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A47883 A memento, directed to all those that truly reverence the memory of King Charles the martyr and as passionately wish the honour, safety, and happinesse of his royall successour, our most gratious sovereign Charles the II : the first part / by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1662 (1662) Wing L1270; ESTC R19958 132,463 266

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Elizabeth At That Time it was Principally that the English took the Scotch D●s●ase and upon the Peace brought it with them into England whereof we have abundantly tasted the blessed Fruits ever since Let such as are curious of Particulars look into the 11. 16. 31. and 36. of that Queens Reign and see what Prodigious Haeresies what Seditious Opinions and Practices what desperate Libels and Sermons proceeded from That Schismaticall Separation At length by an Exemplary Severity upon Hackett and Barrow she gave her self some Quiet Upon King Iames his coming to the Crown of England they Try'd Him too but when they fell to Scruplize about the Surplice and the Crosse in Baptism The King having first Choak'd them in Points more Materiall to make short work of it tells them 'T was Obstinacy not Tendernesse bids them Conforme at Perill For the Perill-sake They did Conforme and so That Prince was Quiet But though no Flame Appear'd the Fire was not Extinct but prudently Conceal'd and Cover'd in the Embers And now Succeeds King Charles the Martyr under the Disadvantages First of a Great Debt and a present Necessity Secondly of a Natural so void of Guile as hardly to believe that there was such a thing in Nature which made him somewhat apt to Credit And the Third Disadvantage was his Inexperience of That Faction which he was now to Cope with Upon his coming to the Crown Hee Calls a Parliament Tells them his wants which They knew of Themselves to be exceeding Great and Pressing Their Answer was in effect that Petitions were to precede Subsidies And thereupon Two they presented The One for Religion the Other concerning Grievances and to Both These his Majesty gave ample and Particular Satisfaction which in stead of Thankfulnesse and Supply produced only Expostulation and Boldnesse So high already were they Flown as to resolve upon a Remonstrance foul upon the Memory and Government of the Father and Imposing upon the Authority of the Son which mov'd the King to Prevent That Affront by Dissolving That Parliament This was in August 1625. See but how Great a Confidence did This small yielding give them And Thence wee 'll Date the History of his ensuing Troubles Marque forward how they grow upon him and abuse his aptnesse to comply with Them In Febr. following meets a Second Parliament wherein a matter of Three Moneths were spent in a Debate betwixt the King and the Lords concerning the Privileges of the House of Peers The Commons having in the Interim a Committee for Religion at work to spy Faults where at last was Retriv'd a Letter under the Signet for the Reprieve of some Iesuites c. and This Reported to the House by Mr. Bim These Petulancies did not at all discompose the King but he calmly again Sollicites them for Mony The Fleet being in great distresse and ready to Mutiny for want of Pay In stead of being Supply'd his Majesty is insufferably Affronted Particularly by Mr. Clement Coke and Doctor Turner of whom he compleins but without obteining satisfaction save upon such conditions as were utterly inconsistent with his Royalty In fine This Parliament prepares another Declaration of the same Stamp with the Former and so they are Dissolved too These Disappointments they knew must needs put the King upon Extraordinary wayes to furnish himself for the Present and that at the last his recourse must be to a Parliament into which they were sure to be Chosen and easily foresaw that the Greater his Majesties Necessities were the more Argument would there be for Compleint In This Intervall the King was left to his Choice of These Two Evills whether he would hazzard the Revolt of his Navy and the putting of his Kingdomes into a Flame for want of Mony or venture at some uncommon way of Raysing it This extremity puts him upon his Commissions of Loan Privy Seals A Project of Levy by Excize Nay such was his Necessity that he was fain to Part with 21000 li. per Annum of his own Lands to the Common-Counsell of London only for 120000 li. together with some other Debts of his Fathers which they Hedg'd and bought in for little and clapp'd upon his Majesties Accompt to the Uttermost Farthing The Loan was much Opposed and who but the Refusers of This Loan were the Popular men for the Next Parliament which was Summon'd to meet in March 1627. Accordingly they Meet and the King minds them of their Past Faylings and their Present Duties in a Speech worthy of the Prudence and the Majesty of a Great Prince In This time sayes the King of Common Danger I have taken the most Antient Speedy and Best way for Supply by calling you together If which God forbid in not contributing what may answer the Quality of my Occasions you do not your Duty it shall suffice I have done mine in the Conscience whereof I shall rest Content and take some other Course for which God hath empowred Mee to Save That which the Folly of Particular men might hazzard to Lose Take not This as a Menace for I scorn to Threaten my Inferiours