. 42. An. 1128. King William Rufus Tareagnotta l. 2. del Hist. del mondo K. Henry Polydor. in vita Henrici 1. The House of Britain by the elder Daughter of the Conqueror Belfor l. 3. Pag. 423. Conan Duke of Britain Poysoned by William the Conqueror Belâ—or l. 3. Cap. 12. Aâ— 1095. ex chronic dionis The Daugh of Spain â—re of the â—loud Royal of England The Houses of Bloys Why Stephen was admitted King of England Girard l. 6. Belfor l. 3. The Issue of K. Stephen K. Henry the II. Belfor l. 3. cap. 50. An. 1151. Geraâ—d l. 8 pag 549 King Henry II. his Issue Stow in vita Hen. King Richard Duke Geffrey Paradyn apud Belforest Belfor l. 3. cap. 71. An. 1203. Belfor l. 4. cap. 4. King John and his Issue Miseries that fell upon King John Poâ—i l. Hollâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Stow â—n vita Johannis The issue of King Henry II his Daâ—â—â—ters 〈◊〉 l. 3. c. â—9 〈◊〉 115â— The Issue of Lady Eleanor Queen of Spain Polyd. l. 15. in vit Johan Steph. Garib l. 12. cap. 31. Queen Berenguela Garibay l. 12. c. 52. Pretences of the Infanta of Spain to English French States K. Henry â—he 3. and his
A CONFERENCE About the Next SUCCESSION TO THE Crown of England Divided into Two Parts The First containeth The Discourse of a Civil Lawyer how and in what manner Propinquity of Bloud is to be preferred The Second containeth The Speech of a Temporal Lawyer about the particular Titles of all such as do or may pretend within England or without to the next Succession Whereunto is also added A New and Perfect Arbor and Genealogy of the Descents of all the Kings and Princes of England from the Conquest unto this day whereby each mans Pretence is made more plain Dedicated to the Right Honourable the Earl of Essex one of Her Majesties Privy-Council and of the Noble Order of the Garter Published by R. Doleman Re-printed at N. with License MDCLXXXI The sum of both Parts more in particular THE first declareth by many Proofs and Arguments That the next Propinquity or Ancestry of Bloud alone though it were certainly known yet it is not sufficient to be admitted to a Crown without other Conditions and Circumstances requisite be found also in the person pretendent THE second examineth the Titles and Pretensions of all such as may have Claim or Action to the Crown of England at this day what may be said for them and what against them And in the end though he leave the matter extreme doubtful as touching the best right yet he giveth certain Conjectures about some persons that are likest to prevail To the Right Right Honourable the Earl of Essex one of Her Majesties Privy Council TWo principal Causes among others Right Honourable are wont to invite men to dedicate any Book or Treatise to a Person in Authority The one Private Duty and Obligation the other Publick Utility in respect that the Master may concern that Person for the Common Good And to confess the truth both of these jointly have moved me at this time to present unto your Honour above others the two Books ensuing which contain a Conference had in Holland not long since â—â—out the Pretences and Pretenders to the Crown of England as your Honour shall perceive by the Preface of each Book and therefore hereof I shall need say no more but only declare the aforesaid two Causes of this Dedication First then I say that my particular obligation towards your Honours Person riseth partly of good Turns and Benefits received by some Friends of mine at your Lordships hands in your last Voyage and Exploits in France but principally of far greater Favours receiv'd from your Noble Ancestors I mean not only your Father whose untimely death was to England no small Wound but of your Grand-father also that worthy Knight Sir Walter Deverux who though he lived not to come to those Titles of Honour whereunto he was born yet left he behind him so rare a memory for his excellent Parts of Learning Wit Feature of Body Courtesy and other such Noble Commendations as none in England perhaps the like in our time wherein also hath lived your Honours Great Grandfather Sir Henry Deverux Visconde Ferys well remembred yet by divers of my said Friends obliged unto him as also recorded by our English Histories as well for his Merits and Worthiness as in like manner for his Match with the Heir of the most Famous and Noble House of the Bourchers Earls of Essex whereof also your Honour is known to be descended and to hold at this day as well their Nobility of Blood as Dignity of Title and this shall serve in this place for my particular obligation whereof perhaps hereafter upon other occasion I may give further relation and testimony to the World in token of my Gratitude But for the second Point of Publick Vtility I thought no man more fit than your Honour to dedicate these two Books unto which treat of the Succession to the Crown of England for that no man is in more high and eminent Place or Dignity at this day in our Realm than your self whether we respect your Nobility or Calling or Favour with your Prince or high Liking of the People and consequently no man like to have a greater part or sway in deciding of this great Affair when time shall come for that determination then your Honour and those that will assist you and are likest to follow your Fame and Fortune And for that it is not convenient for your Honour to be unskilful in a matter which concerneth your Person and the whole Realm so much as this doth and finding this Conference had by two Learned Lawyers to handle the Question very pithily and exactly and yet with much Modesty and without offence of any and with particular affection and devotion to Her Majesty and with special care of Her Safety I thought not expedient to let it lie unpublished as also judged that no Hands were fitter to receive the same nor any Protection more secure or plausible than that of your Honour whom God long preserve in all true Honour and Felicity to the Comfort of Your Lordships Faithful Servants and Clients and to the Publick Benefit of your Countrey From my Chamber in Amsterdam this last of December 1593. Your Honours most Affectionate R. DOLEMAN The CONTENTS of the first PART THe Preface containing the occasion of this Treatise with the subject purpose and parts thereof That Succession to government by nearness of bloud is not by Law of Nature or Divine but only by humane and positive Laws of every paticular Commonwealth and consequently may upon just causes be altered by the same Chap. 1. fol. 1. Of the particular form of Monarchies and Kingdoms and the different Laws whereby they are to be obtained holden and governed in divers Countries according as each Commonwealth hath chosen and established Chap. 2. f. 12. Of the great reverence and respect due to Kings and yet how divers of them have been lawfully chastised by their common-wealths for their misgovernment and of the good and prosperous success that God commonly hath given to the same and much more to the putting back of an unworthy pretender Chap. 3. f. 30. Wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of proceeding against Princes which in the former chapter is mentioned what interest Princes have in their subjects goods or lives how Oaths do bind or may be broken by subjects towards their Princes and finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant Chap. 4. f. 51. Of the Coronation of Princes and manner of their admitting to their authority and the Oaths which they do make in the same unto the Commonwealth for their good government Chap. 5. f. 66. What is due to onely succession by Birth and what interest or right an Heir apparent hath to the Crown before he is Crowned or admitted by the Commonweath and how justly he may be put back if he have not the parts requisite Chap. 6. f. 98. How the next in succession by propinquity of bloud have oftentimes been put back by the Commonwealth and others further off admitted
in their places even in those Kingdoms where succession prevaileth with many examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain Chap. 7. f 113. Of divers other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the next in bloud are sometimes put back from succession and how God hath approved the same with good success Chap. 8. f. 132. What are the principal points which a Commonwealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any Prince wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of Religions and other such Causes Chap. 9. f. 158. The CONTENTS of the second Book Tâ—â— Preface with the intention and protestation of the Lawyer to treat this matter without the hurt or prejudice of any 〈◊〉 divers 〈◊〉 and treatises that have been written heretofore 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of such as pretend to the Crown of England and 〈◊〉 they do contain in favour or disfavour of divers pretenders Chaâ— 1. â—ol 1. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the conquest 〈◊〉 other 〈…〉 the III. with the begnning of three principal lineages of the English bloud Royal dispersed into the House of Britany Lancaster and York Chap. 2. f. 10. Of the Succession of English Kings from King Edward the III. unto our days with the particular causes of dissention between the Families of York and Lancaster more largely declared Chap. 3. f 3â—0 Of the great and general controversie and contention between the said two Houses Royal of Lancaster and York and which of tâ—â—m may sâ—â—m to have had the better right to the Crown by way of 〈◊〉 Chap. 4 f. 44. Of 〈◊〉 principal and particular houses of lineages that do or â—ay pretend to the Crown of England at this day which are the House of Scotland of 〈◊〉 of Clarence of Britanny and of Portâ—â—â—l and first of all the causes of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and of the Lady Arabella Chaâ— 5. f. â—â— Of the 〈◊〉 of â—uffâ—lk containing the claims as well of the Counteâ—â— of Dariâ— â—nd of her Children as also of the Children of the Earl of 〈…〉 6 f. 101. Of the House of 〈…〉 and Britany which containeth the claims of the Earl of Hâ—â—â—â—â—gton and of the Lady Infanta of Spain and others of these two Families Chap. 7. f. 110. Of the House of Portugal which containeth the â—laimâ— as well of the King and Prince of Spain to the Succession of England as also of the Duâ—â— of Parma and Brâ—gaâ—sâ— by the House of Lancaster Chap. 8. f. 1â—4 Whether it be better to be 〈◊〉 a forrain or home-born Prince and whether under great an â—â—â—ghty Monarch or under a little 〈…〉 Chap. 9. f. 150 Of â—ertâ—â—n other secondary or collateral lines and how extreme dâ—ubâ—fâ—ll all the pretences â—e and which of all these pâ—enders are must like by probability to prevail in the end and to get the Crown of England Chap. 10. f. 113. The Preface containing the occasion of this Treatise with the subject purpose and parts thereof THere chanced not long ago I mean in the months of April and May of this last year 93. to meet in Amsterdam in Holland certain Gentlemen of divers Nations qualities and affections as well in Religion as otherwise yet the most part English and Irish and they had been in divers Countries studied different Arts and followed unlike professions some of Soulders some of Lawyers both Temporal and Civil others of meer travellers to learn experience and policy And for that the advice which daily came from England at that time the Parliament being then in hand gave occasion to discourse of English affairs they fell into divers points concerning the same but yet none was treated so largely or so seriously as was the matter of succession and competitors to the Crown for that it was presumed a great while that some thing would be determined thereof in that Parliament though one or two of the wisest of that company held ever the contrary opinion But when at length news was brought that nothing at all had been done therein but rather that one or two as was reported had been checked or committed for speaking in the same then came it in question among the Gentlemen what should be the cause of such proceeding in a matter so weighty and so necessary for all English men to know But two Gentlemen Lawyers of the company one of the common Law and the other a Civilian alledged so many reasons for justifying the Queens Majesties doings in this behalf as all did seem satisfied for that it was made plain that it could not stand with the safety either of Her Majesty or of the Realm or of the party himself who should be preferred that any declaration of Heir apparent should be made during the life of Her Majesty that now is how dangerous soever the delay thereof may be esteemed for the time to come And so the end of this Speech brought in presently the beginning of another to wit what were like to be these dangers and who might be likest of the pretenders to prevail after Her Majesty about which matter there was much discoursed by divers Parties but the conclusion of all was that both these points remained very doubtful but much more the second who should prevail of the competitors which they said did make the former point less doubtful of the multitude of dangers that thereby did hang over the Commonwealth of England though it wanted not doubt also in particular what and where they should fall for said they wheresoever many pretenders of the bloud Royal are known to be competitors to a Crown there cannot chuse but many perils also must be imminent to the Realm To this one of the company said that he did not see how there could be either so many pretenders to the Crown as the day before had been spoken of in that place for the Common Lawyer before named newly come out of England had told them that he had heard of some 9. or 10. or more Plots that were debated within the Realm for so many pretenders or if there were any such great number descended of the Bloud Royal yet their titles could not be so doubtful seeing it was an easie matter to discern who was next in discent of bloud and who not Not so easie quoth this Gentleman Lawyer for that although it cannot be denied but that there is among all such as may pretend at this day a certain known order and degree of nearness in bloud to some King or Queen that hath possessed the Crown before them and in this discent it is known also commonly who descendeth of the elder house and who of the younger and other such like vulgar circumstances yet notwithstanding for that there be many other points considerable in this affair as the right of the first stock whereof each part doth spring the disableing of the same stock afterwards by attainders or otherwise the
