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A48635 Observations on the letter written by the Duke of Buckingham to Sir Thomas Osborn, upon the reading of a book called The present interest of England stated written in a letter to a friend. Bethel, Slingsby, 1617-1697.; Holles, Denzil Holles, Baron, 1599-1680.; Leeds, Thomas Osborne, Duke of, 1631-1712.; Lisola, François Paul, baron de, 1613-1674. 1689 (1689) Wing L2374; ESTC R37612 25,658 54

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own Trade or Greatness for were it otherwise nothing could be more for our Security against Invasions and the Profit of England than to destroy in time the French in their Shipping and thereby in their Maritime Commerce before they are overgrown in Strength and Trade in both which from young Interlopers they are in a short time too much increased especially in our Newfoundland Fishery where they have almost eaten us out to the unspeakable prejudice of the Western Parts though that Trade was once our greatest Nursery for Seamen and might have been much more improved and is of such a Nature as the Dutch were not capable of doing us much prejudice in or at least as they never attempted to do us any The Letter reproves the Pamphlets inviting all Princes into the Triple League scoffing at it as absurd the League being now determined and to evince the Error gives this account of the League That the French King being entred Flanders with a very powerful Army the Kings of England Sweden and the States of Holland entred into a Confederacy with design to force the French to make Peace upon such Terms as should be proposed by them and therein wisely to prevent the growing Greatness of France and at the same time the Confederates made Articles amongst themselves to help one another in case any of them should be invaded for having made this League either by the French King the King of Spain or any of their Allies and upon the acceptance of the Articles proposed the Confederates became their Guarranty or Sureties for performance of them on both sides And now this being the State of the Case where the Absurdity or Bull lies in making no distinction between the Triple League and the Guarranty of the Peace is beyond my apprehension for the League as is confessed being made to induce that is to force the French King to a Peace the King of Spain who was Invaded standing in no need of Compulsion and the Confederacy continuing for warranting of the said Agreement which in effect is no less than an honest and prudent League for keeping the French within tolerable Bounds and Limits and for the assistance of each other against any that should endeavour to revenge this Confederacy the Triple League seems to me as it is confessed by the Letter it self at the lower end of Page 15. to be still in being and the Expression to be as properly used as that of Guarranty as being one and the same thing for the Guarranty aiming at the same end the League doth and being one Article of the Confederacy the Triple League must be still in being as well as the Guarranty And surely it was the last Session of Parliament thought so to be when Money was desired for maintaining of it But this Sir is not worth contending about for the matter being clearly laid down by the Letter the judgment of it is left to your self As I am no Statist nor pretender to it so it concerns not me to enquire further into the Articles agreed on by his Majesty with the Swede and Dutch than is made publick nor in the least to attempt the Censuring any Action of State for that shall always be Foreign to me but yet I presume I may without offence say it doth not appear to me as it doth to the Author of the Letter that the Emperor and Princes of Germany could not have been taken into the Triple League by the Confederates without engaging to assist them upon occasion against the Turk for as we find that it hath been ordinary for Princes to limit and proportion their Leagues according to their Interests so it is irrational to do otherwise And it doth not follow that because it is the Interest of the Emperor and Princes of Germany to enter into a League with other Princes for keeping the French King from unjustly incroaching upon his Neighbours that therefore those Princes contrary to their manifest Interest should enter into a League with them against the Turk But I Honour the Author of the Letter for the care he expresseth to have for the prevention of War to this Nation and for the rest and quiet of the poor People of England Page 9. The Pamphlet not being concerned in the complaint against those that blame the breach with Holland because of the Tripple League I shall pass that over agreeing fully with the Author that Self-preservation is chiefly to be preferred Salus Populi suprema Lex The Author of the Letter in his treating of the Interest of England hath several Observations and Notions deserving consideration which I shall reduce to these six Heads following First That our Increase in Power since the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous Memory is not proportionable to the increase of the Dutch Page 12. Secondly That the Dutch being so powerful at Sea as they now are may by joyning with the French whenever they will agree upon it endanger the Conquest of England and keeping to themselves the most considerable parts in it for Trade being Masters at Sea provide for their own Security against the greatness of France Page 12. Thirdly That it is not Wisdom for any Nation to have its Safety depend upon the Prudence of another as in relying upon its being against the Interest of Holland to Invade England because they may mistake their Interest Page 12. Fourthly That a Conquest of England being made the Dutch Government being more easie and indulging Trade than the Arbitrary and Severe Regiment of France as also their Religion concurring more with ours than that of France the Trading Party of England would be likelier to close with the first than the latter and for the like Reason should Holland be ever in danger of a Conquest by the Conjunction of England with France they would rather choose to become part of the English Government than submit to the Power of France For that their joyning with us and therein making it as much our Interest to promote their Trade as the Trade of any other Nation may answer that Objection That their fear of our obstructing their Trade will make them averse to us Page 13. Fifthly That it is not probable that the Dutch will ever agree to put themselves under the Dominion of the French who will not trust them without such Advantages as may compel them to observe their Promises as the other will never give them such a Power lest they should make a corrupt use of it Page 14. Sixthly That considering the Situation and Constitutions of England a Coalition with us would prove more acceptable and advantageous to them than any Terms they can expect from the French and that should we get no more than the Maritime Towns and the French all the rest of the States Dominions we should have no cause to repent our Bargain Page 14. These Notions contain the substance of that part of the Letter which treats of the Interest of England the first of which I