but as an Admonition from him who is Ty'd both by Nature and Duty to provide for your Preservation This Tast of the Kings Mettle gave them to understand that Rufling would not do their work and put them rather upon a semblance of Closing with him But with Regard still to Their Trust and that the People might be as well Eas'd as his Majesty Supply'd Which being formally resolv'd upon and that the Kings Wants and the Subjects Grievances should march hand in hand By an Unanimous Vote they granted his Majesty Five Subsidies who being too syncere to take That Bounty for a Bait even Wept with Ioy at the surprize of a Kindnesse so unexpected But This is but the Guilding of the Pill now comes the Poyson Upon the Motion of Sir Edward Coke was fram'd The Petition of Right which Passes the House of Commons but Sticks with the Peers as utterly Destructive of the Prerogative Royall without a Salvo Whereupon they offer This Addition We present This our humble Petition to your Majesty not only with Care to Preserve our own Liberties but with regard to leave entire That Sovereign Power wherewith pour Maiesty is trusted for the Protection Safety and Happinesse of your People But this Addition was not for Their Turn whose businesse was more to Depresse the King and Advance Themselves then to provide for the Freedome of the People And in fine the Commons adhering after a long struggle it pass'd the Lords House without Amendment In regard that we are now upon the very Crisis of King or No King we shall be a little the more Particular After Five Dayes Consideration thereupon the King returns This Answer The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm and that the Statutes be put in Execution that Subjects may
them The Parliament was first in Danger the City Next and Then the Nation and as their Ielousies Encreas'd so must Their Forces till by Degrees they grow to an Army The King and his Adherents they call the Common-Enemy whom they Invade and Vanquish Here 's their work done in short what have they now to fear Only New-Modelling or Disbanding A blessed Translation of the Government from the Rule of the Law to the Power of the Sword and There to abide till One Army be remov'd by Another That is the Tyranny abides no matter tho' under several Formes and Tyrants Our LEGIONS of the Reformation were Rays'd by certain Rebellious Lords and Commons and Seconded by the City of London Wee 'll see now how they behav'd themselves towards their Masters and Friends In 1647. the Army Reformes and Purges the House Presses their Dissolution Seizes their General Pointz in the North Squeezes and Menaces the City of London Marches up to it and in Triumph through it Takes Possession of the Tower Charges the Maior with divers Aldermen and Citizens of High-Treason Alters their Militia's and Common-Counsel and finally gives the Law to the House and That to the Nation In Decemb. 1648. the Army gives the House another Purge and the year following Cromwel himself had like to have been out-trick'd by the Levellers about Banbury In 1653. The Army Casts off the Ol● Conventicle and up goes Oliver who calls Another only to get a Taxe and a Title and when They had done the One half and made way to the Other off goes That too The Next was call'd in 1654. another after That in 1656. and Both were serv'd with the same Sauce If Cromwell could as easily have moulded the Army as That did the House his businesse had been done with half the Ceremony but Mony was Their business and Kingship His so that they help'd him in the One and Cross'd him in the Other In Septemb. 1658. Oliver Dies and Then they are Richard's Army whose puisne Highness must have His Parliament too They meet and notwithstanding a huge Pack of Officers and Lawyers the Vote prov'd utterly Republican and Friend neither to Single-Person nor Army Now Richard takes his turn but first down goes his Parliament and for a while the Army-Officers undertake the Government Some Ten dayes after up with the Rump again and then they 're Lenthall's Army which in Octob. 1659. throws out the Rump and now they 're Fleetwood's Army Enter the Rump once more in Decemb. and once more the Army comes about again The Rump's next Exit is for ever March the 16. 1660. Behold the Thorough-Reformation and every Change Seal'd with a Sacrament to have been an Act of Conscience and guided by a Divine Impulse Behold the Staff of the Rebellion both the Support and Punishment of it a Standing Army While Plots could either be Procured or credibly suggested the Innocent were their Prey and when That entertainment fayl'd them they worryed one-another never at Peace betwixt the Stri●e first to Subject the Nation and Then to Govern it So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest however Disagreeing among Themselves their first work being only to Destroy the King and This was the Composition of the first Army From Killing they Proceed to take Possession and here Ensues a greater Difficulty A Force is Necessary still but the State of the Dispute being Chang'd the Former Mixture is not for their present purpose the Conspiratours that agreed to overthrow the Government being now Divided who shall Enjoy it Hereupon they fall to Sorting and Purging of Parties the Independent at last carrying it and Oliver in the Head of them After this Decision of the Contest betwixt the Two Factions the Army it self divides and Cromwell is now more puzzled with the Private Contrivements of his own Officers then he was before with the open Power of his profess'd Enimie for they are cleerly for his Ruling with them but not over them so that unless ●e can both Uphold them for his Security and Modell them for his Design he does nothing In Both He labour'd and beyond Question Di'd in the Despaire of perfecting Either finding upon Experience that his Ambition was as Intolerable to his Party as the Charge of Continuing his Army was to the Publique and what the Latter was wee 'll read in own words deliver'd at a Conference April 21. 