places even in those Kingdoms where Succession prevaileth with many Examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain AT the next Meeting the Civilian came in very pensive as though his head had been full of study where being asked the reason he answered that he had revolved many Stories since his departure about the point which he promised to treat of and that he had found such store and great variety of matter as he knew not well where to end For quoth he if I should begin with the Grecian Kings before-mentioned it were infinite that might be alledged and perhaps some man would say they were too too old and far-fetched Examples and cannot be Presidents to us in these ages and if I lay before you the Examples of Roman Kings and Emperours put in and out against the Law and Right of Succession the same men perhaps will answer that it was by force and injury of mutinous Souldiers whereunto that Common-wealth was greatly subject And if I should bring forth any Presidents and Examples of Holy Scriptures some others might chance to reply that this was by particular priviledge wherein God Almighty would deal and dispose of things against the ordinary course of mans saw as best liked himself whose will is more than saw and whose Actions are right it self for that he is Lord of all and to be limited by no Rule or Law of man but yet that this is not properly the Act of a Commonwealth as our Question demandeth Thus I say it may be that some man would reply and therefore having store enough of plain and evident matter which hath no exception for that it hath happened in settled Commonwealths and those nearer home where the Law of Succession is received and established to wit in Spain France and England but yet putting you in mind before I pass any further that it is a matter much to be marked how God dealt is this point with the people of Israel at the beginning after he had granted to them that they should have the same Government of Kings that other Nations round about them had whose Kings did ordinarily reign by Succession as ours do at this day and as all the Kings of the Jews did afterwards and yet this notwithstanding God at the beginning to wit at the very entrance of their first Kings would shew plainly that this Law of Succeeding of the one the other by Birth and propinquity of Bloud though for the most part it should prevail yet that it was not so precisely necessary but that upon just causes it might be altered For proof whereof we are to consider that albeit he made Saul a true and lawful King over the Jewes and consequently also gave him all Kingly Priviledges Benefits and Prerogatives belonging to that Degree and State whereof one Principal as you know is to have his children succeed after him in the Crown Yet after his death God suffered not any one of his generation to succeed him though he left behind him many children and among others Ishbosheth a Prince of 40 years of age whom Abner the General Captain of that Nation with eleven Tribes followed for a time as their Lawful Lord and Master by Succession until God checked them for it and induced them to reject him though Heir apparent by descent and to cleave to David newly elected King who was a stranger by Birth and no Kin at all to the King deceased And if you say here that this was for the sin of Saul whom God hath rejected I do confess it but yet this is nothing against our purpose for that we pretend not that a Prince that is next in Bloud can justly be put back except it be for his own defects or those of his Ancestors And moreover I would have you consider that by this it is evident that the fault of the Father may prejudicate the Sons Right to the Crown albeit the Son have no part in the fault as we may see in this example not only of Ishbosheth that was punished and deprived for the offence of Saul his Father notwithstanding he had been proclaimed King as hath been said but also of Jonathan's Saul's son who was so good a man and so much praised in Holy Scripture and yet he being slain in War and leaving a son named Mephibosheth he was put back also though by nearness of Bloud he had great Interest in the Succession as you see and much before David But David being placed in the Crown by Election free Consent and Admission of the People of Israel as the scripture plainly testifies though by motion and direction of God himself we must confess and no man I think will deny but that he had given unto him therewith all Kingly Priviledges Preheminâ—nces and Regalities even in the highest degree as was convenient to such a state and among others the Scripture expressly nameth that in particular it was assured him by God that his Seed should Reign after â—im yea and that for ever but yet we do not find this to be performed to any of 〈◊〉 persons as by Order of Succession it should seem to appertain 〈◊〉 nor to any of their off-spring or descents but only to Solomon which was his younger and tenth son and the fourth only by 〈◊〉 as before hath been touched True it is that the Scripture recounteth how Adonias David's elder son that was of rare beauty and a very Godly young Prince seeing his Father now very old and impotent and to lye on his Death bed and himself Heir apparent by antiquity of Bloud after the death of Absalom his elder brother that was slain before he had determined to have proclaimed himself Heir apparent in Jerusalem before his Father dyed and for that purpose had ordained a great Assembly and Banquet had called unto it both the High-Priest Abiathar and divers of the Clergy as also the General Captain of all the Army of Israel named Joab with others of the Nobility and with them all the rest of his Brethren that were sons to King David saving only Solomon together with many other Princes and great Men both Spiritual and Temporal of that Estate and had prepared for them a great Feast as I have said meaning that very day to proclaim himself Heir apparent to the Crown and to be Crowned as indeed by Succession of bloud it appertained unto him and this he attempted so much the rather by counsil of his Friends for that he saw the King his Father very old and impotent and ready to dye and had taken no order at all for his Successor and moreover Adonias had understood how that Barsabee Solomon's Mother had some hope to have her son reign after David upon a certain promise that David in his youth had made unto her thereof as also she had in the special favour and friendship which Nathan the Prophet and Zadok the Priest who could do much with
the old King David did bear unto her son Solomon above all the rest of his Brethren Hereupon I say these two that is to say Queen Barsabee and Nathan the Prophet coming together to the old man as he lay on his bed and putting him in mind of his promise and oath made to Barsabe for the preferment of her son and shewing besides how that Adonias without his order and consent had gathered an Assembly to make himself King even that very day which did put the old King in very great fear and danger and further also telling him which pleased him well quod oculi totius Israel in eum respicerent ut indicaret eis quis sederet in solio suo post ipsum that is that the eyes of all Israel were upon him to see whom he would commend unto them to sit in his seat after him which was as much as to say as that the whole Commonwealth referred it to his choice which of his sons should reign after him Upon these Reasons and Perswasions I say the good old King was content that they should take Solomon out of hand and put him upon the Kings own Mule and carry him about the streets of Jerusalem accompanyed with his Guard and Court and crying with sound of Trumpets Vivat Rex Solomon and that Zadok the Priest should anoint and after that he should be brought back and placed in the Royal Throne in the Palace and so indeed he was at what time King David himself being not able through impotency to rise out of his bed did him Honour and Reverence from the place where he lay for so saith the Scripture Adâ—ravit Rex in lectulo suo King David adored his son Solomon thus Crowned even from his Bed all which no doubt though it may seem to have been wrought by humane means and policy yet must we confess that it was principally by the especial Instinct of God himself as by the sequel and success we see so that hereby also we are taught that these the like determinations of the people Magistrates and Commonwealths about admitting or refusing of Princes to Reign or not to Reign over them when their designments are to good ends and for just respects and causes are allowed also by God and often times are his own special drifts and dispositions though they seem to come from man Whereof no one thing can give a more evident proof than that which ensued afterwards to Prince Rehoboam the lawful Son and Heir of this King Solomon who after his Fathers death coming to Sichem where all the People of Israel were gather'd together for his Coronation and Admission according to his Right by Succession For until that time we see he was not accounted true King though his Father was dead and this is to be noted the People began to propose unto him certain conditions for taking away of some hard and heavy Impositions laid upon them by Solomon his Father an evident President of the Oath and conditions that Princes do swear unto in these 〈◊〉 at their Coronation whereunto when Rehoboam refused to yield ten Tribes of the Twelve 〈◊〉 to admit him for their King but chose rather one Jeroboam Rehoboam's servant that was a meer stranger and but of poor percentage and made him their lawful King and God allowed thereof as the Scripture in express words doth testify and when Rehoboam that took himself to be openly injured hereby would by Arms have pursued his Title and had gathered together an Army of an hundred and fourscore thousand chosen Souldiers as the Scripture saith to punish these Rebells as he called them and to reduce these ten Tribes to their due Obedience of their natural Princes God appeared unto one Semeia an Holy man and bade him go to the Camp of Rehoboam and tell them plainly that he would not have them to fight against their Brethren that had chosen another King but that every man should go home to his House and live quietly under the King which each Party had and so they did and this was the end of that tumult which God for the sins of Solomon had permitted and allowed of And thus much by the way I thought good to touch out of Holy Scripture concerning the Jewish Commonâ—wealth even at the beginning for that it may give light to all the rest which after I am to treat of for if God permitted and allowed this in his own Common-wealth that was to be the example and pattern of all other that should ensue no doubt but that he approveth also the same in other Realms when just occasions are offered either for his service the good of the People