Increasing our Home and Foreign Trades for which we have natural Advantages above any other Nation Thirdly and Lastly By our Strength which Trade will increase To make use of it together with the helps that God and Nature hath given us in our Situation and otherwise in keeping the Ballance amongst our Neighbours For if the Province of Holland which is but Four hundred thousand Acres of Profitable Ground is by the benefit of Trade able to do so much as we experienced the last War what might we do if Trade were improved who have much more Advantages for it than they have I ascribe what was done by the Netherlands in the late War to the Province of Holland because that though the Provinces are Seven in number Hollands due proportion of all Charges is 58⅓ in a hundred to all the others 41⅔ of which 41⅔ Holland gets little more than 20 honestly paid them insomuch that it alone may be reckoned to bear four Fifths in an hundred to one Fifth that all the other six bears And how Prodigious a thing is it that Holland no bigger than as before mentioned should be able to cope with England Scotland and Ireland and that though their Charges in the late War was abundantly greater than ours yet by their good Management to be so little the worse for it that at the conclusion of the War to have their Credits so high that they could have commanded what Money they had pleased at Three in the Hundred and all this by the meer additional Benefit of Trade and good Order and how by Cromwell's indiscreet neglecting of Trade and choosing War when he was in Peace did he miss the true Interest of England as by his ill-founded designs he did the Interest of the Reformed Religion For if he had succeeded in his unjust Invasion of the Spanish Territories in the W●st-Indies as God seldom prospereth dishonest Undertakings it being intended for a State Acquisition the Benefit would not have been diffusive but chiefly to himself and Favourites and prejudicial to the People in general though at the Expence of their Substance the Acquests would have been made For had he met with so much Success in the gaining those Countries and in them that Plenty of Gold and Silver as he vainly hoped for we should have been as unhappy in them in the Depopulating of our Countries by the loss of the multitude of People that must have been sent thither and in impoverishing our Nations by the vast Charge of a continual War as Spain is and to no other end than the making of him only Rich able to Inslave the remaining People and to make himself Absolute over them for the preventing of which in such Tyrants as Cromwell surely Moses had an Eye when he said that they should not greatly multiply Silver and Gold. And thus as Cromwell's designs must to an impartial Judgment appear to have been laid some Dishonestly others Impolitickly and all contrary to the Interest of the Kingdom so the Issue of them was damageable to the People of England As First In his sudden making a Peace with Holland so soon as he got the Government without those Advantages for Trade as they who beat them did intend to have had as their Due and just Satisfaction for their Charges in the War. Secondly In his War with Spain by the loss of that Beneficial Trade to our Nation and giving it to the Hollanders by whose hands we drave during the War the greatest part of that Trade which we had of it with Five and twenty in the Hundred Profit to them and as much Loss to us Thirdly By our Loss in that War with Spain of 1500 English Ships according as was reported to that Assemby called Richard's Parliament Fourthly In the Disgracefullest Defeat at Hispaniola that ever this Kingdom suffered in any Age or Time. Fifthly and Lastly In spending the Great Publick Stock he found and yet leaving a vast Debt upon the Kingdom as appeared by the Accompts brought into Richard's Assembly which had I believe been yet much higher but that they who under him managed the Affairs were a sort of People who had been long Disciplin'd before his time to a Principle of Frugality and against Cheating though at Cousening the Poorer People for their Masters Benefit some of them were grown as Dexterous as if they had been bred in the Court of Spain For besides imposing Richard upon the People after his Father's Death by a Forged Title according to the very Law they took to be in being when by his Assembly they were ordered to bring in an Accompt of the Receipts and Payments of the Kingdom they made about Sixty thousand Pounds spent in Intelligence whereas it cost not above Three or Four thousand at most and calculating the rest by these it may well be concluded that they were expert in their Trades It is confessed that Oliver's Peace and League with France was upon Honourable Articles but as the tottering Affairs of France then stood much more could not have been sooner asked than had For Mazerine being a Man of a large and subtle Wit apprehending the Greatness of England at that time which was then dreadful to the World and the vast Advantages France would have in pulling down by their help of Spain granted him not only any thing for the present that he demanded but disregarded also even his Parties making their boasts of the awe he had him under considering that when Cromwell had helped him to do his work in bringing under the House of Austria and therein casting the ballance of Christendom on his side he should afterwards have leisure to recover what then he seemed to part with And though nothing is more ordinary than to hear Men brag how Oliver vapoured over France I do esteem Mazerine's complying with him for his own ends to be the Chief Piece of all his Ministry For by that means only and no other is his Master become so great at this day that no Factions at home can disturb his Peace nor Powers abroad frighten him which is more than any King of France since Charles the Great could say And when his Neighbour Nations have too late I fear experienced his Greatness they will find cause to Curse the Ignorance of Oliver's Politicks and therefore when a true measure is taken of Cromwell the approbation that he hath in the World will not be found to have its Foundation in Sense or Reason but proceeding from Ignorance and Atheism From Ignorance in those that take all that was done by him as a Servant and whilst under the direction of better Heads than his own to be done by him alone And from Atheism in those that think every thing lawful that a Man doth if it succeed to his Advancement But they that shall take an impartial View of his Actions whilst he was a Single Person and at liberty to make use of his own Parts without control will find nothing worthy Commendations