1657. The present Charge sayes he of the Forces both by Sea and Land including the Government will be 2426989 l. The whole present Revenue in England Scotland and Ireland is about 1900000 l. I think this was Reckoned at the Most as now the Revenue stands Why now towards This you settle by your Instrument 1300000 l. for the Government and upon That Accompt to maintain the Force by Sea and Land and This without Land●Taxe I think and this is short of the Revenue that now may be Raised by the Government 600000 l. because you see the Present Government is 1900000 l. and the whole Summe which may now be Raised comes of the Present Charge 542689. And although an End should be put to the Spanish Warr yet there will be a Necessity of the Preservation of the Peace of the Three Nations to keep up the Present Established Army in England Scotland and Ireland and also a considerable Fleet for some good Time untill it shall please God to Quiet and Compose Mens Minds and bring the Nation to some better Consistency so that Considering the Pay of the Army coming to upwards 1100000 l. per annum and the Government 300000 l. it will be necessary that for some convenient Time seeing you find things as you do and it is not good to think a Wound healed before it be that there should be Raised over and above 1300000 l. the Summo of 600000 l. per annum which makes up the Summe of 1900000 l. That likewise the Parliament declare how far they will carry on the Spanish War and for what Time and what farther Summe they will raise for the carrying on the same and for what Time and if these Things be not Assertained as one saith Money is the Cause certainly what ever the Cause is if Money be Wanting the business will fall to the ground and all our Labour will be Lost and therefore I hope you will have a care of our Vndertakings How many Souls Lives Millions and Noble Families How well a Temper'd Government How Gracious a Prince and happy a People were by This Cursed Army Destroy'd will need no more then their own Consciences to determine when Divine Vengeance shall call them to a Reckoning It brought forth briefly the worst of Crimes and Mischiefs without the least Tincture of a Comfort or shadow of a Benefit Nor was it likely to do other if we consider either the
upon his Subjects As to the Rest if the Prince finds The Temper of the People Peevish and Factions Boyling such as no Clemency and Goodnesse can Engage the lesse Subject for Clamour he leaves them 't is the Better and if upon Convening he finds the Mixture Petulant and Soure he may with the lesse noise Dismisse them According to the Choyce of Persons will be the Menage of Affaires The Publique Good Particular Iustice and the Dignity of the Assembly will be the Chief Care of a good Choyce but if the Choyce be Bad These Noble Offices and Regards will be the Least part of their Businesse They fall then into Partialities and Sidings Helpe mee to day and I 'll helpe you to morrow Acts of State will be Biass'd by Particular Interests Matters Concluded by Surprize rather then by any formal Determination and the Reverence of Order and Reason will be dash'd out of Countenance by the Voicings of Faction and Clamour As Politique Bodies have no Souls so Publique Persons should have no Bodies but leave those Impediments of Iustice and Distractions of Counsell Project and Passion at the Dore of the Senate In short where such a Partiality happens as we here Imagine the Two main Mischieves are These The Iniquity of the end or the Disorder of the Means The Former may in some Measure be Prevented by an Oath to deal ●prightly but the Grand Failing was in the Election The Latter may be Regulated by such a Clearnesse of Rule and Methode together with such a Strictnesse in the Observation of That Rule that both Every man may know his Duty and no man dare to Transgresse it But Concerning the Subject Matter now of their Consultations There lies the Perill when they come to reach at Affairs Forreign to their Congnisance The Hazzard is This stepp by stepp They Encroche upon the Sovereign Clayming a Right to One Encrochement from the President of another So that Meeting with an unwary Prince they Steal away his Prerogative by Inches and when perchance His Successour comes to resume his Right That Pilfery is call'd the Liberty of the Subject and There 's a Quarrell started betwixt the King and his Subjects Then comes the Doctrine in Play that Kings are Chosen for the Good of the People and that the Discharge of that Trust and Care is the Condition of his Royalty The very Truth is All Government may be Tyranny A King has not the Means of Governing if he has not the Power of Tyrannizing Here 's the short of the Matter We are certainly Destroy'd without a Government and we may be Destroy'd with one So that in Prudence we