and Realm or else for punishment of the sins and wickedness of some Princes that the ordinary line of Succession be altered Now then to pass on further and to begin with the Kingdoms of Spain supposing ever this ground of God's Oodinance as hath been declared First I say that Spain hath had three or four Races or Descents of Kings as France also and England have had and the first Race was from the Goths which began their Reign in Spain after the expulsion of the Romans about the Year of Christ 416. to whom the Spaniard referreth all his Nobility as the Frenchman doth to the German Franks and the English to the Saxons which entred France and England in the very same age that the other did Spain and the Race of the Gothish Kings endured by the space of 300 Years until Spain lost unto the Moores The second Race is from Don Pelayo that was chosen first King of Austria and of the Mountain-Countrey of Spain after the destruction thereof by the Moores about the Year of Christ 717 as before hath been touched which Race continued and encreased and added Kingdom unto Kingdom for the space of other three hundred Years to wit until the Year of Christ 1034. when Don Sancho Major King of Navarre got unto his Power the Earldom also of Aragon and Castilia and made them Kingdoms and divided them among his Children and to his second son named Don Ferdinando sirnamed afterward the Great he gave not only the said Earldom of Castilia with Title of Kingdom but by marrying also of the Sister of Don Dermudo King of Leon and Asturias he joined all those Kingdoms together and so began from that day forward the third Race of the Kings of Navar to reign in Castel and so endured for five hundred Years until the Year of Christ 1540. when the House of Austria entred to Reign there by Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of Don Ferdinando sirnamâ—d the Catholick and this was the fourth Race of Spanish Kings after the Roman's which endureth until this day And albeit in all these four Races and Ranks of Royal Descents divers Examples might be alledged for manifest proof of my purpose yet will I not deal with
Brother of the said late King Don Fernando whose name was Don Juan a youth of twenty years old who had been Master of a Military Order in Portugal named de Avis and so they excluded Dona Beatrix Queen of Castile that was their lawful Heir and chose this young man and married him afterwards to the Lady Philippe daughter of John of Gant Duke of Lancaster by his first Wife Blanch Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster in whose Right the Kings of Portugal and their Descendents do pretend unto this day a certain Interest to the House of Lancaster which I leave to our Temporal Lawyer to discuss But hereby we see what an ordinary matter it hath been in Spain and Portugal to alter the â—ine of next Succession upon any reasonable consideration which they imagined to be for their Weal-Publick and the like we shall find in France and England which even now I will begin to tâ—â—at of CHAP. VIII Divres other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the Next in Bloud are sometimes put back from Succession and how God had approved the same with good success AS concerning the Estate of France I have noted before that albeit since the Entrance of their first King Pharamond with his Franks out of Germany which was about the year of Christ 419. they have never had any stranger come to wear the Crown which they attribute to the benefit of their Law Salique that forbiddeth Women to reign yet among themselves have they changed twice their whole Race and Linage of Kings once in the entrance of King Pepin that put out the Line of Pharamond about the Year 751. and again in the promotion of King Hugo Capetus that put out the Line of Pepin in the year 988. so as they have had three Descents and Races of Kings as well as the Spaniards the first of Pharamond the second of Pepin and the third of Capetus which endureth unto this present if it be not altered now by the exclusion that divers pretend to make of the King of Navar and other Princes of the Blood Royal of the House of Burbon Wherefore as I did before in the Spaniards so I will here let pass the first rank of all of the French Kings so that some men may say perhaps that the Commonwealth and Law of Succession was not so well settled in those days as it hath been afterwards in the time of Pepin Charles the Great and their descendents as also for that it were in very deed too tedious to examine and peruse all three Ranks of Kings in France as you will say when you shall see what store I have to alledge out of the second Rank only which began with the exclusion and deposition of their lawful King Childerick the Third and election of King Pepin as before you have heard at large declared in the third chapter of this discourse and it shall not be needful to repeat the same again in this place Pepin then sirnamed le Brefe or the Little for his small stature though he were a Giant in deeds being made King of France by meer Election in the year of Christ 751. after 22 Kings that had reigned of the first Line of Pharamond for the space of more than three hundred years and being so famous and worthy a King as all the World knoweth reigned 18 years and then left his States and Kingdoms by Succession unto his Eldest Son Charles sirnamed afterwards the Great for his famous and Heroical Acts. And albeit the the whole Kingdom of France appertained unto him alone by the Law of Succession as hath been said his Father being King and he his eldest son yet would the Realm of France shew her Authoriin his Admission which Gerard setteth down in these words Estant Pepin decide les Francois esleurent Rois Charles Carlomon ses fils a la charge qu'ils paertageroient entre eux egalement le Royaume Which is King Pipin being dead the Frenchmen chose for their Kings his two sons Charles and Carlomon with condition that they should part equally between them the Realm Wherein is to be noted not only the Election of the Commonwealth besides Succession but also the heavy Condition laid upon the Heir to part half of his Kingdom with his younger brother and the very same words hath Eginard an antient French Writer in the Life of this Charles the Great to wit that the French State in a publick Assembly did chuse two Princes to be their Kings with express condition to divide the Realm equally as Francis Belforest cites his words which two French Authors I mean Gerard and Belforest I shall use principally hereafter in the rest of my citations After three years that these two Brethren had reigned together King Carlomon the younger died and left many sones the elder whereof was named Adalgise but Belforest saith that the Lords Ecclesiastical and Temporal of France swore fidelity and obedience to Charles without any respect or regard at all of the Children of Carlomon who yet by Right of Succession should have been preferred and Paulus Aemilius a Latine Writer saith Proceres regni ad Carolum ultro venientes Regem eum totius Galliae salutarunt That is The Nobility of the Realm coming of their own accord unto Charles saluted him King of France whereby is shewen that this exclusion of the Children of Carlomon was not by force or tyranny but by free deliberation of the Realm After Charles the Great reigned by Succession his onely son Luyâ— the First sirnamed de Bonnaire of his Courtesy who entring to reign in the year 817. with great applause of all men for the exceeding grateful memory of his Father was yet afterward at the pursuit principally of his own three sons by his first Wife which were Lothair Pepin and Luys deposed first in a Council at Lions and then again at Compeigne and put into a Monastery though afterwards he came to reign again and his fourth Son by his second Wife which son was named Charles le Chauve for that he was bald succeeded him in the Sates of France though after many Battels against his eldest Brother Lothaire to whom by Succession the same appertained After Charles the Bald succeeded Luys the second sirnamed le Begue for his stuttering who was not eldest but third son unto his Father for the second died before his Father and the eldest was put by his Succession for his evil demeanur this Luys also was like to have been deprived by the States at his first entrance for the hatred conceived against his Father Charles the Bald but that he calling a Solemn Parliament at Compeigne as Gerard saith he made the People Clergy and Nobility many fair Promises to have their Good wills This Luys the Stuttering left two Bastard Sons by a Concubine who were called Luys and Carlomon
body which is ever to be respected more then any one Person whatsoever Belloy or other of his opinion do say to the contrary Thus said the Civilian and being called upon and drawn to a new matter by the question that ensueth he made his last discourse and conclusion of the whole matter in manner following CHAP. IX What are the principal points which a Common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding of any Prince that pretendeth to succeed wherein it is handled largely also of the diversity of Religion and other such Cases AFter the Civilian had alledged all these examples of Succession altered or rejected by publick Authority of Commonwealths and of the allowance and approbation and good success which for the most part God seems to have given unto the same one of the Company brake forth and said That this point appeared so evident unto him as no doubt in the World could be made thereof I mean Whether this thing in it self be lawful or no To alter sometimes the course of Succession seeing that all Commonwealths of Christendom had done it so often only he said that it remained somewhat doubtful unto him whether the causes alledged in these mutations and changes before-mentioned were always sufficient or no For that sometimes they seemed to him but weak and slender as when for example the Vncle was preferred before the Nephews for that he was a Man and the other Children which cause and reason hath oftentimes been alledged in the former examples both of Spain France and England As also when the younger or Bastard Brother is admitted and the elder and Legitimate Excluded for that the one is a Warrier and the other not and other such like causes are yielded said he in the Exclusions before-rehearsed which yet seems not sometimes weighty enough for so great an Affair To this answered the Civilian That according to their Law both Civil and Canon which thing also he affirmed to be founded on great reason it is a matter most certain that he who is Judge and ought to give the sentence in the thing it self is also to judge of the cause for thereof is he called Judge And if he have authority in the one good reason he should also have power to discern the other so as if we grant according to the form and proofs That the Realm or Commonwealth hath power to admit or put back the Prince or pretender to the Crown Then must we also confess that the same Commonwealth hath Authority to judge of the lawfulness of the cause and considering further that it is in their own affair and in a matter that hath his whole beginning continuance and substance from them alone I mean from the Commonwealth for that no Man is King or Prince by institution of nature as before hath been declared but every King and Kings Son hath his dignity and preheminence above other men but authority only of the Commonwealth Who can affirm the contrary said the Civilian But that God doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalf the only will and judgment of the weal publick it self supposing always as in reason we may that a whole Realm will never agree by orderly way of judgment for of this only I mean and not of any particular Faction of private men against their Heir Apparent to Exclude or put back the next Heir in Bloud and Succession without a reasonable cause in their sight and consure And seeing that they only are to be Judges of this case as now I have said we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawful for the time and if at one time they should determine one thing and the contrary at another as they did often in England during the contention between York and Lancaster and on other like occasions what can a private Man judge otherwise but that they had different reasons and motions to lead them at different times and they being properly Lords and Owners of the whole business committed unto them It is enough for every particular man to subject himself to that which his Common-wealth doth in this behalf and to obey simply without any further inquisition except he should see that open injustice were done therein or God manifestly offended and the Realm indangered Open injustice I call said he when not the true Commonwealth but some Faction of wicked Man should offer to determin this matter without lawful authority of the Realm committed to them and I call manifest offence of God and danger of the Realm when such a Man is preferred to the Crown as is evident that he will do what lyeth in him to the prejudice of them both I mean both of Gods glory and the publick Wealth as for example if a Turk or Moor as before I have said or some other notorious wicked Man or Tyrant should be offered by Succession or otherwise to govern among Christians in which cases every man no doubt is bound to resist what he can for that the very end and intent for which all Government was first ordained is herein manifestly impugned Thus the Civilian discoursed and the whole Company seemed to like very well thereof for that they said his opinion appeared both prudent and pious and by this occasion it came also presently in question What were the true causes and principal points which ought to be chiefly regarded as well by the Commonwealth as by every particular Man in this great action of furthering or hindering any Prince towards a Crown And they said unto the Civilian that if he would discuss in like manner this point unto them it would be a very apt and good conclusion to all his former Speeches and Discourses which having been of the authority that well publicks have over Princes Titles this other of the causes and considerations that ought to lead them for use and exercise of the same authority would fall very fit and necessary for the up-shot of all Hereunto the Civilian answered that he well saw the fitness and importance of the matter and therefore that he was content to speak a word or two more thereof Notwithstanding that much had been said already therein to wit in all those points which had been disputed about the end of Government and why it was appointed which end said he seing it is as largely hath been proved before to defend preserve and benefit the Commonwealth here hence that is from this consideration of the Wel-publick are to be deduced all other considerations of most importance for discerning a good or evil Prince For that whosoever is most likely to defend preserve and benefit most his Realm and subjects he is most to be allowed and desired as most conform to the end for which Government was ordained And on the contrary side he that is least like to do this deserveth least to be preferred and here quoth he you see doth enter also that consideration mentioned
to handle the same again and more largely hereafter These Points toucheth Highington though divers other he leave untouched which are of much importance for the resolution as whether after the Line extinguished of King Henry the IV. which was the eldest son of John of Gaunt there should have entred the Line of Lady Philippa the eldest Daughter lawfully begotten of Blanch first Wife of John of Gaunt or else the race of John Earl of Somerset younger son by his third Wife which then was base-born but legitimated by Parliament for of Philip do come the Kings of Portugal and of John came King Henry the VII And again these Points had been to be disputed as well touching the Succession to the Dukedom of Lancaster alone as also to the Crown jointly all which Articles shall severally afterwards be handled in their places And thus much of this Book More than these four Books I have not seen written of this Affair though I have heard of one made in Flanders in the behalf of the Duke of Parma that is now who by his Mother descendeth of the same Line of Portugal that the King of Spain doth and as this Book pretendeth if we respect the ordinary course of English Laws in particular mens Inheritances he is to be preferred before the said King or any other of the House of Portugal for that his Mother descended of the younger Son and the King of the elder Daughter of the King of Portugal and albeit according to the Law of Portugal the King Was adjudged Next Heir to that Crown yet say they by our Laws of England he cannot be which after must be examined Thus saith that Book and he alledgeth many Reasons for the same as it hath been told me for as I said I never came to have a view of the whole Book but divers of his Arguments I have seen laid together which I shall afterwards in place convenient alledge unto you with the Answers Censures and Replies that the contrary Parties do make thereunto Divers other Papers Nots and Memories I have seen also said he as well touching the Succession of those whom I have named as of others for that Sir Richard Shelly who dyed some years ago in Venice by the name of Lord Prior of S. Johns of England had gathered divers Points touching these Affairs and many more than he had Mr. Francis Peto that dyed in Millain and was a very curious and well read man in Genealogies as may appear by sundry Papers that I have seen of his There want not also divers in England who have traveled much in this business and I have had the the perusing of some of their Labours though I dare not discover their names lest thereby I should hurt them which were not convenient But one great Trouble find I in them all that every man seeketh to draw the whole Water unto his own Mill and to make that Title always most clear whom he most favoureth and this with so great probability of Reason and Authority many times as it is hard to retain a mans consent from that which is said until he have read the Reasons of the other Party and this also is a great Proof of the wonderful ambiguity and doubtfulness which in this most important Affair is to be found And by the way also I had almost forgotten to tell you how that of late I have lighted upon a certain new Discourse and Treatise made in the behalf of the King of Spain's eldest Daughter whom he had by his Wife Isabel the eldest Sister of the last King of France which Isabel and her Daughter the Infanta of Spain called also Isabel are presumed to be the Lawful Heirs to the State of Britany and to all other States that by that means of Britany or otherwise by Women have come to France or have or may fall upon a Woman of the House of France as the States of England and other States thereunto annexed may for that they follow not the Law Salique of France And so this Treatise proveth that by divers ways and for sundry considerations this Princess of Spain is also of the Blood Royal of England and may among others be entituled to that Crown by a particular Title of her own besides the pretence which her Father the King or her Brother the Prince of Spain have for themselves by the House of Portugal all which Reasons and Considerations I shall alledge afterwards in their place and time or at least wise the chief and principal of them And to the end they may be understood the better as also the clearness and pretentions of all the rest that have interest in this Affair I shall first of all for a beginning and foundation to all the rest that shall or may be spoken hereafter set down by way of historical narration all the descents of our English Kings and Pretenders that be important to this our Purpose from the Conquest unto our time which being compared with the Tree it self of Genealogies that shall be added in the end of this Conference will make the matter more plain and pleasant to the Reader CHAP. II. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the Conquest unto the time of King Edward the III. with the beginning of three principal Lineages of the English Bloud-Royal dispersed into the Houses of Britain Lancaster and York NO man is ignorant said the Lawyer how William the Conqueror came to the Crown of England which was indeed by dint of Sword though he pretended that he was chosen by the will and testament of King Edward the Confessor But howsoever this were his posterity hath endured untill this day and two and twenty Princes of his race have worn the English Crown after him for the space of more then five hundred years and how many more may yet do the same God only knoweth but if we follow probabillity we cannot want of them seeing his bloud is so dispersed over the World at this day as by this Declaration ensueing will appear This King William according to Polidor and other Chronicles of England had by his Wife Mathilda Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders four Sons and five Daughters his eldest Son was Robert whom he left Duke of Normandy who was afterwards deprived of that Dukedom by his younger and fourth Brother Henry when he came to be King of England His second Son was Richard that dyed in his youth his third Son was William surnamed Rufus for that he was of red Hair and the fourth Son was Henry which two last Sons were both Kings of England one after the other as the World knoweth by the names of William the second and Henry the first The Conquerours Daughters were first Cecilie that was a Nun and the second Constantia that was Married to Alayn surnamed Fergant Duke of Britanie and the third was Adela or Alis Married to Stephen County Palatine of Bloys Champagne
the great and Royal Houses of Burgundy and Orleans whereby all three Commonwealths I mean England Britany and France were like to have come to destruction and utter desolation And for that it may serve much to our purpose hereafter to understand well this controversie of Britany I think it not amiss in few words to declare the same in this place Thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the second of that name Duke of Britanie and Son of Lady Beatrix that was Daughter as hath been said to King Henry the III. of England had two Wives the first named Beatrix as his Mother was and by this he had two Sons John that succeeded him in the State by the name of Duke John the III. and Guye that dying before his elder Brother left a Daughter and Heir named Joan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who was married to the Earl of Bloys that was Nephew to Phillip of Valois King of France for that he was born of his Sister But besides the two Children the said Duke Arthur had by his second Wife named Joland Countess and Heir of the Earldom of Monford another Son called John Breno who in the right of his Mother was Earl of Monford And afterward when Duke John the III. came to die without Issue the question was who should succeed him in his Dukedom the Uncle or the Neece that is to say his third Brother John Breno by half bloud or else his Neece Joan the lame that was Daughter and Heir to his second Brother Guye of whole bloud that is by Father and Mother which Lady Joan was married to the Earl of Bloys as hath been said And first this matter was handled in the Parliament of Paris the King himself sitting in Judgment with all his Peers the 30 day of September 1341 and adjudged it to the Earl of Bloys both for that his Wife was Heir to the elder Brother as also for that Duke John by his Testiment and consent of the States had appointed her to be his Heir but yet King Edward the III. and States of England did Judge it otherwise and preferred John Monford not knowing that the very case was to fall out very soon after in England I mean they Judged the State to John Breno Earl of Monford younger Brother to Guy and they assisted him and his Son after him with all their Forces for the gaining and holding of that State And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himself was taken prisoner in Nantes and carried captive to Paris where he died in prison yet his Son John by the assistance of the English Armies got the Dukedome afterward and slew the Earl of Bloys and was peaceably Duke of Britanie by the name of John the IV. and his posterity hath endured until this day as briefly here I will declare This Duke John the IV. of the House of Monford had Issue John the V. and he Francis the first who dying without Issue left the Dukedom to Peter his Brother and Peter having no Children neither he left it to his Uncle Arthur the III Brother to his Father John the V. and this Arthur was Earl of Richmond in England as some of his ancestors had been before him by gifts of the Kings of England This Arthur dying without Issue left the Dukedom unto his Nephew to wit his Brothers Son Francis the II. who was the last male Child of that race and was he that had once determined to have delivered Henry Earl of Richmond unto his enemy King Edward the IV. and after him to King Richard the III. but that Henry's good fortune reserved him to come to be King of England This Duke Francis had a Daughter and Heir named Anna married first to Charles the VIII King of France and after his death without Issue to his Successor Lewis the XII