are rather to chuse the Hazzard of a Tyranny then the Certainty of being worry'd by One-another Without more words The Vulgar End of Government is to keep the Multitude from Cutting one anothers Throats which they have ever found to be the Consequence of Casting off their Governours When Popular Conventions have once found This Trick of gaining Ground upon the Sovereign they catch their Princes commonly as they do their Horses with a Sive and a Bridle a Subsidy and a Perpetuall Parliament If they 'll take the Bit they shall have Oates But These are the Dictates of Ignorance and Malice for such is the Mutuall Tie and Interest of Correspondency betwixt a Monarch and his People that Neither of them can be safe or Happy without the Safety and Felicity of the Other The best way to prevent the Ill Consequence of the Peoples Deputies acting beyond their Crbe is Clearly and Particularly to State Those Reserves of the Prerogative with which they are not to Meddle And so wee 'll put an End to This Section and Chapter CAP. XI Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Advantages of the Government of England with some Observations upon The present Juncture IN the Two last Chapters next antecedent to This we have at Volly discours'd the Rise Progresse and in some sort the Remedies of Seditions without particular Application to Times Persons or Places It is our Present Purpose to bring the Question nearer Home by Looking a little into the Providence and Wisdome of our Forefathers The Happy Constitution of the English Government And Then we must not passe This Late Degenerate Race of Cannibal-Christians without a Word or Two From Whence to the Distracted Iuncture we now live in and There wee 'll Finish Very Prudent and Effectuall both for the Preventing and Suppressing of Seditions was the Provision of This Nation till the Authority of the Prince was shoulder'd out by the Insolency of the People who of the Happiest Subjects in Nature as well in Respect of the Prince as of the Government worthily became the most Prostitute Slaves to the Basest of Tyrannies and of Tyrants The Principall Courses employ'd for the Prevention and Discovery of Practices against the State were These First the Custome of Fridborghes so call'd before the Conquest and Frank-pledges since which was beyond Doubt an Incomparable Expedient an Invention I dare not call it for it 's Originall may be ascribed rather to a Necessity then Contrivance This was a Custome that obliged every Free-man at the Age of Fourteen years either to find a Surety for his fidelity to the Publique or to suffer Imprisonment Whereupon so many Neighbours to the Number of Ten or a Dozein became Bound one for another and each Particular both for Himself and his Fellows which Combination they call'd a Pledge The Condition was This. If any man Offended and Run away The ●est stood engaged either to bring him forth within 31 dayes or else to answer for his Offence And that none might scape it was imposed upon the Sheriff at every County Court to take the Oath of Persons as they grew up to the age of Fourteen and to see that they were all entred in some Pledge or Other So that upon any misdemeaner and escape the Magistrate had but to enquire into what Pledge the Offender was entred Oathes of Allegeance were also to be given in the Court-Leets to all Males of above Sixteen And Enquiries twice a year in the same Courts A Charge was given by Judges of the Kings Bench to the Grand Jury Impannell'd at Westminster as also by Them and other Judges of Assize in their Circuits twice a Year in every County to enquire of Treasons Seditions and Conspiracies Add to These the Care of the Statutes of 2 E. 3. cap. 3. 7 R. 2. cap. 13. 20 R. 2. cap. 1. that no man should come or go Armed before the Justices By the 17 of R. 2. cap. 8. and 14 ● 4. cap. 7. The Iustices of Peace shall enquire of Riots and Unlawfull Assemblies and arrest the Offenders Beside the Dreadfull Penalties in case of Treason and the Severity of the Law in cases of Misprision of Treason Were but This Vigilance duly employ'd who would venture his Head upon so desperate a Hazzard Nor was
Particular Every single Person has Nine Spies upon him Another means which as I hear is now in Agitation may be the Assurance both of Reward and Pardon to the First Discoverer of a Conspiracy though one of the Complotters and This by Proclamation Sir Francis Bacon ' s advice is that the King either by himself which were the Best or by his Chancellour should make use of the Iudges in their Circuits Charging them at their Going forth according to Occurrences and receiving from them a Particular Accompt at their Return home They would Then sayes he be the best Intelligencers of the True State of the Kingdome and the surest means to prevent or remove all growing Mischieves within the Body of the Realm To These Generall excogitations of Prudence somewhat of more Particular relation to the matter in Question might be admitted as ●●rst an Expresse Abrenunciation of Their Cause and Covenant They do not Deserve their Lives sure that refuse to confesse their Fault As to the Relief of Distressed Royallists I speak of such as want almost to the Degree of Perishing and there are many such 'T is but time Lost to Hunt for new wayes of Device and Project when every Bush is Beat already If it migh but now seem as Reasonable to allow them the Benefit of Forfeitures