by whom she had a Daughter named Claudia that was Heir to Britanie though not to the Crown of France by reason of the Law Salique that holdeth against women in the Kingdom of France but not in Britany and to the end this Dukdome should not be disunited again from the said Crown of France this Daughter Claudia was married to Francis Duke of Angolome Heir apparent to the Crown of France by whom she had Issue Henry that was afterward King of France and was Father to the last King of that Country and to Isabel Mother of the Infanta of Spain and of her Sister the Dutchess of Savoy that now is by which also some do affirm that the said Princess or Infanta of Spain albeit she be barred from the Succession of France by their pretended Law Salique yet is her title manifest to the Dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we have shewed and thus much of the House of Britany and of the Princess of Spain how she is of the Bloud Royal of England from the time of William the Conqueror himself by his eldest Daughter as also by other Kings after him and now we shall return to prosecute the Issue of these two Sons of King Henry the III. to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed you before how King Henry the III. had two Sons Edward the Prince that was King after his Father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed Crouchback by some Writers who was the first Earl and County Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that House And albeit some Writers of our time have affirmed or at least wise much inclined to favour a certain old report that Edmond should be the Elder Brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body whereof Polidor doth speak in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the IV. and as well the Bishop of Ross as also George Lilly do seem to believe it yet evident it seemeth that it was but a fable as before I have noted and now again shall briefly prove it by these reasons following for that it importeth very much for deciding the controversie between the Houses of Lancaster and York The first reason then is for that all Ancient Historiographers of England and among them Mattheus Westmonasteriensis that lived at the same time do affirm the contrary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six years and two days for that they appoint the Birth of Prince Edward to have been upon the 16. day of June in the year of Christ 1239 and the 24. of the Reign of his Father King Henry and the Birth of Lord Edmond to have followed upon the 18. day of the same month 6 years after to wit in the year of our Lord 1245 and they do name the Godfathers and Godmothers of them both together with the peculiar solemnities and feasts that were celebrated at their several Nativities so as it seemeth there can be no error in this matter The 2d
daughter and Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence and was Grandfather to the last Edmond by me named should be Heir apparent to the Crown if the King should chance to die without Issue To which objection those of Lancaster do answer first that Polydor doth erre in the person when he saith that Edmond Husband of Lady Philippa was declared for Heir apparent for that this Edmond Mortimer that married Lady Philippa died peaceably in Ireland three years before this Parliament was holden to wit in the year of Christ 1382. as both Hollingshed Stow and other Chroniclers do testifie and therefore Polydor doth erre not only in this place about this man but also in that in another place he saith that this Edmond so declared Heir apparent by King Richard was slain by the Irish in Ireland 12 years after this declaration made of the succession to wit in the year 1394. which was indeed not this man but his Son Roger Mortimer Heir to him and to the Lady Philippa his Wife who was declared Heir apparent in the Parliament aforesaid at the instance of King Richard and that for especial hatred and malice as these men say which he did bear against his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and his Son Henry whom he desired to exclude from the succession The cause of this hatred is said to be for that presently upon the death of Prince Edward Father to this Richard which Prince died in the year of Christ 1376. and but 10. months before his Father King Edward the third there wanted not divers learned and wise men in England that were of opinion that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster eldest Son then living of the said King Edward should have succeeded his Father jure propinquitatis before Richard that was but Nephew and one degree further off then he but the old King was so extremely affectionate unto his eldest Son the black Prince Edward newly dead that he would not hear of any to succeed him as Frosard saith but only Richard the said Prince's Son Wherefore he called presently a Parliament which was the last that ever he held and therein caused his said Nephew Richard to be declared Heir apparent and made his three Sons then living that were Uncles to the Youth to wit John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmond Langley Duke afterwards of York and Thomas Woodstock Duke of Gloucester to swear Fealty unto Richard as they did And albeit John of Gaunt all his life after for keeping of his Oath that he had made unto his Father never pretended any Right to the Crown yet King Richard knowing well the pretence that he and his might have was still afraid of him and sought infinite means to be rid of him first by perswading him to go and make War in Spain where he thought he might miscarry in so dangerous an attempt and then offering to give him all Aquitain if he would leave England to go and live there as he did for three years with extreme peril for that the people of Aquitain would not receive him but rose against him and refused his Government and would not admit him for their Lord but appealed to the King who also allowed thereof and so when John of Gaunt came home into England again King Richard thought no better way to weaken him then to banish his Son Henry Duke of Hertford and so he did And besides this the said King Richard practised also by divers secret drifts the death of his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster as Walsingham witnesseth and when the said Duke came at length to die which was in the 22. year of King Richard's reign he wrote such joyous Letters thereof as Frosard saith to his Father-in-law Charles the sixth King of France as though he had been delivered of his chiefest Enemy not imagining that his own destruction was so near at hand and much accelerated by the death of the said Duke as it was And these were the causes say the favourers of the House of Lancaster why King Richard caused this Act of Parliament to pass in favour of Roger Mortimer and in prejudice of the House of Lancaster and not for that the right of Earl Mortimer was better then that of the Duke of Lancaster And this they say is no new thing for Princes oftentimes to procure partial Laws to pass in Parliament for matter of Succession according to their own affections for the like say they did Edward the third procure in the favour of this Richard as before I have shewed in the last Parliament before his death and afterward again King Richard the third with much more open Injustice caused an Act of Parliament to pass in his days whereby his Nephew John de la Pole Earl of Lincoln Son to his Sister Elizabeth Dutchess of Suffolk was declared Heir apparent to the Crown excluding thereby the Children of his two elder Brothers to wit the daughters of King Edward the fourth and the Son and daughter of George Duke of Clarenoe which yet by all order should have gone before their Sisters Children And like facility found King Henry the 8th to get the consent of two Parliaments to give him Authority to appoint what Successor he would of his own Kindred by which Authority afterward he appointed by his Testament as in another place shall be shewed that the Issue of his younger Sister Mary should be preferred before the Issue of his eldest Sister Margaret of Scotland A like declaration was that also of King Edward the sixth of late memory who appointed the Lady Jane Gray his Cousen-german removed to be his Heir and Successor in the Crown of England and excluded his own two Sisters the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth from the same but these declarations make little to the purpose when right and equity do repugn as these men say that it did in the foresaid declaration of Roger Mortimer to be Heir apparent for that they hold and avouch the House of Lancaster to have had the true right to enter not only after the death of King Richard the second as it did but also before him that is to say immediately upon the death of King Edward the third for that John of Gaunt was then the eldest Son which King Edward had living and nearer to his Father by a degree then was Richard the Nephew About which point to wit whether the Uncle or Nephew should be preferred in Succession of Kingdoms it seemeth that in this age of King Edward the third there was great trouble and controversie in the World abroad for so testifieth Girard du Haillan Councellor and Secretary of France in his History of the year of Christ 1346. which was about the midst of King Edwards Reign and therefore no marvel though King Edward took such care of the sure establishing of his Nephew Richard in Succession as is before related And much less marvel is it if K.
elder Houses they hold this matter for very clear and all pretence of this House of Clarence utterly excluded Secondly the same opposite Houses do alledge divers Attainders against the principal Heads of the House of Clarence whereby their whole Interests were cut off as namely it is to be shewed in three descents one after another to wit in Duke George himself the first Head and Beginner of this House who was Attainted and Executed and then in the Lady Margaret Countess of Salisbury his Daughter and Heir who was likewise Attainted and Executed And thirdly in her Son and Heir Henry Poole Lord Montague put also to death from whose Daughters both the Earl of Huntington and his Brethren together with the Children of Sir Thomas Barrington do descend And albeit some may say that the said House of Clarence hath been restored in Bloud since those Attainders yet reply these men That except it can be shewed that particular mention was made of reabilitating the same to this pretence of Succession to the Crown it will not be sufficient as in like manner they affirm That the same restoring in Bloud if any such were hath not been sufficient to recover the ancient Lands and Titles of Honour which this House of Clarence had before these Attainders for that they were forfeited thereby to the Crown And so say these men was there forfeited thereby in like manner unto the next in Bloud not Attainted this Prerogative of succeeding to the Crown and cannot be restored again by any general Restauration in Bloud except special mention be made thereof even as we see that many Houses Attainted are restored daily in Bloud without restorement of their Titles and Dignities and a present Example we have in the Earl of Arundel restored in Bloud but not to the Title of Duke of Norfolk And this say the opposite Houses against this House of Clarence But now thirdly entreth in also against the Earl of Huntington the opposition of some of his own House which is of the Issue of Sir Geffrey Poole Brother to his Grand-father who say That when the Lord Henry Montague was put to death with his Mother the Countess of Salisbury and thereby both their Pretences and Titles cut off in them then fell such right as they had or might have upon the said Sir Geffrey Poole and not upon his Neece the Lady Katharaine Daughter of the Lord Henry his elder Brother and Mother of the Earl of Huntington and this for three Causes First for that he was not Attainted and so whether we respect his Grand-father George Duke of Clarence or his Great-grand-father Richard Duke of York the said Right in this respect is descended to him And secondly for that he was a degree nearer to the said Duke's Ancestors than was at that time his Neece Katharine which right of nearest Propinquity say these men is made good and lawful by all the Reasons Examples Presidents and Authorities alledged before in the fourth Chapter of this Conference in favour of Uncles before their Nephews And it shall not need that we speak any thing more of that matter in this place but only to remit your remembrance to that which herein hath been said before Fourthly they prove the same in favour of Sir Geffrey for that the Lady Katharine was a Woman and Sir Geffrey a man whose priviledge is so great in a matter of Succession as also hath been touched before that albeit they had been in equal degree and that Sir Geffrey were not a degree before her as he was yet seeing neither of them nor their Fathers were ever in possession of the thing pretended Sir Geffrey should be preferred as hath been shewed before by some Presidents and shall be seen afterwards in the Case of Portugal wherein the King of Spain that now is was preferred to the Crown for that only respect that his Competitors were Women and in equal degree of descent with him and he a Man And the very like Allegations of Propinquity I heard produced for the Lady Winifred Wife of Sir Thomas Barrington if she be yet alive to wit that she is before the Earl of Huntington and his Brethren by this reason of Propinquity in Bloud for that she is one degree nearer to the stock than they Fifthly and lastly both these and other Competitors do alledge against the Earl of Huntington as an important and sufficient bar against his pretence the quality of his Religion which is as they say that he hath been ever known to favour those who commonly in England are called Puritans and not favoured by the State but yet this stop is alledged diversly by Competitors of divers Religions For that such as are followers and favourers of the form of Religion received and defended by publick Authority of England at this day whom for distinction-sake men are wont to call by the name of moderate Protestants these I say do urge this Exclusion against the Earl of Huntington not upon any certain Law or Statute extant against the same but ab equo bono as men are wont to say and by reason of State shewing infinite inconveniencies hurts damages and dangers that must needs ensue not only to the present State of Religion in England but also to the whole Realm and Body-politick if such a man shall be admitted to govern And this Consideration of State in their opinion is a more forceable Argument for Excluding such a man then any Statute or particular Law against him could be for that this comprehendeth the very intention meaning and drift of all Laws and Law-makers of our Realm whose intentions must needs be presumed to have been at all times to have Excluded so great and manifest inconveniencies And thus they say But now those that are of the Roman Religion and contrary both to Puritan and Protestant do urge a great deal further this Argument against the Earl and do alledge many Laws Ordinances Decrees and Statutes both of the Canon and Imperial Laws as also out of the old Laws of England which in their opinion do debar all that are not of their Religion and consequently they would hereby Exclude both the one and the other Pretenders And in fine they do conclude that seeing there wanteth not also some of their own Religion called by them the Catholick in the House of Clarence they have so much the less difficulty to exclude the Earl of Huntington's person for his Religion if one of that House were to be admitted of necessity And this is so much as seemeth needful to be spoken at this time and in this place of this House of Clarence and of the Pretenders thereof It resteth then that I treat something also of the House of Britany and France which two Houses are joyned all in one for so much as may appertain to any Inheritance or Pretence to England or to any parcel or particular state thereof at home or abroad that may follow the
Foreigners all those that are not of the same Dominion and Government though otherwise they be of the same Nation and Language according as those other men that are Enemies to Strangers said a little before if you remember that the Princes of the House of Guise and their Kindred are taken for Strangers in France by them that by that means would make them odious to the people for that their Ancestors in times past came out of Lorain which is a Province joyning hard upon France of the same Nation Language and Manners but only under another Prince And so I my self noted in my Traveling through Italy that the Florentines are hated and called Strangers in Siena where they govern albeit the one state be not 30 Miles from the other and both of one Nation Language Manners and Education And on the contrary side we shall see that some of different Language and Nation do hold themselves for Country-men as for Example the Biscayns in Spain do not hold the Castilians for Strangers but are contended to be ruled by them as by their own Country-men albeit they be a different Nation and have different Language and Manners and the same I do note in the Brittains and Normans towards the French in the Welsh also towards the English who are a different People and of different language and yet are they Governed peaceably by the English and the English again do account them for their Countreymen as may appear by that when King Henry the VII came to be King of England I do not find any resistance made against him by the English for that respect that he was of that Nâ—tion as evidently he was by his Fathers side that was of the Tidders of Wales so as this point also who be strangers and who be not seemeth to be a thing that dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each People and Nation the one towards the other And this being so these men come to treat more particularly of the Purpose in hand and do say that in two or three manners a Nation may come to be under the Government of Strangers or Foreigners first as a Province that is to say as a piece or member of another Dominion as England was in times past under the Romans and as Ireland is under England at this day as the Brittons are under France as many States of Italy be under the Crowns of Aragon and Castile And this may come to pass either by Conquest and Force of Arms as the Welsh came to be under the English and the English to be under the Normans and Danes and as Sicilia and Naples came to be under the Spaniards and as Normandy and Aquitain came to be under the French and as almost all the World in old time was brought to be under the Romans or otherwise the same may come to pass by Inheritance as Aquitaine and Normandy in times past came to England and as Flanders with the States thereof came to the House of Austria and as Britany to the Crown of France or else thirdly it may happen by mixt means that is to say partly by Force and partly by other means of Composition as Millain came to Spain and Ireland to England according as the Irish do hold and so Portugal hath inour dayes come to the King of Spain for that besides his Hreâ—ence and Right of Inheritance he used also Force of Arms for getting the same Of all these three ways then evinent it is that Conquest is the hardest and most prejudicial to the Subjects for that there all standeth at the will and clemency of the Conquerour whom either Anger or Fear or Jealousy of his assurance may often drive to hold an hard hand over the Conquered at least wise for a time until his Estate be beetter settled so that I marvel not though no People or Countrey commonly would willingly be Conquered but yet Policy also teacheth such a Conquerour whatsoever he be that as on the one side it behoveth him to be watchful and so to fortifie himself as the unquiet can do him no hure so on the other side it is necessary by the same Rule of Policy to use all Favour and sweet means to content and gain those that be or may be made quiet for better establishing of his State even as a Physician after a vehement purgation doth minister lenitives and soft Medicines to calm and appease the good humours left and to strengthen the whole body that it may hold out This we see to be true not only by reason of State and Policy as hath been said but also by experience of all Countries that have been conquered in Europe or other where if the continual resisting and revolting of those that are conquered do not cause a contrary course in the Conqueror as it did in the Conquest of the Danes and Normands upon the English and in the Conquest of the English upon the British or Welsh where the often rifing of them that were overcome enforced the Nanquishers to be much more cruel and rigorous than otherwise they would have been for all our Histories do testifie that King Sweno the Dane and much more his Son King Canutus as also William the Conquerour had a great desire after their victories to have appeased and made much of the English Nation but that they were never quiet under them and so in like manner the English Kings oftentimes gave their Daughters in marriage to the Princes of Wales and many priviledges to that People thereby to gain them but that their continual Revolting caused much severity and blood-shed to be used and the like severity did they use always most favours and gave them most cause oftentimes in the very Romans towards the said Britains conquered But where the People vanquished were content to be quiet and submit themselves there the said Romans used all Favour and Moderation so as it is written of them in the first book of Macchabees Et audivit Judas nomen Romanorum quia sunt potentes viribus acquiescunt ad omnia quae postulantur ab eis That is And Judas Macchabeus heard the name and fame of the Romans how they were potent in strength and yet so gentle as they yielded to all that was demanded at their hands And finally their Government was so just considerate sweet and modest upon all Foreign Nations which they had conquered as it allured divers Nations to desire to be under them and to be rid of their own natural Kings as of the Subjects of Antiochus and Methridates Kings of Asia and Pontus we do read of some otherâ— Princes also thereby to gratifie their Subjects did nominate the Roman Empire for their Successor as did King Attalus King of Pergamus and Ptolomy of Egypt and others and it is the common opinion of Learned men that the World was never more happily governed than under the Romans and yet were they Strangers to
day though some men think that it cannot be very certain which part of the Nobility and Council will stick unto them for that many in heart are presupposed to favour the Puritan And for the Privy Council in particular though during the Princes Life their Authority be Supream yet is it not so afterward nor have they any publick Authority at all the Prince having once expired but only as Noblemen or Gentlemen according to each mans State and Calling in several and for the next Successor seeing none is known nor sworn in the Life of this Prince nor were it her safety that any should be clear it is that after Her Majesties decease every man is free untill a one wne be established by the Commonwealth which establishment doth not depend upon the appointment or will of any few or upon any mans proclaiming of himself for divers are like to proclaim themselves but upon a general consent of the whole Body of the Realm which how it will be brought to pass God only knoweth and to him we must commend it I do not know quoth he of any certain person pretendent to whom this Protestant Party is particularly devouted at this day more than to the rest though the House of Hartford was wont to be much favoured by them but of latter years little speech hath been thereof but rather of Araâ—â—lla whom the Lord Treasurer is said especially to be at this present though for himself it be held somewhat doubtful whether he be more fast to the Protestant or to the Puritan but if the Protestant Party should be divided then their Forces will be the less The Authority of Her Majesty is that which at this present overbeareth all when that shall fail no man knoweth what the event will be for that now mens hearts are hardly discerned Their Foreign Friends and Allies are of good number especially if the King of France proceed well in his Affairs and do not indeed change his Religion as he pretendeth that he will but yet if the Puritan do stand against them he is like to pull much from them both in France and Holland and as for Scotland it must needs be against them both and this in respect of his own pretence except the same be favoured by them I mean by these two Factions in England which is hardly thought that any of them both will do for the reasons before alledged though some more hope may be that way of the Puritan than of the Protestant by reason of the said Kings nearness to them in Religion The Puritan is more generally favoured throughout the Realm with all those which are not of the Roman Religion than is the Protestant upon a certain general perswasion that his Profession is the more perfect especially in great Towns where Preachers have made more impression in the Artificers and Burgesses than in the