made since the Act of Indemnity as it did erewhile seem Convenient to debar them of all Remedy for Injuries suffered before it That might in some Proportion stay their Barking stomacks or at least yield them This spiteful Comfort not to fall Alone But possibly if This Course were Experimented it would afford more then the World Imagines I should End this Chapter here but that before I break off This Discourse I think 't is ●it to give some Reasons why I undertook it First it may serve to Those in Power as a Memorial or Note of certain Particulars which deserve not to be Neglected or Forgotten Next it may serve to instruct the People concerning the true Cause of some Miscariages which Popular and Licentious Ignorance is but too apt to place elsewere for in Truth there are many peevish Circumstances which the Discreet Pause upon and the Vulgar neither like nor understand In the Last Place I reckon my self bound by my Duty to the King and Nation not to conceal what I have here Declar'd And Particularly That Treasons are Encouraged by Impunity The Offenders Countenanced and brought off The Prosecutours Menaced and the most Pestilent Enemies of the last King as good as Protected in their Seditious Practises against This. If This falls into a Good hand good use may be made of it for I doe not speak at Guesse However at the worst Our Cause is the same Our Duty the same and our Affections ought to be the same The Sun is not lesse kind because his Influence may be intercepted by a Fogge which Time will certainly dissolve Nay and perchance Discover over and above that some of Those Blazes which the Common People take for Stars of the first Magnitude are in Effect but Comets Portents of That Mischief which they seldome live to see Accomplish'd But enough of These ungratefull and Seditious Machinatours against Their Prince and their Preserver And so from These Indignities against the Son wee 'll passe to Those Fatalities that made way to the Ruine of the most Pious Patient Mercifull and yet Murther'd Father CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King CHARLES the MARTYR TO see an Imperial Prince Unking'd Arraign'd and Beheaded with all Formalities of Law and Iustice by his own Subjects and Those too People of sworn Faith and Holinesse Can any man forbear Demanding For what Prodigious Reasons so horrible an Action was Committed Was it for Religion No Hee Dy'd a Martyr for that Cause which to maintein They Sware they Fought Was it for Tyranny of Government Neither for ere the Warr began he had granted more in Favour of the Subject then all his Ancestours put them together Was it for Cruelty of Nature No nor That I can scarce call to Mind where ever he deny'd his Grace to any man that besought him for it unlesse where Mercy had been a sinne and where his Power was stinted by his Conscience Was it for want of skill to Rule or Courage to Protect his People For That his very Murtherers acknowledg'd him a Prince of singular Abilities and Valour And touching his Morals or Devotions Malice it self could never deny That King to be a Person of a most Regular Piety and restrein'd Appetite How came it then that a Prince Authorized by his Birth Sacred by his Office Guarded by his Laws Religious in his Practice Gracious in his Nature Temperate in his Likings and lastly Accomplish'd in his Person should come to Fall in the Heart of his Dominions before the Gates of his own Palace and by the Hands of his own People But Christ himself was Crucify'd Ambition drives Furiously and in the way to a Crown Those Christian Rubbs of Conscience or Humanity are not so much as Bulrushes In fine That Blessed Martyr's Actions were so Innocent they were fain to Quarrell with his Thoughts and for want of Faults to ruine him by abusing his Virtues This we shall manifest to have been Their Practice But wee 'll first take a short View of their Approches Never since Calvin bound the Head of the Holy Discipline was ever any Monarch Quiet that admitted it 'T is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy And the Ground it gets is not so much by working upon the Iudgment as upon the Good Nature of Princes It Looks so Sillily and Beggs so Heartily 't is a hard matter to resist so great an earnestnesse accompanyed with so little shew of Danger If They are Repuls'd Good God! they cry That any man should go about to Damne so many Thousand Souls for such a Trifle when 't is come to That once 't is gone too far for such an Exclamation is enough to raise a Tumult King Iames his Answer to Knewstubb upon the Conference at Hampton-Court was as it should be and no Prince ever had a Truer measure of Sir Iohns Foot then himself Knewstubb desir'd to know how far an Ordinance of the Church was binding without offence to Christian Liberty The King turns quick upon him Le Roy s' avisera says he Wee 'll no more of Those Questions How far you are bound to Obey what the ●hurch has once Ordeyn'd Had he dealt otherwise his Majesty had given the Presbyterian the first Hold. At the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth brake forth Those Broyles in Scotland wherein the Lords of the Congregation so was the Faction distinguish'd Deprived the Queen-Regent by the Approbation and Advise of Willock and Knox to whom the Case was Refer●'d The French assisted the Queen D●wager and the Lords of the Revolt were for some Reasons of State assisted by Queen