Countrey People And among the Protestants themselves all those that are less interessed in Ecclesiastical Livings or other Preferments depending of the State are more affected commonly to the Puritans or easily are to be induced to pass that way for the same reason The Person most favoured by the Puritans hitherto in common voice and opinion of men hath been the Earl of Huntington some speech of late of some diminution therein and that the Lord Beacham since his Marriage hath entâ—ed more in affection with them The King of Scots no doubt if he were not a stranger and had not the difficulties before mentioned were for his Religion also very plausible I do not hear that the Earl of Darby or his Mother is much forward with these or with the Protestant though of the latter sort some are supposed to wish them well The Friends and Allies of the Puritans abroad are the same that are of the Protestant to wit those of Holland and Zeeland and such Towns of France as follow the new King and jointly have changed their Religion which are not many for that his greatest Forces are yet those of the Roman Religion but yet if the said King prevail and persevere in his Religion which of late as I have said is called in doubt by his often Protestations to the contrary and open going to Mass then will he be able to give good assistance though both these Countries I mean both Holland and France are likes in some mens opinions to assist the Puritan than the Papist if the matter come in difference between them for that in truth they are more conform to the Puritan Religion And as for the German Cities that keep yâ—t and follow the particular form of Luther in Religion they are like to do little for either Party both for their difference from both Parties in Religion and for that they are poor for the most part and not active nor provided to give succour abroad except they be drawn thereunto by force of Money The Puritan Part at home in England is thought to be most vigorous of any other that is to say most ardent quick bold resolute and to have a great part of the best Captains and Souldiers on their side which is a point of no small moment Greatly will import among other points which way inclineth the City of London with the Tower whereof the Puritan as is said wanteth not his probability as neither doth he of some good part if not more of the Navy to be at his devotion which point perhaps at that day will be of as great consequence as any thing else And so much of him The third Body of Religion which are those of the Roman who call themselves Catholicks is the least in shew at this present by reason of the Laws and Tides of the time that run against them but yet are they of no small consideration in this Affair to him that weigheth things indifferently and this in respect as well of their Party at home as of their Friends abroad for at home they being of two sorts as the World knoweth the one more open that discovers which are the Recusants and the other more close and privy that accommodate themselves to all external proceedings of the Time and State so as they cannot be known or at least wise not much touched We may imagine that their number is not small throughout the Realm and this party for the reason I mentioned before in that the most part of the Countrâ—y-People that live out of Cities and great Towns in which the greatest part of English Forces are want to consist are much affected ordinarily to their Religion by reason that Preachers of the contrary Religion are not so frequent with them as in Towns and partly also for that with these kind of men as with them that are most afflicted and held down at this time by the present State many others do joyn aâ— the manner iâ— omnes qui amaro animâ— sâ—nt cum ilâ—s se conjungunt as the Scripture said
both of the Blood Royal they are thought to have abâ—sed themselves much by their Marriages with the two Knights Daughters Sir Richard Rogers and Sir John Spenser though otherwise both of them very worshipful but not their Matches in respect of their Kindred with the Crown yet doth the Alliance of S. John Spenser seem to bring many more Friends with it than that of Sir Richard Rogers by reason of the other Daughters of Sir John well married also to Persons of importance as namely the one to Sir George Carey Governour of the Isle of Wight who bringeth in also the Lord Hunsdon his Father Captain of Barwick two of the most important pieces that England hath And for that the said Lord Hunsdon and the Lady Knowles deceased were Brother and Sister and both of them Children to the Lady Mary Bullen Elder Sister to Queen Anne hereof it cometh that this Alliance with Sir George Carey may draw after it also the said House of Knowles who are many and of much importance as also it may do the Husbands of the other Daughters of Sir John Spencer with their adherents and followers which are neither few nor feeble all which wanteth in the Marriage of the Lord Beacham Another difference also in the ability of these two Lords is that the House of Seymers in State and Title of Nobility is much younger than the House of Stanleys for that Edward Seymer late Earl of Hartford and after Duke of Somerset was the first beginner thereof who being cut off together with his Brother the Admiral so soon as they were could not so settle the said House especially in the Alliance with the residue of the Nobility as otherwise they would and might have done But now as it remaineth I do not remember any Alliance of that House of any great moment except it be the Children of Sir Henry Seymer of Hampshire and of Sir Edward Sâ—ymâ—r of Bery Pomery in Devonshire if he have any and of Sir John Smith of Essex whose Mother was Sister to the late Duke of Somerset or finally the Alliance that the late Marriage of the Earl of Hartford with the Lady Frances Howard may bring with it which cannot be much for so great a purpose as we talk of But the Earl of Darby on the other side is very strongly and honourably allied both by Father and Mother for by his Father not to speak of the Stanleys which are many and of good Power and one of them matched in the House of Northumberland his said Father the old Earl had three Sisters all well married and all have left Children and Heirs of the Houses wherein they were married for the elder was married first to the Lord Sturton and after to Sir John Arundel and of both Houses hath lâ—sâ— Hâ—irs-male The second Sister was married to the Lord Mosley by whom she hath left the Lord that now is who in like manner hath matched with the Heir of the Lord Montegle who is likewise a Stanley And finally the third Sister was married to Sir Nicholas Poynes of Glocâ—stershire and by him had a Son and Heir that yet liveth And this by his Fathers side but no less alliance hath this Earl also by the side of his Mother who being Daughter of George Clifford Earl of Cumberland by Lady Eleanor Niece of King Henry the VII the said Lord George had afterward by a second Wife that was Daughter of the Lord Dacres of the North both the Earl of Cumberland that now is and the Lady Wharton who hereby are Brother and Sister of the half Blood to the said Countess of Darby and the Dacrâ—s are their Uncles Besides all this the States and Possessions of the two foresaid Lords are far different for the purpose pretended for that the State of the Earl of Hartford is far inferior both for greatness situation wealth multitude of Subjects and the like for of that of the Stanleys doth depend the most part of the Shires of Lancaster and Chester and a good part of the North of Wales at least wise by way of observance and affection as also the Isle of Mâ—n is their own and Ireland and Scotland is not far off where friendship perhaps in such a case might be offered and finally in this point of ability great oddes is there seen between the Lords As for their Religion I cannot determine what difference there is or may be between them The Lord Beacham by education is presumed to be a Protestant albeit some hold that his Father and Father in Law be more inclined towards the Puritans The Earl of Darby's Religion is held to be more doubtful so as some do think him to be of all three Religions and others of none and these again are divided in judgments about the event hereof for that some do imagine that this opinion of him may do him good for that all sides hereby may perhaps conceive hope of him but others do perswade themselves that it will do him hurt for that no side indeed will esteem or trust him so as all these matters with their events and consequences do remain uncertain But now will I pass to speak of the House of Clarence the chief Persons whereof and most eminent at this day are the Earl of Huntington and his Brethren the Hastings for that the Pooles and Barringtons are of far meaner condition and authority albeit the other also I mean the House of Hastings doth not seem to be of any great alliance for that albeit the old Earl of Huntington this Earl's Father had two Brethren the one Sir Thomas Hastings that married one of the Lord Henry Pooles Daughters named Montagne that was put to death which Daughter was Sister to this Earl's Mother and the other named Sir Edward Hastings was made Lord of Lowghborow by Queen Mary to whom he was first Master of the Horse and afterwards Lord Chamberlain neither of them having left issue and this is all I remember by his Fathers side except it be his own Brethren as hath been said of which Sir George Hastings is the chiefest By his Mothers side he hath only the Pooles whose Power as it is not great so what it is is rather like to be against him than with him partly for their difference from him in Religion and partly for preferment of their own Title upon the reasons before alledged By his own Marriage with the Daughter of the late Duke of Northumberland and Sister to the late Earls of Leicester and Warwick he was like to have drawn a very great and strong alliance if the said two Earls had lived and especially Sir Philip Sidney who was born of the other Sister of the present Countess of Huntington and his own Sister was married to the Earl of Pembroke that now is and himself to the Daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham Chief Secretary of the State by all which means and by all the affection and
Issue The meeting of three Houses Prince Edward Duke Edmond Lady Beatrix daughter of K. Henry 3. The Pedegree of the Dukes of Britany The great Contention between the Houses of Monford and Bloâ—s in Britany Burgundy and Orleans The controversie between the House of Monford and Blois A question about succession between the Uncle and the Niece The House of Blois overcome The succession of the Monfords in Britany Francis last Duke of Britany How the Dukedom of Britany was united to France The Issue Male of K. Henr. 3. The Bishop of Ross in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title George Lilly in fine Epitomes Chron. Anglic. That Edward was the elder Mat. West in vit H. 3. Hollingshed ibid. p. 654. Hollingsh in vit H. 3. p. 740. 777. Edmonds Line never pretended to the Crown Note this consequent The eldership of Edmond a fiction Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. The Issue of K. Edward the â— The Issue of Edmond Crouch-back Collateral Lines of Lancaster 〈…〉 of K Edward 3. The Red Rose and the White Issue of the Black Prince The Issue of Leonel the 2d Son The Issue of Edmond the 4. Son The Issue of Thomas the 5. Son The Issue of of the 3d. â—n Duke of Lancast. The Issue of L. Blanch. Lady Philippa married into Portugal and her Issue Lady Elizabeth second Daughter The Issue of K. Henr. 4. The Issue of John of Gaunt by his second Wife The controversie in Spain between King Peter the Cruel and his Bastard broohâ—r Garibay l. 15. â— 26. Of Lady Catharine Swinford Hollinshed in vita Rich. 2. p. 1088. The Duke of Lancaster 's bastards made legitimate Hollingh in vita Kich 2. pag. 1090. The issue of Katharine Swinfords children King Henry VII The Dukes of Somerset Polidor hist. Ang. lib. 23. Hollings in vita Edwardi IV. pa. 1314. 1340. What heirs of Lancaster now remain in England The Issue of the House of York Richard Earl of Cambridge executed Richard Duke of York slain Edward Duke of York and King his Issue The Line of the Pooles The Line of the Hastings The Barringtons King Richard 3. Issue of K. Henry the 7. Issue of the Lady Mary of Scotland Issue of Mary 2d Sister to K. Henry Lady Frances Stow An. 7 Edw. 6. Of Lady Eleanor of Suffolk Variety of Authors opinions about this controversie Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. initio vit Henr. 4. in vit Ric. An. 1386. The Allegations of the House of York The story of the controversie between Lancaster and York Polyd. in â—â—a Riâ—h 2. l. b. 20. King Richards deposition Chief points of the controversie between Lancaster and York Three pâ—â—â—t King Richards deposition That a 〈…〉 1. Reason 2. Authority 3. Examples Whether the causes were sufficient of King Richards deposition The Hâ—â—se of York chief 〈◊〉 in deposing K. Rich. Polyd. Hist. Angl. l. 20. Addit ad Polycronicon Testimony of Stories The evil government of K. Rich. Stow in vit Rich. 2. pag. 502. regni 11. A great insolency The evil Parliament Stow an 21 regni Rich. The Duke of Lancaster called by common request Frosard Walsingham Whether the manner of deposing K. Richard were good Arms necessary for removing an evil Prince 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 by 〈◊〉 Forces King Eglon slain in his Chamber Judg. 3. Saul put down by violence 1 Chr. 10. vers 9. Rehoboam deposed by his Subjects of ten Tribes 2 Reg. 11. 12. 2 Paralip cap. 10. Joram and his Mother Jezabel deposed by force 4 Reg. 9. Athalia deprived by force 4 Reg. 11. Whether Lancaster or York should have entred after K. Rich. Polydor l. 20. in vit Rich. Stow in vita Richardi 2. Whether 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈…〉 or 〈…〉 K. Râ—â—h The Title of York is by a Woman Stow in vit Hen. 5. an 3. regn The Earl of Cambridge executed for Conspiracy An objection for York that Edmond Mortimer was declared Heir appaâ—â—n Polyd. l. 20 Stow in vit Rich. 2. an 1385. Hollingsh in vit Rich 2. p. 1038. Stow an 1382. Polyd. l. 20 an 1394. The cause of hatred between K. Richard and the House of Lancaster John Frosard in Histor. Polydor. Hollingsh Stow in vit Rich. 2 Wâ—lâ—â—â—gh 〈…〉 2. p. 341. 3â—â— John Frosard in vit Henriet 〈◊〉 Roger Moâ—tiâ—â—â— was deâ—lâ—red Hâ—â—r 〈◊〉 Hollingsh in vit Richar. 3. p. 1406. in vit Edwar. 6. p. 1715. The declaration of K. Edw. 6. in favour of the Lady Jane Gray Girard du Haillan l. 15. his Franc. initio 〈…〉 〈◊〉 in â—â—tent Poâ—â—â—nem Câ—â—e suis leg haered The second â—â—â—mâ—le of the Uncle An examâ—plâ— of the Uncle before 〈◊〉 Nephew in Spain Garâ—bay l. 13. c. 1â— an 1276. Another example in France and Flanders Polydor. l. 15. in vit Edw. 3. Anoâ—â—eâ— example of Britany Supra c. 2. Another example â—n Scotland The contention of the Houses of â—alliol and Bruse in Scotl. Examples in England Hollingsh in vit Regis Johannis p. 142. How Arthur Duke of Britany was declared Heir apparent Polydor l. 14. Hollingsh in vit Ric. 1. p. 480. Hollingsh in vit Richardi Regis p. 496. 499. Hollingsh p. 540. Walsingh in Ypodig Neustriae Opinions of Lawyers for the Nephew and Uncle Benedict Cap. Ranutius verb. in eodem testam Baldus in lib. ut in test cap. de suis leg haered per. li. unicam pro 20. sui autem novissimo Touching the Common Law of England Different rules in succession of the Crown of other Inheritances The Common Law grounded in Custom Ancient Lawyers that defended the House of Lancaster Hollingsh in vit Henrici 6. p. 1300. The sum of this controversie repeated Other Arguments of Lancaster Stow in vit Hen. 5. p. 587. The Princes of York often attainted Stow in vit Hen. 6. York entred by violence Stow in fine vit Henrici 6. The House of York put down a Holy King Long possessions of the House of Lancaster 5. The difference of Kings of both Houses The Princes of York cruel one to the other Polydor Virg Hist. Angl. l. 24. Great union and faithfulness of the Princes of Lancaster Polydor lib. 23. Dissentioâ—s in the House of York K. Edw. 4. K. Riâ—h 3. K. Henry 8. how many he put to death of his own Kindred The de la Pools The House of Buckingham The House of Câ—urtâ—eys The House of Salisbury Seymers put to death Queen of Scots 7. Nâ— old noble House standing in England but such as took part with Lancaster Five ancient noble houses Arondel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury Houses that favoured York destroyed 〈…〉 〈…〉 Pooâ—â—◠〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and Warwick King Henry the 7. Chowned in the field in respect of the house of Lancaster only though his title that way was not great A division of the families that do pretend Of the house of Scotland Arabella In favour of the King of Scots Argument against the King of Sâ—ots The King of Scots
not of the House of Lancaster The King of Scots forrain born The controversie about forrain birth How strangers may inherit Reasons why the statute toucheth not one case The Crown not holden by allegiance 5. Reason King Henrys Testament against the King of Scots Answers to the King's Testament The King of Scots excluded by the statute of association Joyning of England and Scotland together Polyd. lib 17. in vit Edw. l. Inconveniences of bringing Strangers into England A Consideration of Importance Polyd. Hist Ang. l. 8. 9. Example of Spain Garibay l. 29. c. 42. An. Dom. 1207. Example out of Portugal Garibay l. 34. c. 38. An. Dom. 1383. Sâ—ow pa. 4. 54 59 90 76. Of â—he 〈◊〉 of Scotland Of the title of Lady Arabella An English Woman Against Arabella Not of the House of Lancaster The Testament of King Henry The countess of Darby nearer by a degree Illegitimâ—tion by â—â—sâ—ardy The Testimony of the L. William Howard Other reasons of 〈◊〉 against Arabâ—l◠〈…〉 Polyd. l. 12. Garibay l. 12. c. 42. â— The Issue of Charles Brandon Issue of Lady Frances Stow an 7. Edon 6. The Issue of the Lady Katharine The Issue of Lady Eleanor Allegations of the Houses of Darby and Hartford the one against the other Charles Brandon had a Wife alive First Bastardy against the Issue of Hartford Stow in vit Edward An. 1553. 2 Bastardy 3 Bastardy The fourth Bastardy common to both Families of Suffolk The Answer of tâ—ose of Hartford to the foresaid Bastardies Of the marriage between the Earl of Hartford and the Lady Katharine Gray How the second Son of the Earl of Hartford may be legitimate Allegations of the House of Darby Why the Earl of Huntingtonâ—â— House is 〈◊〉 to be of the House of Clarenâ—e Issue of tâ—â— House of Clâ—rence Issue of â—iâ— Geffrey Poole The interest and pretence of the Earl of Huntington Objections against the Earl â—f Huntingtâ—n Restitution may be in blâ—â—d without restitution of dignity The Pretence of the Pooles against Huntington Objections of Religion The House of Britany The course of Inheritance in the Crown of France First pretence of the Infanta to England Polyd. in vit Guil. Ruâ—â— Second pretence of the Infanta of Spain Pretence to Aquitain Polyd in vit Johan Garib in vit Alfons Pretences to England by Lady Blanch. Stow in vit Johannis Garib l. 12 c. 38. Pretence by Arthur Duke of Britany Belfor l 3. c. 71. Hist. Fran. Election of Lewis VIII to be King of England Poâ—yd l. 5. Hist. Angl. Hollings Stow in vit Johannis Belfor l. 2. c. 67. Girrard l. 5. Histor. Baudin an 891. chron France Pretence by Descent from Henry III. Admission by Composition Objections against the Infanta's pretence The Princes of Portugal are of the House of Lancaster The Issue of Lady Philippa Qu. of Portugal Issue of â—â—hn of Gaunt 〈…〉 â—ee the Arâ—â—◠〈◊〉 â—he 〈…〉 Book The point of difficulty Issue of Catharine Swinford The principal question Answer Dutchy of Lancaster The Crown An example of Edward the sixth and of the Prince of Spain 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of Portugal The Dukedom of Lancaster The Legitiâ—â—â—ion â—f Câ—thâ—rin Swinfâ—rds Chilâ—â—â—â— noâ— lawfâ—l Stow in vit Riâ—har 2. Garibay hâ—st Portugal l. 35. cap. 4. Note this example â—tow in vit Henrici 2. John of Gauntes Marriage with Catherine Swinford helpeth not the Lâ—gitimaâ—ion The Question between Lady Philippa and John of Somerset The Question between the Nephews 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 Portugal The proper Interest of King Henry the 4th cannot descend to King Henry the 7th Who are the Princes of Portugal and how they pretend â—o England The Issue of King Emmanuel of Portugal Issue of K. John the 3. of Portugal K. Lewis Father of Don Antonio K. Henry Cardinal The pretence of the Qunen Mother of France to Portugal Five Pretenders of the Crown of Portugal The contention about the Succession of Portugal Attorneys sent to Portugal A Sentence of Illâ—â—â—imation against Don Antonio Writers of this Controversy The Causes why Don Antonio was pronounced Illegitimate Don Antonio his pretence to England Three principal pretenders of Portugal Pretences of the Duke of Parma For the Dutchess of Bragansa Representation excluded A Reply for â—he Duâ—e oâ— Paâ—ma King Philip 's pretence to Portugal Divers allegations for King Philip. Hieron Frakâ— Jo. Pâ—et Vipeâ— anus The case of pretence of the House of Portugal to England An objection with the answer Objections against the Pretenders of Portugal Answers Note this By what Title King Henry VII did enter About foreign power in England About Foreign Government The occasion of the next chapter about Foreign Government Reasons against foreign Government Polit. Arist. Demosthenis Philippicae in Aeschines Attempts to deliver Realms from strangers Quint. Curt. l. 5 6. de gest Alex. Vespere Sicilianae an 1265. Leand. in descript Siciliae Polyd. l. 8. Hollings in vit Camiti The rage of the French against the English The conclusion against Strangers Authority of Scripture against strangers Deut. 15. The answer in defence of foreign Government The effect of Governments to be considered and not the Governours An Example Little importeth the Subject of what Country his Governour is so he is good 1 Reg. 12. Not the Country but the good Government importeth Note these examples Who are properly Strangers Divers manners of being under Strangers To be undder strangers by Conquest How Conquerours do proceed towards â—he Conquered Polydor Virg. l. 8. Hist. Angliae Clemensy of the Romans Lib. 1. Macchab. â—ap 8. Strangers most favoured in wise Governments Gascoynes Britons Candians States oâ— Italy The condition of the Irish under the English Of the States of Flanders Girard du Haâ—lan l. 18. an 1381. Prosperity of Flanders under the House of Austria In Guiâ—ciard nella descrittione delli pasi bassi The Authority of the Flomings at home The Indulgence miâ—d â—o offenders 〈◊〉 â—landers The Spaniard punisheth less in Italy than nearer home Vâ—ceroyes do give account of their Government Much slaughter of Nobility in England Execution of Nobility by Henry the eight Under King Edward and Queen Mary States governed happily by foreign Princes Old afflictions of Naples and Millain Whether a great or little Prince be better Pedro Mexio en vit de Antonio Piâ—â— The felicity of the Roman Government The second way of being under a foreign Prince A foreign Prince without Forces not prejudicial Note this utility of a foreign King The manner of foreign Prince more commodious for the present A third way of being under foreign Government 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Gâ—veâ—â—ent Inconâ—â—â—enceâ— of tâ—â—s Government Strange Governoâ—â—â— desired in some Realm The Answer to objections against foreign Government Answer the Grecian Philosophers and Orators Demosthenes The troublsome state of the Grecian Cities Arist. l. 2. â—olit c. 1.2 â—â—â—wer to 〈◊〉 objection out of Deuteronomy Deut. 15. Secondary Lines Ambiguity of Prevailing Two Grounds of probability of speeding Three Religions in England The great Importance of Religion in this Action The next Change like to be difficult and why The consideration of the Protestant Party The Clergy The Council and Nobility Persons designed or favoured by the Protestant Party Foreign Friends of the Protestants Of the Party Puritan Persons affected by the Puritans External Friends Lutheranâ— The Puritan at home Those of the Roman Religion Tâ—e Râ—man Party grâ—at and wâ—y 1 Reg â—2 〈…〉 Friends and Allies abroad Considerations of 〈◊〉 Pretender in particular The King of Scotland Arabella The Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby Alliance of the Earl of Darby Aâ—â—ance of the Seymers Alliance â—â— the Stanleys Aâ—lâ—ance of the old Countess of Darby The States of the Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby 〈…〉 Lords The Earl of Huntington 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 â—untingâ—â—â— The Power of London Polydor. 24 Holingshed in vita Henrici VI. The Houses of Britain and Portugal Infanta of Spain Duke of Parma The Duke of Bragansa Power of foreign Pretenders The first Conjecture that there will be War and why Sup. c. 4. A consideration to be marked The second conjecture no main Battel probable The third Conjecture who is likest to prevail For the Infanta of Spain For the Earl of Hartfod's second Son Sup. c. 6. For the Children of the Countess of Darby Garibay l. a 5. c. 36 Polydor in rit Steph.